1979 - Tratado de Paz Israel-Egipto (26 mar)

Resumen

Fuente: Ministerio AAEE de Israel y Avalon Project - En el 35º aniversario del Tratado, los Archivos del Estado de Israel hacen una publicación especial de Documentos relacionados con el Tratado y las negociaciones que condujeron al mismo. - En el 25º aniversario se publica este documento con relatos sobre la cumbre.

Durante la Conferencia de Camp David, que Beguin dijo que debiera llamarse la Conferencia de Jimmy Carter (vídeo), en los jardines de la Casa Blanca en Washington DC y con el Presidente de EEUU Jimmy Carter de testigo, Israel, representado por Menajem Beguin, y Egipto, representado por Anuar el Sadat, firman un tratado de Paz el 26 de marzo de 1979, dieciséis meses después de la visita de Sadat a Israel (vídeos de los discursos de Carter, Beguin y Sadat durante la cena de estado tras la firma).

Martin Kramer traza un interesantísimo paralelismo entre Beguin y Sadat, de quienes Carter dijo: "Eran totalmente incompatibles".

Contiene nueve artículos, un anexo militar, otro sobre las relaciones entre las partes, unas actas para la interpretación del articulado, entre ello la de su artículo 6 sobre el calendario de retirada, intercambio de embajadores, disposiciones sobre seguridad y el acuerdo relativo a conversaciones sobre autonomía; esto último incluido en una carta del Presidente Sadat y el Primer Ministro Begin al Presidente Carter.

A los principios de Camp-David de 1978 se agregaban aspectos que habían quedado sin resolver en anteriores sesiones, como el compromiso egipcio de encumbrar el pacto de paz con Israel, supeditando al mismo los acuerdos que había firmado con otros organismos o países. De esta forma, los acuerdos árabes para boicotear a Israel debían ser anulados por Egipto.

El mismo día, en un Acuerdo Israel-EEUU independiente pero complementario, EEUU describe sus compromisos con Israel en caso de violación del tratado, el papel de NNUU y la futura asistencia militar y económica a Israel.

Estados Unidos se comprometía a premiar económicamente a israelíes y egipcios, y aseguraba a Israel la cobertura de sus necesidades petrolíferas del país.

La Knésset (el parlamento israelí) aprobó el Acuerdo de Paz con Egipto por una mayoría de 95 votos a favor, 18 en contra y 2 abstenciones. Los acuerdos de paz aislaron a Egipto, por unos años, del resto del mundo árabe. 

La OLP rechazó los acuerdos de Camp-David y en especial, los acuerdos que se referían al programa de autonomía para los palestinos. El líder de la OLP, Yasser Arafat dijo:

"Que firmen lo que les plazca. La falsa paz no durará". 

Beguin estaba convencido que Egipto mantendría una posición pacifica, al menos, durante los 3 años que duraría la retirada israelí del Sinaí. Con respecto a la ejecución de la autonomía palestina, se hacía cada vez más evidente que a Beguin le resultaba imposible impulsar una anexión de facto de Judea, Samaria y la Franja de Gaza y, a la vez, impulsar su programa de autonomía en momentos en que los palestinos seguían declarando que su portavoz era la terrorista OLP.

El 6 de octubre de 1981 fue asesinado el Presidente de Egipto, Anwar Sadat, a manos de los islamistas de su país. Su sucesor, Husni Mubarak anunció que su gobierno continuaría respetando los acuerdos firmados por Sadat.

En Into the Fray: Begin – in retrospect (Martin Sherman, Dec 8, 2011) se hace una evaluación retrospectiva del papel de Beguin en estos acontecimientos y sus consecuencias.

Antecedentes

Text

The Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Government of the State of Israel;

PREAMBLE

Convinced of the urgent necessity of the establishment of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East in accordance with Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338;

Reaffirming their adherence to the "Framework for Peace in the Middle East Agreed at Camp David," dated September 17, 1978;

Noting that the aforementioned Framework as appropriate is intended to constitute a basis for peace not only between Egypt and Israel but also between Israel and each of its other Arab neighbors which is prepared to negotiate peace with it on this basis;

Desiring to bring to an end the state of war between them and to establish a peace in which every state in the area can live in security;

Convinced that the conclusion of a Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel is an important step in the search for comprehensive peace in the area and for the attainment of settlement of the Arab- Israeli conflict in all its aspects;

Inviting the other Arab parties to this dispute to join the peace process with Israel guided by and based on the principles of the aforementioned Framework;

Desiring as well to develop friendly relations and cooperation between themselves in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the principles of international law governing international relations in times of peace;

Agree to the following provisions in the free exercise of their sovereignty, in order to implement the "Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty Between Egypt and Israel";

Article I

Article II

The permanent boundary between Egypt and Israel in the recognized international boundary between Egypt and the former mandated territory of Palestine, as shown on the map at Annex II, without prejudice to the issue of the status of the Gaza Strip. The Parties recognize this boundary as inviolable. Each will respect the territorial integrity of the other, including their territorial waters and airspace.

Article III

Article IV

Article V

Article VI

Article VII

Article VIII

The Parties agree to establish a claims commission for the mutual settlement of all financial claims.

Article IX

Annex I

Protocol Concerning Israeli Withdrawal and Security Agreements

Article I. Concept of Withdrawal

Article II. Determination of Final Lines and Zones

Article III. Aerial Military Regime

Article IV. Naval Regime

Article V. Early Warning Systems

Egypt and Israel may establish and operate early warning systems only in Zones A and D respectively.

Article VI. United Nations Operations

Article VII. Liaison System

Article VIII. Respect for War Memorials

Each Party undertakes to preserve in good condition the War Memorials erected in the memory of soldiers of the other Party, namely those erected by Egypt in Israel, and shall permit access to such monuments.

Article IX. Interim Arrangements

The withdrawal of Israeli armed forces and civilians behind the interim withdrawal line, and the conduct of the forces of the Parties and the United Nations prior to the final withdrawal, will be governed by the attached Appendix and Map 2.

Appendix to Annex I. Organization of Movements in the Sinai

Article I. Principles of Withdrawal

Article II. Subphases of the Withdrawal to the Interim Withdrawal Line

Article III. United Nations Forces

Article IV. Joint Commission and Liaison

Article V. Definition of the Interim Buffer Zone and Its Activities

Article VI. Disposition of Installations and Military Barriers

Disposition of installations and military barriers will be determined by the Parties in accordance with the following guidelines:

Article VII. Surveillance Activities

Article VIII. Exercise of Egyptian Sovereignty

Egypt will resume the exercise of its full sovereignty over evacuated parts of the Sinai upon Israeli withdrawal as provided for in Article I of this Treaty.

ANNEX II

Map of Israel-Egypt International Boundary

 ANNEX III

Protocol Concerning Relations of the Parties

Article 1. Diplomatic and Consular Relations

 The Parties agree to establish diplomatic and consular relations and to exchange ambassadors upon completion of the interim withdrawal.

Article 2. Economic and Trade Relations

Article 3. Cultural Relations

 Article 4. Freedom of Movement

 Article 5. Cooperation for Development and Good Neighborly Relations

Article 6. Transportation and Telecommunications

Article 7. Enjoyment of Human Rights

The Parties affirm their commitment to respect and observe human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, and they will promote these rights and freedoms in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

Article 8. Territorial Seas

Without prejudice to the provisions of Article 5 of the Treaty of Peace each Party recognizes the right of the vessels of the other Party to innocent passage through its territorial sea in accordance with the rules of international law.

AGREED MINUTES

 Article I

 Egypt's resumption of the exercise of full sovereignty over the Sinai provided for in paragraph 2 of Article I shall occur with regard to each area upon Israel's withdrawal from the area.

Article IV

 It is agreed between the parties that the review provided for in Article IV (4) will be undertaken when requested by either party, commencing within three months of such a request, but that any amendment can be made only by mutual agreement of both parties.

Article V

 The second sentence of paragraph 2 of Article V shall not be construed as limiting the first sentence of that paragraph. The foregoing is not to be construed as contravening the second sentence of paragraph 2 of Article V, which reads as follows: "The Parties will respect each other's right to navigation and overflight for access to either country through the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba."

Article VI (2)

The provisions of Article VI shall not be construed in contradiction to the provisions of the framework for peace in the Middle East agreed at Camp David. The foregoing is not to be construed as contravening the provisions of Article VI (2) of the Treaty, which reads as follows: "The Parties undertake to fulfill in good faith their obligations under this Treaty, without regard to action of any other Party and independently of any instrument external to this Treaty."

Article VI (5)

It is agreed by the Parties that there is no assertion that this Treaty prevails over other Treaties or agreements or that other Treaties or agreements prevail over this Treaty. The foregoing is not to be construed as contravening the provisions of Article VI (5) of the Treaty, which reads as follows: "Subject to Article 103 of the United Nations Charter, in the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Parties under the present Treaty and any of their other obligations, the obligation under this Treaty will be binding and implemented."

Annex I

 Article VI, Paragraph 8, of Annex I provides as follows:

 "The Parties shall agree on the nations from which the United Nations forces and observers will be drawn. They will be drawn from nations other than those which are permanent members of the United Nations Security Council."

The Parties have agreed as follows:

 "With respect to the provisions of paragraph 8, Article VI, of Annex 1, if no agreement is reached between the Parties, they will accept or support a U.S. proposal concerning the composition of the United Nations force and observers."

Annex III

The Treaty of Peace and Annex III thereto provide for establishing normal economic relations between the Parties. In accordance herewith, it is agreed that such relations will include normal commercial sales of oil by Egypt to Israel, and that Israel shall be fully entitled to make bids for Egyptian-origin oil not needed for Egyptian domestic oil consumption, and Egypt and its oil concessionaires will entertain bids made by Israel, on the same basis and terms as apply to other bidders for such oil.

 For the Government of Israel (Menajem Beguin)

 For the Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt (Anuar el Sadat)

Witnessed by:

Jimmy Carter

President of the United States of America

Acuerdo complementario Israel-EEUU

En un acuerdo separado - Israel-US Memorandum of Agreement - suscrito el mismo día que el Acuerdo de Paz Israel-Egipto, los EEUU fijaron sus compromisos con Israel para el caso de que el tratado fuera violado, el papel de NNUU y el futurso suministro de ayuda militar y económica a Israel.

Declaraciones

Primer Ministro de Israel Menajem Beguin

En la cena del 26 de marzo de 1979

Vídeo del discurso de Beguin en la cena celebrada al concluir las negociaciones.

En la Knésset el 7 de mayo de 1979

Fuente: Ministerio de AAEE de Israel

In the traditional policy address to the Knesset, given by the Prime Minister upon the return of the Israeli Parliament from its spring recess, Mr. Begin reviewed the dramatic events of the recent weeks and issued a call to the President of Lebanon and to other Arab leaders to follow the example of President Sadat and meet with him for peace negotiations. 

Statement in the Knesset by Prime Minister Begin at the opening of the Knesset's summer session, 7 May 1979

Excerpts:

Dr. Majid, the Egyptian delegate to the UN, handed the Secretary General a document in which he spoke of the "restoration of Arab Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty." Yesterday we instructed our UN delegate, Dr. Yehuda Blum, to hand the Secretary General, for circulation among member states, an Israeli document which states: "Jerusalem is and shall forever remain one city indivisible, the eternal capital of our nation, as it -was since King David transferred his kingdom's capital from Hebron to Jerusalem over 3000 thousand years ago. "Under Israel's sovereign jurisdiction, absolute free access to the holy places has been and shall forever be guaranteed to Jew, Christian and Moslem. This was not so during the 19 years of Jordanian occupation, throughout that era Jews could not pray at the Western Wall as was their wont for generations. "Now and forever, there shall be no man - whatever his religion - who will be prevented from worshipping at his holy site."

Mr. Chairman, the normalization process in Israel-Egypt relations is progressing. When I was in Cairo, I met with President Sadat and we concluded that as El Arish will be handed back to Egyptian sovereignty, the two of us shall proclaim open borders between the two states and the determination of direct air corridor - over Sinai - between Cairo and Ben Gurion airport. This we shall do on 27 May, when we meet in El Arish.

I wish to inform the Knesset that not only will the President of Egypt and the Prime Minister of Israel, together with the Foreign, Defence and Interior Ministers meet, but wounded soldiers of Egypt and Israel will also meet. The fighters will shake each others hand and will say to each other - No more War.

A ship flying the Israeli flag, called "Ashdod", recently sailed through the Suez Canal. Why? The first paragraph which went into effect upon the ratification states: "The state of war between the parties will be terminated and peace will be established -between them upon the exchange of the instruments of ratification of this treaty."

I wish to explain to the Knesset that this paragraph was proposed by us and met for some time during the negotiations with an opposition by the other party. The Egyptian delegation at the time did not want to accept the phrase dealing with the end of the state of war. We insisted on this formula, as we read a large number of peace treaties and in all of them as a principle in international law, when a peace treaty is signed, the first paragraph says that the state of war has terminated. This had and has practical significance...

There was a visit of the Defence Minister to Egypt. He was, received by President Sadat, the Prime Minister and the Egyptian Defence Minister. The talks he held were successful and advanced the peace making process in word and deed. I state with much satisfaction that the Defence Minister was warmly received not only by the Egyptian government but also by thousands of the Egyptian people, in Cairo as well as in Alexandria.

The Joint Military Commission, sitting in El Arish, began its work and it is conducting direct negotiations without a third party intervention and without a third party representative chairing the meetings. The chairmen rotate, and this joint, commission is busy at work on the implementation of the peace treaty in both the military and the civilian spheres.

Soon the Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces will visit Egypt with senior officers of our army. This, too, will be a step towards the normalization of Egypt-Israel relations.

In the near future the Deputy Prime Minister will visit Egypt at the personal invitation of President Sadat; the Foreign Minister at the invitation of Egypt's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and the Ministers of Agriculture and Energy as well. We shall, naturally, warmly receive the colleagues of these ministers who shall represent Egypt. Talks will be held between representatives of the two countries in areas relating to their specific activities, and thus we shall advance the peace process.

Mr. Chairman, with the signing of the peace treaty between ourselves and Egypt, a fundamental change in our country's international standing has occurred. We signed a peace treaty - not a cease fire, not an interim agreement, but a peace treaty with the largest and most powerful of our neighbours. The population of all our neighbours is barely half of that of Egypt. This is a turning point in the history of the Middle East. True, for the attainment of this lofty goal, making peace and signing a peace treaty between ourselves and Egypt, we made precious sacrifices. The negotiations lasted fourteen months and were tiring, there were ups and downs, hopes and frustrations, difficulties as well. But we signed a peace treaty, we concluded a chapter in the annals of Israel, we opened a new chapter in our national existence.

Mr. Chairman, I come now to explain the principles of Israel's policy towards Lebanon. Firstly, I am honoured to invite Lebanon's President, Mr. Sarkis, to come to Jerusalem to meet with me. For my part, I am prepared to leave in a civilian plane for Beirut. The subject of our conversation, whether held in Jerusalem or in Beirut or in a neutral place will be one: the signing of a peace treaty between Lebanon and Israel. I announce on behalf of the government of Israel that our state has no territorial claims in Lebanon. We uphold the territorial integrity and state sovereignty of Lebanon .... We are prepared to sign a peace treaty on the basis of the Israel-Lebanese borders. This goal can be achieved in but few days. This is my call to the President of Lebanon and its government....

Thirdly, murderous attacks on Israel and on Jews from Lebanese territory. We shall not tolerate, under any circumstances, a situation in which murderers, baser than at any time since the Nazis, shall operate, shedding innocent blood of men, women and children. And in Beirut they continue to boast of these murders and promise to continue and to intensify them. There are those who make these repeated announcements, and they must realize their consequences. We shall not wait for another incident. After Nahariya, the murderers' organizations announced that they will continue their barbarous acts. This is the constant threat of terrorist actions. We shall hit these murderers at all times, in all places, with all our might, by sea, by air, by land, until they are no longer able to carry out their murderous schemes against Israelis only because they were born Israelis, against Jews because they were born Jewish. We shall give them no rest. We know where their headquarters, artillery and arsenals are. We shall strike to destroy and scatter them, the enemies of mankind, commanded by the Palestinian "Iddi Amin" - Yasser Arafat. I wish to inform the Knesset that yesterday we struck at the murderers, and only half an hour ago we again struck at them and all our aircraft, thank god, returned safely. We shall give these murderers no rest until they end murderous acts in our country and the murder of Jews...

Fourthly, Mr. Chairman, Israel desires cooperation with all of the units of UNIFIL, the force fulfills an important role in Lebanon...

Fifthly, the Syrian occupation forces must leave Lebanese territory and return to their country, Syria. This army of occupation is no longer under the guise of a Pan Arab peace keeping force. The Saudis have already left Lebanon, as did the Kuwaitis. There remain only the Syrians with their Soviet tanks and artillery, with which they wreack havoc from time to time upon the civilian population, men, women and children who live in Lebanon and are of the Christian faith. I fully agree with President Sadat who stated that the Syrian occupation of Lebanon, is according to him, a fiasco, or failure, and is the source of all trouble in Lebanon. Damascus must put an end to this failure and the sooner the better.

Sixthly, Mr. Chairman, we, the small Jewish state, rescued the ancient Christian community in northern Lebanon and the Christians and Shiite Moslems in the south from the danger of genocide. Let it be written in the annals of nations: great and mighty Christian nations did nothing to prevent the crime of genocide on their correligionists. And as usual, the UN stood idly by. We aided and shall continue to help the Christians and Shiites to maintain their lives in security and peace. The government headed by MK Yitzhak Rabin, started this blessed activity. The present government continued and intensified it, and if need be, will intensify it in the future. Let it be known that because of our aid we can influence our Christian friends in Lebanon. We cannot give them orders. One day Major Haddad said: "We are not a part of America. and neither of Israel. Our lives are on balance. We shall decide." I accepted this statement with respect and understanding, and I suggest to all of us to take it in this vein. We shall continue to influence, when need be, to prevent unnecessary conflicts. But all the factors in and out of the UN must know, as I wrote in my letter of reply to the appeal of the UN Secretary General, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and to the Prime Ministers of Norway and Eire, that the Lebanese Christians are fighting for their lives and we cannot give them directives.

But in Damascus and in Beirut there are plots being hatched against the life of Major Haddad, a Lebanese patriot, as he was termed by our Defence Minister - a brave fighter for the existence of his community. They seek his life. I myself heard these threats. Therefore I shall reiterate to all factors what I said to the U.S. ambassador to Israel, Mr. Lewis, in a formulation known to every educated American from the days that preceded the Freedom Act of Abraham Lincoln: "As far as Major Haddad is concerned, we shall, under no circumstances, sell him down the river..."

Anuar El Sadat

En la cena del 26 de marzo de 1979

Vídeo del discurso de Sadat en la cena celebrada al concluir las negociaciones.

Presidente de EEUU Jimmy Carter

Conferencia de prensa del 25 de marzo de 1979

The President's News Conference (March 25, 1979):

EGYPTIAN-ISRAELI PEACE TREATY

Q. Mr. President, Bill Sims, Wycom Corporation, Laramie, Wyoming. First of all, forgive me, sir, before my question, if you could leave a little piece of paper with your name on it at the podium, a big fan of yours would love to have it. [Laughter]

My question, sir: With sometimes conflicting reports coming from the Middle East almost daily, how can the American public be sure that the agreement you will sign this week is not just window dressing? Sir, does this agreement really have meaningful significance to the world?

THE PRESIDENT. I think perhaps a hundred years from now, 50 years from now, what occurs tomorrow may be the most significant occurrence during my own term of office as President. We are a nation at peace. It's a notable achievement for a country as large as ours to be at peace.

In the Mideast, war there not only afflicts the lives of everyone involved, but it's a constant constraint on the quality of life when the people in Egypt, people in Israel—who deeply desire to live in harmony with their neighbors—have never been able to do it since Israel was founded.

When I go back 8 or 9 months to assess what did exist then and see where we stand now, it's almost unbelievable. Sadat said when I was in Egypt recently that what we achieved at Camp David was a miracle, that he never expected either Egypt or Israel to reach an agreement when he went there.

I think that we now have a posture where our excellent friends, the Israelis, and our excellent friends, the Egyptians, can be friends with one another. We're going to have a short period of time—I believe it will be short—with threats and posturing and possibly some acts of terrorism mounted against [by] those who oppose peace in the Middle East.

But my belief is that if we can open those borders and have thousands of students going back and forth between Cairo and Jerusalem, and Tel Aviv and Alexandria, and tourists going to visit the Pyramids and coming to see the Dead Sea Scrolls, and open trade and commerce, that the people themselves will so deeply appreciate the difference in their quality of life and their attitude toward life, that no matter who the leaders might be in the future, this peace will be permanent.

We're going to not stop here. We've got to address the very difficult question of the Palestinian problem.

The Israelis are committed to this proposition, the Egyptians are committed to this proposition, and so are we. But I think as we let the other Arab entities-the PLO, Jordanians, Syrians, Lebanese, Iraqis—see the tremendous benefits of the peace between Israel and Egypt, it's going to be much easier to bring them in the process and therefore achieve what I dream about—which may not come during my own term of office, but I'll continue to work for—and that is a comprehensive peace throughout the Middle East.

So, I think it is very significant, it is permanent, it's a first step. But as Sadat says, it's a foundation for what we all dream for—that comprehensive peace in the Middle East. I think it's a very good step.

Conferencia de prensa del 10 de abril de 1979

The President's News Conference (April 10, 1979):

MIDDLE EAST

Q. Within the last few hours, Mr. President, a terrorist bomb was exploded in Tel Aviv, and Israel has bombed Lebanon. Isn't there likely to be even more violence in the Middle East than there was before the treaty, and what can you do about it? And would you be willing to stop arms sales, all arms sales to the Mideast?

THE PRESIDENT. First, I would not be willing to stop all arms sales to the Middle East, because I think the countries there must have an adequate means of defending themselves—Israel, Egypt, and others.

Secondly, I believe that the terrorist bombing is a longstanding problem. It's not something that just has arisen because the treaty has been signed. I think the terrorism threats are counterproductive. My own hope is that the best way to alleviate this constant dependence on death and hatred and destruction and terrorism is to prove the viability and the advantages of the peace process.

I would like to see, as early as possible, but by the end of next month, all the borders open between Israel and Egypt, a free passage of students and tradesmen, diplomats, tourists, and for the demonstrated advantages to Israel and Egypt to be very apparent to the citizens of Jordan and Syria and Lebanon and to the Palestinians, wherever they live, hoping to convince them that that's the best approach to achieve their own purposes and goals-that is, peace and a realization of the right to control their own future.

But I don't think there's any doubt that terrorism will continue in the coming months. I hope it will wane as it's proven that the peace treaty is permanent and that it is going to work.

An immediate step that will tend to convince everyone that it is permanent and cannot be disrupted by terrorist acts will be the quick ratification of the treaty by the Egyptian Parliament and the exchange of the documents themselves. And then the return of El Arish and the first part of the Sinai to Egypt—I think that will be a step in the right direction.

Conferencia de prensa del 30 de abril de 1979 sobre la política israelí sobre los asentamientos

The President's News Conference (April 30, 1979):

ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY

Q. Mr. President, the Israeli Cabinet has recently approved two new settlements on the West Bank. In light of the enormous cost to the United States of implementing the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, isn't it reasonable to expect the Israelis to cease from settlement policy which violates international law? And secondly, why should the American people pay for policies of the Israelis that undermine the peace process and run counter to American foreign policy?

THE PRESIDENT. Well, the position of the United States historically has been consistent, and my own position on settlements in the West Bank, Gaza area and on the Golan Heights, and in the Sinai have my position has been consistent. The Israeli Government knows perfectly well, after hours of discussion on this issue, what my position is.

We do consider the creation of Israeli settlements in these areas as being inconsistent with international law, and, as I've said many times, they are an obstacle to peace. Knowing that, the Israeli Government still on occasion authorizes new settlements. They interpret the law differently from myself.

I hope that the Israeli Government will severely restrain any inclination, either approved by the Knesset or done without legal sanction, in establishing new settlements. But there is a limit to what we can do to impose our will on a sovereign nation.

Conferencia de prensa del 29 de mayo de 1979

The President's News Conference (May 29, 1979):

THE MIDDLE EAST

Q. Mr. President, on the Middle East, sir, is it feasible in your view to expect the Palestinians and other Arab nations to join the peace process as long as the United States does not put forward some of its own ideas in greater detail about what autonomy is going to look like on the West Bank and Gaza?

In other words, as long as the Israelis are continuing to say there will be no Palestinian homeland, there will be no entity linked or unlinked to Jordan, there will be no Palestinian state, is it not incumbent on the United States, again in this peace process, to come forward with some ideas of its own in order to encourage the Palestinians to join in?

THE PRESIDENT. We've never been reticent about putting forward our ideas both to the Israelis and the Egyptians and to others about what ought to be done in the West Bank, Gaza area. We've never espoused an independent Palestinian state. I think that would be a destabilizing factor there.

I believe the next step ought to be the exchange of views during the negotiations between Israel and Egypt. We will observe the different proposals that are inevitably going to be made; some of them have been described publicly. Then later on, after the negotiations proceed as far as they can do with any degree of momentum, we will reserve the right—requested, I might say, by both Israel and Egypt— to put forward United States proposals to break a deadlock or to provide a compromise solution.

We have been involved in that kind of process both at Camp David and when I went to the Middle East. I think that's one of the reasons that we've been as successful as we have so far.

But for us to preempt the negotiations by putting forward, to begin with, an American proposal, I think, would be counterproductive, and it would remove some of the reasonable responsibility that ought to be directly on the shoulders of Prime Minister Begin and his government and President Sadat and his government.

I might say that this past weekend, I talked personally to President Sadat and to Prime Minister Begin and, this morning, to Secretary Vance. And they were all very pleased and very excited not only at the progress made in El Arish and Beersheba but also at the attitude on both sides toward a constructive resolution of these very difficult issues.

So, at this point, I feel very hopeful that both sides are negotiating in good faith. We'll be there to help them when they need our help.

Conferencia de prensa del 9 de octubre de 1979

The President's News Conference (October 9, 1979):

THE MIDDLE EAST

Q. Mr. President, on the Middle East, sir, is it feasible in your view to expect the Palestinians and other Arab nations to join the peace process as long as the United States does not put forward some of its own ideas in greater detail about what autonomy is going to look like on the West Bank and Gaza?

In other words, as long as the Israelis are continuing to say there will be no Palestinian homeland, there will be no entity linked or unlinked to Jordan, there will be no Palestinian state, is it not incumbent on the United States, again in this peace process, to come forward with some ideas of its own in order to encourage the Palestinians to join in?

THE PRESIDENT. We've never been reticent about putting forward our ideas both to the Israelis and the Egyptians and to others about what ought to be done in the West Bank, Gaza area. We've never espoused an independent Palestinian state. I think that would be a destabilizing factor there.

I believe the next step ought to be the exchange of views during the negotiations between Israel and Egypt. We will observe the different proposals that are inevitably going to be made; some of them have been described publicly. Then later on, after the negotiations proceed as far as they can do with any degree of momentum, we will reserve the right—requested, I might say, by both Israel and Egypt— to put forward United States proposals to break a deadlock or to provide a compromise solution.

We have been involved in that kind of process both at Camp David and when I went to the Middle East. I think that's one of the reasons that we've been as successful as we have so far.

But for us to preempt the negotiations by putting forward, to begin with, an American proposal, I think, would be counterproductive, and it would remove some of the reasonable responsibility that ought to be directly on the shoulders of Prime Minister Begin and his government and President Sadat and his government.

I might say that this past weekend, I talked personally to President Sadat and to Prime Minister Begin and, this morning, to Secretary Vance. And they were all very pleased and very excited not only at the progress made in El Arish and Beersheba but also at the attitude on both sides toward a constructive resolution of these very difficult issues.

So, at this point, I feel very hopeful that both sides are negotiating in good faith. We'll be there to help them when they need our help.

The President's News Conference (October 9, 1979):

PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION

Q. Mr. President, a question on the Middle East. Do you agree with those such as former Ambassador Andrew Young and George Ball and others who say that it is now time to do away with the restrictions put on our foreign policy by Henry Kissinger and open up a dialog with the Palestinians and the PLO?

THE PRESIDENT. No, I do not. We will not negotiate with the PLO. We will not recognize the PLO until after the PLO recognizes Israel's right to exist and endorses United Nations Resolution 242 as a basis for Middle East peace.

FRANK CORMIER [Associated Press]. Thank you, Mr. President.

Otros

The State of the Union Address Delivered Before a Joint Session of the Congress (Jimmy Carter, January 23, 1979)

The State of the Union Address Delivered Before a Joint Session of the Congress (Jimmy Carter, January 23, 1980)

The State of the Union Annual Message to the Congress (Jimmy Carter, January 16, 1981)

United States. President (1977-1981 : Carter), Jimmy Carter, United States. Office of the Federal Register - Office of the Federal Register, National Archives and Records Service, General Services Administration, 1977 - Biography & Autobiography

Otros Documentos relevantes

Documento preparatorio dirigido al Presidente de EEUU elaborado para el equipo negociador americano antes de la cumbre.

Fuente: Ministerio de AAEE de Israel

Los siguientes documentos deals predominantly with the evolution of Israel-Egypt relations after the signing of the peace treaty in March 1979. Attention is paid to the progress of the autonomy negotiations, the visits of President Navon and Prime Minister Begin to Egypt and those of President Sadat to Israel, and in the annexes, a number of key Israel-Egypt agreements are fully reproduced. Israel's struggle in the United Nations General Assembly, Security Council and various UN organs, is also highlighted as most of the Arab states continued to undermine Israel's position in the UN and to attack the Camp David Accords and the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty. They were, at times, aided by European initiatives. There is also material dealing with the situation in Judea and Samaria and in Jerusalem.

Cronografía de la época 1979-1980

LIST OF DOCUMENTS

ANNEXES

Puesta al Día

Encuesta sobre los 'enemigos' percibidos por el pueblo egipcio (BBC, November 1, 2006) que origina Rethinking the Egypt-Israel "Peace" Treaty (Daniel Pipes, November 21, 2006) que es completado con The Egypt-Israel "Peace" Treaty: Updates Daniel Pipes (November 21, 2006) con puestas al día que llegan a 2011.

Los Levantamientos en Egipto, de comienzos de 2011, que, en el marco de lo que se ha llamado la Primavera Árabe, acaba con la caída de Mubarak, junto al Acuerdo Fatah-Jamás para formar un gobierno de unidad palestino de mayo de 2011, también tensan fuertemente la situación del Acuerdo de Paz Israelo-Palestino.

La llegada al poder en Egipto de la Hermandad de Musulmanes en 2012, junto al significativo incremento de la infiltración de terroristas, fundamentalistas y traficantes de armas y personas en el Sinaí y el aumento de los ataques terroristas en y desde la zona, tensa al máximo la presión sobre el Tratado de Paz: Sinai, the New Egypt, and the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty (Alan Baker, August 22, 2012).