Embedded Files
Resumen
Resumen
Fuentes
Fuentes
Fuentes Primarias y Secundarias
Denominación
Denominación
La guerra es conocida:
por los israelíes como
Guerra de la Independencia (מלחמת העצמאות, Miljemat ha-'Atzmaut) o
Guerra de Liberación (מלחמת השחרור, Miljemat ha-Shejarur), como la denominaron los del Palmaj, o
Guerra de Soberanía (מלחמת הקוממיות, Miljemat ha-Kommemiut; aunque literalmente se traduzca como Soberanía o Establecimiento, su traducción no acaba de ser satisfactoria, pues en realidad significa algo más vago y difícil de transmitir; lo más parecido es Guerra de Liberación, como dijimos antes, pues expresa el principal resultado de la misma: el logro de la soberanía judía, como dice Anita Shapira); así la denominó Ben-Gurión;
por los palestinos como El Desastre (النكبة, al-Nakba);
por los árabes en general como la Guerra de 1948 o Primera Guerra Palestina, en ambos casos, con una indicación numérica, sin poner enfásis en los resultados de la misma sino en el anticipo de que sería una de muchas; y
en general, también como Guerra Árabe-Israelí de 1948.
Intro
Intro
En la imagen, mapa de Israel después de los armisticios de 1949.
La guerra empezó oficialmente el 15 de mayo, un día después de que Israel declarase su independencia y el mismo día en que los británicos terminaron de abandonar Palestina a la conclusión de su Mandato.
Ese día, la Liga Árabe declaró la guerra a Israel y anunció sus intenciones de restaurar el status quo previo a la partición, esto es, acabar con el estado de Israel. Como resume Martin Kramer:
El mismo 15 de mayo, el Ministro de Exteriores de Egipto comunica oficialmente al Consejo de Seguridad de NNUU (su cable, S/743):
Al día siguiente el Rey Abdullah de Transjordania hace lo mismo mediante un telegrama que envía al Secretario General de NNUU. Éste, Trygve Lie, escribiría (In the Cause of Peace, 1954):
El mismo 15 de mayo, tras el comienzo de la invasión árabe, Ben-Gurión se dirige por radio a la nación:
"Un día después del establecimiento del Estado de Israel, Tel Aviv ha sido bombardeada por aviones egipcios. Nuestros artilleros derribaron uno de los aviones. Su piloto fue hecho prisionero y el avión añadido a nuestra naciente Fuerza Aérea. También hemos recibido informes de que nuestro país está siendo invadido por norte, este y sur por los ejércitos regulares de los estados árabes vecinos. Encaramos unos momentos preocupantes y peligrosos. El Gobierno Provisional ya se ha quejado al Consejo de Seguridad por la agresión cometida por miembros de Naciones Unidas y por el aliado de Gran Bretaña, Transjordania. Es inconcebible que el Consejo de Seguridad vaya a ignorar estos actos injustificados, que violan la paz, la ley internacional y las decisiones de NNUU. Pero nunca debemos olvidar que nuestra seguridad depende en última instancia de nuestra propia fuerza.
Es responsabilidad de cada uno de nosotros, y de cada cuerpo municipal, tomar medidas defensivas adecuadas, como construir refugios antiaéreos, cavar trincheras, etc. Debemos concentrarnos especialmente en componer una fuerza de choque militar capaz de rechazar y destruir las fuerzas enemigas donde quiera se encuentren."
No obstante, lo cierto es que la Guerra había empezado meses antes, incluso antes de la Resolución 181 de la Asamblea General de NNUU sobre la Partición, de 29 de noviembre de 1947, con constantes escaramuzas de guerra civil entre las partes, incluidos milicianos y fuerzas irregulares de los países árabes que habían entrado en Palestina.
Así, la primera fase de la Guerra, lo que se ha llamado Guerra Civil, se inicia con los primeros ataques de violencia y terrorismo provocados por milicianos musulmanes palestinos e irregulares árabes, fundamentalmente contra el tráfico en las vías de comunicación judías (ejes Tel Aviv-Jerusalén y Haifa-Tel Aviv). En esta fase, y hasta primeros de abril de 1948, los judíos adoptaron una actitud básicamente defensiva, en la mayoría de los casos con meras acciones de represalia, en general contra los autores de los previos actos terroristas; actitud que cambia radicalmente a partir del 1 de abril de 1948 cuando adoptan una estrategia ofensiva. Esta fase de Guerra Civil terminó el 15 de mayo con la entrada en Palestina de los ejércitos regulares de los estados árabes vecinos, que marca el inicio de la fase convencional de la Guerra.
Aunque hacia meses que habían infiltrado tropas en territorio palestino, el 15 de mayo Siria e Iraq, que hasta entonces se habían reprimido de actuar con sus ejércitos regulares por temor a los británicos (aunque sí habían enviado voluntarios que llevaban meses en el interior bajo el paraguas del Ejército de Liberación Árabe, ELA, promovido por la Liga Árabe), lideran formalmente la invasión, seguidos por la Legión Árabe transjordana, entrenada y comandada por oficiales británicos, y voluntarios adscritos a la Hermandad Musulmana egipcia, el primer movimiento fundamentalista islámico contemporáneo.
Líbano tiene una participación muy menor y apenas testimonial, básicamente para evitar las críticas de los otros países árabes, aunque sí facilita su territorio para la circulación de otros luchadores, principalmente los sirios e iraquíes y los milicianos del ELA. Egipto no pudo resistirse y temiendo el expansionismo de los otros estados árabes, especialmente de Transjordania, se sumó apresuradamente a la guerra. En la guerra participan voluntarios de otros países, destacadamente libios, saudíes y yemeníes, pero también marroquíes, yugoslavos y de otros países.
Partes y Fases de la Guerra
Partes y Fases de la Guerra
Así, se puede decir que la Guerra tuvo dos partes fundamentales:
primero, la Guerra Civil, desde semanas antes de la resolución 181 de la Asamblea General de NNUU sobre la partición de 27 de noviembre de 1947; y,
luego, la Guerra Convencional, desde la declaración del estado de Israel (14 de mayo) y el fin del mandato (15 de mayo) hasta comienzos de 1949 y, formalmente, hasta la firma de los armisticios.
Y ambas partes tuvieron varias fases claramente diferenciadas.
Guerra Civil (nov 1947 a 14 mayo 1948)
de nov 1947 a finales de marzo de 1948: los judíos a la defensiva contra los ataques de los árabes palestinos y unos pocos miles de milicianos árabes extranjeros integrados en el Ejército de Liberación Árabe;
de abril al 15 de mayo de 1948: los judíos pasan a la ofensiva y ganan territorios antes de la declaración de independencia.
Guerra Convencional (15 mayo 1948 a 20 julio 1949)
del 15 de mayo al 11 de junio de 1948: invasión de los estados árabes vecinos. Los judíos consiguen contener el ataque de los ejércitos regulares vecinos, inicialmente mucho mejor armados que ellos y más numerosos, que apenas logran mantener posiciones dentro de la zona asignada a los árabes en la Partición, salvo mínimas conquistas extraterritoriales de unos y otros. Al final de este período, los judíos están mucho mejor armados que al principio y son más numerosos. De aquí al final de la Guerra nunca perderán la iniciativa.
del 11 junio al 8 julio de 1948, Primera Tregua, con embargo de armas y prohibición de la inmigración. Todas las partes la reciben como agua de mayo pues estaban agotados; los judíos la aprovechan bien para rearmarse y aumentar sus fuerzas humanas (saltándose eficazmente el embargo y la prohibición) y reorganizarse; los árabes egipcios, en sus propias palabras, pierden el tiempo en bravuconadas y jolgorio; los sirios la aprovechan bien para reforzar sus posiciones en la Galilea Oriental, especialmente alrededor del Lago Hula.
del 9 julio al 18 de julio, cuando durante "Diez Días" se reanuda la Guerra, hasta que NNUU impone la segunda tregua; en esos "diez Días" los frentes siguen diversa suerte:
en el Sur, Egipto adelantó su ataque al 8 de julio, aunque le valió de poco, pues al cabo de los diez días la cosa siguió, en lo esencial, como estaba, con ligera mejora de las posiciones judías;
en el Norte la lucha fue más importante:
en la Galilea Occidental, donde son los judíos quienes reanudan las hostilidades (Operación Palmera, Mivtza Dekel), también adelantándose unas horas a la expiración de la tregua, con el objetivo de extender lo más posible su territorio hacia el este, haciéndose con Nazaret y sus alrededores, donde había muchos hombres del ELA, para rodear y acabar con éste.
en la Galilea Oriental, la Operación Cipreses (Mivtza Brosh) de los judíos acaba con las cosas más o menos como empezaron, con los sirios logrando en lo esencial mantener sus posiciones;
en el Centro, donde los judíos hacen su máximo esfuerzo (Operación Dani, Mivtza Dani) con el objetivo primario de capturar Ramla-Lydda y, más ampliamente, capturar y limpiar de posiciones árabes toda la ruta de Tel Aviv a Jerusalén y las colinas que la rodean por el norte, de Latrún a Ramala, para lo que deben enfrentarse con la Legión Árabe jordana; todo ello con el objetivo de defender Jerusalén Oeste, y mantenerlo unido al estado judío, y evitar posiciones de ataque contra Tel Aviv desde el este.
del 18 de julio al 14 de octubre de 1948: Segunda Tregua impuesta por NNUU; durante ella el 17 de septiembre el LEHI mata al conde Bernadotte, mediador de NNUU.
del 15 al 22 de octubre de 1948: en el Sur, usando como excusa un ataque egipcio contra un convoy israelí que pretendía comunicar con el enclave israelí en el Neguev, los israelíes atacan a los egipcios, conquistando el norte del Neguev y, así, uniendo el cuerpo central del estado judío con su enclave, que llevaba aislado desde comienzos de la Guerra (Operación Yoav); al tiempo, rompe e incomunica las alas oriental y occidental del ejército egipcio, al que hace retroceder por el ala costera, la occidental, hasta atrincherarse en la franja de Gaza; los egipcios logran mantener una pequeña bolsa de soldados alrededor de Faluja, sitiada por los israelíes, y fortificaciones al sur de Beersheba, pero los israelíes logran dominar el Neguev central y sureño, e incluso amenazan Beersheba; en definitiva, derrota al ejército egipcio, pero éste mantiene algunas posiciones.
del 22 de octubre hasta mediados de noviembre de 1948: Tercera Tregua impuesta por NNUU; no obstante la tregua, un ataque del ELA contra posiciones israelíes da la excusa perfecta a los israelíes para, en el Norte, atacar al ELA y capturar la Galilea Central (Operación Hiram), y una pequeña franja libanesa. Sirios y Libaneses se abstienen de ayudar al ELA a pesar de sus reiteradas posiciones. Esta operación acaba con el ELA que huye a Líbano y con la imposición de un nuevo alto el fuego por NNUU. Siria mantiene tres pequeños enclaves en Mishmar Hayarden, cerca de Banias, y en el sudeste ribereño del Mar de Galilea. Jordanos e iraquíes mantenían firmemente la Ribera Occidental, rodeando Jerusalén por tres lados y muy próximos a Tel Aviv y el Mediterráneo.
segunda mitad de noviembre y diciembre de 1948: durante este período se respeta, básicamente, la tregua.
del 26 de diciembre de 1948 al 7 de enero de 1949: los israelíes lanzan la Operación Horev para envolver al ejército egipcio y sacarlo de Palestina. Cuando tienen plenamente derrotado al ejército egipcio, al que han cortado las comunicaciones y tienen envuelto, NNUU vuelve a imponerles un cese el fuego, pero ya con los egipcios absolutamente derrotados; se mantiene la bolsa de egipcios en Faluja al no prosperar la Operación Hisul diseñada por los judíos contra este enclave; los egipcios solo se retirarían de Faluja con la firma del armisticio.
del 7 al 10 de enero de 1949: NNUU impone un nuevo cese el fuego, aunque durante otros tres días se producen unas últimas escaramuzas.
el 10 de enero comienzan las negociaciones de los armisticios (ver más abajo), empezando por el Egipcio-Israelí el 13 de enero en Rodas, con Bunche (NNUU) como mediador.
del 6 al 10 de marzo de 1949: entre los armisticios con Egipto y Líbano, y antes de empezar con el de Jordania, en una última operación (Operación Uvda), los israelíes se hacen, sin derramar sangre, con el Neguev central y sureño, plantando una bandera improvisada en Rashrash (donde luego crearían Eilat), al lado de la jordana Ácaba, garantizándose una salida al Mar Rojo y, con ello, al Mar Índico y al comercio con África y Asia; una derivación de la operación lleva a los israelíes hasta Sodoma, al Sur del Mar Muerto, y a ocupar unas poblaciones en su ribera occidental, tomando Ein Guedi y Masada.
Básicamente la guerra terminó en 1949, luego de que Israel firmara Acuerdos de Armisticio general con sus vecinos, en el siguiente orden:
Israel jamás ha firmado armisticios con Yemen, Arabia Saudita e Iraq.
Comunidades judías perdidas durante la Guerra
Comunidades judías perdidas durante la Guerra
Comunidades judías perdidas en la Guerra.
Gush Etzion cae el 4 de Iyar (13 de mayo)
Como nos recuerdan desde Archivos Nacionales de Israel, la víspera de la Declaración de Independencia, el 13 de mayo (4 de Iyar) cayó Gush Etzion, que estaba compuesto por los asentamientos Kfar Etzion, Massu'ot Yitzhak, Ein Tzurim y Revadim. Había sido construido entre 1943-47. La mayoría de sus residentes pertenecían a los sionistas religiosos, salvo los de Revadim, que eran seglares del movimiento Ha'shomer Ha'tzair.
Los del Bloque venían siendo acosados y atacados por los árabes, especialmente desde Jebrón y Belén, pues constituía un punto estratégico de primer orden al controlar el eje del tráfico sur-norte hacia Jerusalén. Había servido para contener gran número de irregulares árabes, impidiéndoles atacar Jerusalén.
El Haganá intentó hacerle llegar convoyes de suministro, fracasando primero con el Convoy de los 35 (conocido por la designación de ese número en hebreo clásico: Lamed Hey, לה), a mediados de enero de 1948, y luego con el Convoy Nebi Daniel, en marzo de 1948, que fue atacado en su camino de vuelta, y 14 de cuyos componentes cayeron ante los árabes y el resto rindieron sus armas a los británicos a cambio de que éstos les permitieran el paso de vuelta a Jerusalén.
Tras diversos ataques de la Legión Árabe y de irregulares árabes con la cobertura de aquélla el 12 de abril y el 4 de mayo que fueron rechazados, el 13 de mayo una fuerza de la Legión Árabe, comandada por británicos, y de irregulares árabes conquistaron el Bloque en una encarnizada batalla. Tras rendirse, más de 100 colonos de Kfar Etzion fueron asesinados por irregulares árabes; en los otros asentamientos la Legión Árabe evitó otros asesinatos. Los prisioneros heridos fueron llevados a Jerusalén y los otros prisioneros a campos de Prisioneros de Guerra en Transjordania; estos serían liberados tras el Armisticio de 1949.
En este enlace puedes ver diversos documentos: un informe manuscrito y otro mecanografiado en inglés del Comandante de la Policía Judía del Asentamiento de Gush Etzion, Jacob Altman, sobre el rechazo de un gran ataque árabe el 14 de enero de 1948. Altman acabaría cayendo en la batalla del 13 de mayo, como vicecomandante de Gush Etzion.
Ben-Gurión comenta la victoria israelí
Ben-Gurión comenta la victoria israelí
Prime Minister Ben-Gurion Remarks on Israeli Victory
Declaración de Guerra de la Liga Árabe
Declaración de Guerra de la Liga Árabe
Fuente: Harry S. Truman Library & Museum
Statement by the Arab League upon the Declaration of the State of Israel
(May 15, 1948)
"pretendían luchar concertadamente, para sostener su compromiso de hermandad con los árabes de Palestina [pero,] de hecho hicieron justo lo contrario: cada uno [de los estados árabes miembros de la Liga Árabe que hicieron la Guerra] hizo su propia guerra para defender sus intereses propios, cada uno buscó un modus vivendi separado con Israel".
"ahora que el Mandato británico en Palestina ha terminado... fuerzas armadas egipcias han comenzado a entrar en Palestina (...) para establecer seguridad y orden en lugar del caos y el desorden."
"La invasión de Palestina por los estados árabes fue la primera agresión armada que se vio en el mundo tras la guerra mundial."
Palestine was part of the former Ottoman Empire subject to its law and represented in its parliament. The overwhelming majority of the population of Palestine were Arabs. There was in it a small minority of Jews that enjoyed the same rights and bore the same responsibilities as the (other) inhabitants, and did not suffer any ill-treatment on account of its religious beliefs. The holy places were inviolable and the freedom of access to them was guaranteed. The Arabs have always asked for their freedom and independence. On the outbreak of the First World War, and when the Allies declared that they were fighting for the liberation of peoples, the Arabs joined them and fought on their side with a view to realizing their national aspirations and obtaining their independence. England pledged herself to recognize the independence of the Arab countries in Asia, including Palestine. The Arabs played a remarkable part in the achievement of final victory and the Allies have admitted this. In 1917 England issued a declaration in which she expressed her sympathy with the establishment of a National Home for the Jews in Palestine. When the Arabs knew of this they protested against it, but England reassured them by affirming to them that this would not prejudice the right of their countries to freedom and independence or affect the political status of the Arabs in Palestine. Notwithstanding the legally void character of this declaration, it was interpreted by England to aim at no more than the establishment of a spiritual centre for the Jews in Palestine, and to conceal no ulterior political aims, such as the establishment of a Jewish State. The same thing was declared by the Jewish leaders. When the war came to an end England did not keep her promise. Indeed, the Allies placed Palestine under the Mandate system and entrusted England with (the task of carrying it out), in accordance with a document providing for the administration of the country, in the interests of its inhabitants and its preparation for the independence which the Covenant of the League of Nations recognized that Palestine was qualified to have. England administered Palestine in a manner which enabled the Jews to flood it with immigrants and helped them to settle in the country. (This was so) notwithstanding the fact that it was proved that the density of the population in Palestine had exceeded the economic capacity of the country to absorb additional immigrants. England did not pay regard to the interests or rights of the Arab inhabitants, the lawful owners of the country. Although they used to express, by various means, their concern and indignation on account of this state of affairs which was harmful to their being and their future, they (invariably) were met by indifference, imprisonment and oppression.
As Palestine is an Arab country, situated in the heart of the Arab countries and attached to the Arab world by various ties - spiritual, historical, and strategic - the Arab countries, and even the Eastern ones, governments as well as peoples, have concerned themselves with the problem of Palestine and have raised it to the international level; (they have also raised the problem) with England, asking for its solution in accordance with the pledges made and with democratic principles. The Round Table Conference was held in London in 1939 in order to discuss the Palestine question and arrive at the just solution thereof. The Governments of the Arab States participated in (this conference) and asked for the preservation of the Arab character of Palestine and the proclamation of its independence. This conference ended with the issue of a White Paper in which England defined her policy towards Palestine, recognized its independence, and undertook to set up the institutions that would lead to its exercise of the characteristics of (this independence). She (also) declared that her obligations concerning the establishment of a Jewish national home had been fulfilled, since that home had actually been established. But the policy defined in the (White) Paper was not carried out. This, therefore, led to the deterioration of the situation and the aggravation of matters contrary to the interests of the Arabs.
While the Second World War was still in progress, the Governments of the Arab States began to hold consultations regarding the reinforcement of their cooperation and the increasing of the means of their collaboration and their solidarity, with a view to safeguarding their present and their future and to participating in the erection of the edifice of the new world on firm foundations. Palestine had its (worthy) share of consideration and attention in these conversations. These conversations led to the establishment of the League of Arab States as an instrument for the cooperation of the Arab States for their security, peace and well-being. The Pact of the League of Arab States declared that Palestine has been an independent country since its separation from the Ottoman Empire, but the manifestations of this independence have been suppressed due to reasons which were out of the control of its inhabitants. The establishment of the United Nations shortly afterwards was an event about which the Arabs had the greatest hopes. Their belief in the ideals on which that organization was based made them participate in its establishment and membership.
Since then the Arab League and its (member) Governments have not spared any effort to pursue any course, whether with the Mandatory Power or with the United Nations, in order to bring about a just solution of the Palestine problem: (a solution) based upon true democratic principles and compatible with the provisions of the Covenant of the League of Nations and the (Charter) of the United Nations, and which would (at the same time) be lasting, guarantee peace and security in the country and prepare it for progress and prosperity. But Zionist claims were always an obstacle to finding such a solution, (as the Zionists), having prepared themselves with armed forces, strongholds and fortifications to face by force anyone standing in their way, publicly declared (their intention) to establish a Jewish State.
When the General Assembly of the United Nations issued, on 29 November 1947, its recommendation concerning the solution of the Palestine problem, on the basis of the establishment of an Arab State and of another Jewish (State) in (Palestine) together with placing the City of Jerusalem under the trusteeship of the United Nations, the Arab States drew attention to the injustice implied in this solution (affecting) the right of the people of Palestine to immediate independence, as well as democratic principles and the provisions of the Covenant of the League of Nations and (the Charter) of the United Nations. (These States also) declared the Arabs' rejection of (that solution) and that it would not be possible to carry it out by peaceful means, and that its forcible imposition would constitute a threat to peace and security in this area. The warnings and expectations of the Arab States have, indeed, proved to be true, as disturbances were soon widespread throughout Palestine. The Arabs clashed with the Jews, and the two (parties) proceeded to fight each other and shed each other's blood. Whereupon the United Nations began to realize the danger of recommending the partition (of Palestine) and is still looking for a way out of this state of affairs.
Now that the British mandate over Palestine has come to an end, without there being a legitimate constitutional authority in the country, which would safeguard the maintenance of security and respect for law and which would protect the lives and properties of the inhabitants, the Governments of the Arab States declare the following:
First: That the rule of Palestine should revert to its inhabitants, in accordance with the provisions of the Covenant of the League of Nations and (the Charter) of the United Nations and that (the Palestinians) should alone have the right to determine their future.
Second: Security and order in Palestine have become disrupted. The Zionist aggression resulted in the exodus of more than a quarter of a million of its Arab inhabitants from their homes and in taking refuge in the neighbouring Arab countries. The events which have taken place in Palestine have unmasked the aggressive intentions and the imperialist designs of the Zionists, including the atrocities committed by them against the peace-loving Arab inhabitants, especially in Dayr Yasin, Tiberias and others. Nor have they respected the inviolability of consuls, as they have attacked the consulates of the Arab States in Jerusalem. After the termination of the British mandate over Palestine the British authorities are no longer responsible for security in the country, except to the degree affecting their withdrawing forces, and (only) in the areas in which these forces happen to be at the time of withdrawal as announced by (these authorities). This state of affairs would render Palestine without any governmental machinery capable of restoring order and the rule of law to the country, and of protecting the lives and properties of the inhabitants.
Third: This state of affairs is threatening to spread to the neighbouring Arab countries, where feeling is running high because of the events in Palestine. The Governments of the Member States of the Arab League and the United Nations are exceedingly worried and deeply concerned about this state of affairs.
Fourth: These Governments had hoped that the United Nations would have succeeded in finding a peaceful and just solution of the problem of Palestine, in accordance with democratic principles and the provisions of the Covenant of the League of Nations and (the Charter) of the United Nations, so that peace, security and prosperity would prevail in this part of the world.
Fifth: The Governments of the Arab States, as members of the Arab League, a regional organization within the meaning of the provisions of Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, are responsible for maintaining peace and security in their area. These Governments view the events taking place in Palestine as a threat to peace and security in the area as a whole and (also) in each of them taken separately.
Sixth: Therefore, as security in Palestine is a sacred trust in the hands of the Arab States, and in order to put an end to this state of affairs and to prevent it from becoming aggravated or from turning into (a state of) chaos, the extent of which no one can foretell; in order to stop the spreading of disturbances and disorder in Palestine to the neighbouring Arab countries; in order to fill the gap brought about in the governmental machinery in Palestine as a result of the termination of the mandate and the non-establishment of a lawful successor authority, the Governments of the Arab States have found themselves compelled to intervene in Palestine solely in order to help its inhabitants restore peace and security and the rule of justice and law to their country, and in order to prevent bloodshed.
Seventh: The Governments of the Arab States recognize that the independence of Palestine, which has so far been suppressed by the British Mandate, has become an accomplished fact for the lawful inhabitants of Palestine. They alone, by virtue of their absolute sovereignty, have the right to provide their country with laws and governmental institutions. They alone should exercise the attributes of their independence, through their own means and without any kind of foreign interference, immediately after peace, security, and the rule of law have been restored to the country. At that time the intervention of the Arab states will cease, and the independent State of Palestine will cooperate with the (other member) States of the Arab League in order to bring peace, security and prosperity to this part of the world. The Governments of the Arab States emphasize, on this occasion, what they have already declared before the London Conference and the United Nations, that the only solution of the Palestine problem is the establishment of a unitary Palestinian State, in accordance with democratic principles, whereby its inhabitants will enjoy complete equality before the law, (and whereby) minorities will be assured of all the guarantees recognized in democratic constitutional countries and (whereby) the holy places will be preserved and the rights of access thereto guaranteed.
Eighth: The Arab States most emphatically declare that (their) intervention in Palestine was due only to these considerations and objectives, and that they aim at nothing more than to put an end to the prevailing conditions in (Palestine). For this reason, they have great confidence that their action will have the support of the United Nations; (that it will be) considered as an action aiming at the realization of its aims and at promoting its principles, as provided for in its Charter.
Otros documentos relevantes
Otros documentos relevantes
Fuente: Ministerio AAEE de Israel
Request for a special session of the General Assembly on Palestine. Note from the British Government to the Secretary General of the UN, A/286, 2 April 1947.
Speeches by Jewish Agency representatives in the General Assembly May 1947. (Abba Hillel Silver, Moshe Sharett, David BenGurion).
Creation of a Special Committee on Palestine, General Assembly Resolution 106 (S.I.), 15 May 1947.
United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, Recommendations to the General Assembly, A/364, 3 September 1947.
Statement to the Ad Hoc Political Committee by the British Colonial Secretary, Arthur CreechJones, 26 September 1947.
Presentation of the Jewish case by representatives of the Jewish Agency, October. 1947. (Abba Hillel Silver, Chaim Weizmann).
Statement to the Elected Assembly of Palestine Jewry by Mr. David Ben-Gurion, 2 October 1947.
Future Government of Palestine, General Assembly Resolution 181 (II), 29 November 1947.
The Arab reaction, speeches by representatives of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria, Yemen.
The U.S. proposes temporary trusteeship, 19 March 1948.
Jewish reaction to the trusteeship idea (Abba Hillel Silver and David Ben-Gurion).
Appointment of a United Nations Mediator, General Assembly Resolution 186 (S.II), 14 May 1948.
Creation of a Conciliation Commission, General Assembly Resolution 194 (III), 11 December 1948.
Admission of Israel to the United Nations, General Assembly Resolution 273 (III), 11 May 1949.
Speech to the General Assembly by Foreign Minister Sharett, 11 May 1949.
Call on Arab and Jewish groups to cease acts of violence, Security Council Resolution, S/714, 1 April 1948.
Report to the Zionist General Council by David BenGurion, 6 April 1948.
Call for cessation of all military activities and violence in Palestine, Security Council Resolution S/723, 17 April 1948.
Establishment of a United Nations Truce Commission for Palestine, Security Council Resolution S/727, 23 April 1948.
Arab League declaration on the invasion of Palestine, 15 May 1948.
Broadcast by Prime Minister BenGurion, on Sabbath, 15 May 1948.
Letter from secretary-general Trygve Lie to the Powers on the situation in Palestine, 16 May 1948.
Call to the parties to cease fire, Security Council Resolution S/773, 22 May 1948.
Establishment of a truce, Security Council Resolution S/801, 29 May 1948.
Report to the Provisional Government of Israel by Prime Minister and Minister of Defense BenGurion, 3 June 1948.
Israel accepts the truce. Letter from Ambassador Eban to the secretary-general (S/834), 10 June 1948.
Report to the Provisional Government of Israel by Prime Minister and Minister of Defense BenGurion on the military and political situation, 17 June 1948.
Appeal to the parties to accept a prolongation of the truce, Security Council Resolution S/875, 7 July 1948.
Agreement for the demilitarization of the Mount Scopus area, 7 July 1948.
Order to the parties to issue ceasefire orders, Security Council Resolution S/902, 15 July 1948.
Report to the State Council by Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Ben- Gurion, 2 July 1948.
Report to the State Council by Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, 27 September 1948.
Call upon the parties to withdraw their forces to positions held on 14 October, Security Council Resolution S/1070, 4 November 1948.
Call for an immediate ceasefire, Security Council Resolution S/I 169, 29 December 1948.
"Let us not glory", from a statement by Prime Minister BenGurion, 12 January 1949.
Establishment of an armistice, Security Council Resolution S/ 1080, 16 November 1948.
Prime Minister BenGurion report to the Cabinet, 18 November 1948.
Israel accepts the armistice, reply to Acting Mediator Bunche, 18 November 1948.
Israel-Egypt Armistice Agreement, 24 February 1949.
Israel-Lebanon Armistice Agreement, 23 March 1949.
Israel-Jordan Armistice Agreement, 3 April 1949.
Israel-Syria Armistice Agreement, 20 July 1949.
Letter from Dr. Bunche to the President of the Security Council, S/1357, 21 July 1949.
Statement by Dr. Bunche to the Security Council, 4 August 1949.
Statement by Ambassador Eban to the Security Council, 4 August 1949.
Security Council endorses armistice agreements, Resolution S/1376, 11 August 1949.
Tripartite Declaration on Security in the Middle East, 25 May 1950.
Jerusalem Facing the Danger of Destruction, statement to the Security Council by Moshe Sharett, 1 April 1948.
Jerusalem Declared IsraelOccupied City, Government Proclamation, Official Gazette, No. 12, 2 August 1948.
Israel Claims Jerusalem, Address by President Weizmann in Jerusalem, 1 December 1948.
Jerusalem Military Government Abolished, Government Proclamation, Official Gazette, No. 48, 4 February 1949.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 5 December 1949.
International Regime for Jerusalem, General Assembly Resolution 303 (IV), 9 December 1949.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 13 December 1949.
Statement to the Trusteeship Council by Ambassador Eban, 20 February 1950.
Draft Resolution Concerning an International Regime for the Holy Places, Proposed by Sweden, A/AC.38/163, 5 December 1950.
Jordanian Annexation of West Bank, Resolution Adopted by the House of Deputies, Amman, 24 April 1950.
Statement at the Western Wall by Defense Minister Dayan, 7 June 1967.
Prime Minister Levi Eshkol's Address to Spiritual Leaders of all Communities in Jerusalem, 7 June 1967.
Law and Administration Ordinance (Amendment No. 11) Law, 27 June 1967, Municipal Corporation Ordinance (Amendment) Law, 1967.
Situation in Jerusalem, General Assembly Resolution 2253 (ESV), 4 July 1967.
Letter from Foreign Minister Eban to Secretary General U Thant on Jerusalem, 10 July 1967.
Statement issued as the Conclusion of Conversationswith the Vatican's special envoy, Monsignor Felici, 11 July, 1967.
Report to the Secretary-General on Jerusalem (The Thalmann Report) A/6793, 12 September 1967.
Government Statement on Payment for Repair of Damages Caused to Churches and Church Property in the wars since 1948, 11 September 1968.
Letter from Foreign Minister Eban to Secretary-General U Thant on Jerusalem, 15 November 1971.
Absentee's Property (Compensation) Law, 57331973, Minister of Justice Press Release, 12 August 1973.
Israel's Relations with the Vatican, Communiqué Following the Audience Granted to Prime Minister Meir by Pope Paul VI, 15 January 1973, and excerpts from Statement in the Knesset by Foreign Minister Eban, 24 January 1973.
The Protocol of Lausanne, 12 May 1949.
Israel's position on its frontiers, statement to the Knesset by Foreign Minister Sharett, 15 June 1949.
Attitude of the parties on the territorial issues; Eighth Progress Report of the Palestine Conciliation Commission, A/1367/rev. 1, 23 October 1950.
Admission of failure, Report of the Palestine Conciliation Commission to the Sixth Session of the General Assembly, A/1985.
The working of the boycott: Economic Brief, AnNahar Arab Report, Vol. 11, No. 25, 21 June 1971.
Reactions to the Arab Boycott.
The answer to the Arab Boycott; excerpts from an article by Deputy Prime Minister Eban, Israel Yearbook, 1966.
Statement to the Security Council by Ambassador Eban on Syrian incursions, 2 May 1951.
Call for a ceasefire, Security Council Resolution S/2130, 8 May 1951
Security Council Resolution S/2157, 18 May 1951.
Israel objects to the Security Council approach, statement to the Council by Ambassador Eban, 18 May 1951.
Israel welcomes the Egyptian revolution, statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 18 August 1952.
BluePrint for Peace, statement to the Ad Hoc Political Committee of the United Nations by Ambassador Eban, 1 December 1952.
Jordan disregards armistice agreement obligations, letter from Ambassador Eban to Secretary-general Hammarskjold, S/3140, 23 November 1953.
Letter from the Acting Representative of Israel to the President of the Security Council, S/3383, 5 September 1957.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister Sharett on the Ma'aleh Akrabim incident, 24 March 1954.
Statement to the Security Council by Ambassador Eban on the Gaza incident, 23 March 1955.
Statements in the Security Council by Ambassador Eban on the Kinneret incident, 16 and 22 December 1955.
Israel's Border and Security Problems, article by Chief of Staff Dayan in "Foreign Affairs", XXXIII (January 195 5), pp. 118.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister Sharett, 18 October and Knesset Resolution, 20 October 1955.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 2 November 1955.
Exchange of letters BenGurion Eisenhower, 10 April 1956.
Israel appeals to France, letter from Prime Minister BenGurion to Prime Minister Guy Mollet, 12 April 1956.
Letter from Ambassador Eban to the President of the Security Council, S/3603, 1 June 1956.
Report of Secretary-general Hammarskjold to the Security Council S/3659, September 1956.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 15 October 1956.
Assistance to the Palestine Refugees, General Assembly Resolution 212 (111), 19 November 1948.
Statement to the Knesset by Foreign Minister Sharett, 15 June 1949.
Palestine Conciliation Commission, Fourth Progress Report, A/922, 22 September 1949.
United Nations Economic Survey Mission to the Middle East, Final Report, A/AC,25/6, 28 December 1949.
Assistance to Palestine Refugees, General Assembly Resolution 302 (IV), 8 December 1949.
Repatriation or Resettlement and Compensation, General Assembly Resolution 394 (V), 14 December 1950.
Palestine Conciliation Commission, Progress Report to the United Nations General Assembly, A/ 1985, November 1951.
Annual Report of the Director of UNRWA to the United Nations General Assembly, A/ 1905, October 1951.
Statement to the Knesset by Foreign Minister Sharett, 4 November 1951.
Statement to the Special Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Eban, 18 November 1955.
Statement to the Special Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Eban, 17 November 1958.
Proposals of the United Nations SecretaryGeneral on Palestine Refugees, A/4121, 15 June 1959.
Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister BenGurion, 27 October 1961.
Statement to the Special Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly by Foreign Minister Meir, 15 December 1961.
Call for Direct Negotiations, Joint Draft Resolution of 16 Nations A/SPC/2.80/Rev. 1, 18 December 1961.
Palestine Conciliation Commission, Nineteenth Progress Report, Addendum, the Joseph E. Johnson Mission, A/4921/add. 1, 22 November 1961.
16a. Exchange of letters constituting a provisional agreement concerning assistance to Palestine Refugees, 14 June 1967.
Statement to the Special Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Comay, 9 December 1968.
Palestine Arab Refugees, General Assembly Resolution 2535, 10 December 1969.
Statement to the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Tekoah, 10 December 1969.
The Situation in the Middle East, General Assembly Resolution 2628, 4 November 1970.
Statement to the Special Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Tekoah, 25 November 1970.
Statement to the United Nations General Assembly by Ambassador Tekoah, 13 December 1972.
Israel's Seven Year Plan, from "Data and Plans", submitted to the Jerusalem Conference, October 1953.
Israel suspends work on River Jordan Project during examination by the Security Council, Security Council Resolution S/3128, 27 October 1953.
Israel Water Rights; statement to the Knesset by Foreign Minister Sharett, 30 November 1953.
Bid to Chief of Staff to reconcile IsraelSyria differences, Draft Resolution S/3151, presented to the Security Council, 16 December 1953.
Syrian Complaint unfounded, Statement by Ambassador Eban to the Security Council, 17 December 1953.
Statement by President Eisenhower on the Eric Johnston Mission to the Middle East, 16 October 1953.
Israel's consultants views on the Johnson's proposals, Comments on the Main Plan by Board of Consultants on Water Development for Israel, 4 November 1953.
Report by President Eisenhower to Congress on the Johnston Mission Department of State Publication 3618, July 1956.
Letter from the Arab Higher Committee for Palestineconcerning the Eric Johnston Scheme, 18 August 1955.
The Johnston Mission fails, summary by General Burns and Ambassador Johnston.
Arab Summit decides to divert headwaters. Statement of the Council of the Kings and Heads of State of the Arab League Member countries on its first session, Cairo, 1317 January 1964.
Israel Will Protect its Vital Interests, Statement to the Knesset by Prime Minister Eshkol, 21 January 1964.
"United States Opposes Spite Diversion Projects", Letter from Assistant Secretary of State Frederick G. Dutton to Senator Kenneth B. Keating, 17 June 1964.
The Arab design to Divert River Jordan Sources, in AlGumhouria, 24 October 1964.
The British Record on Partition (pdf original) basado en fuentes de la Inteligencia Militar Británica en otras fuentes oficiales - Memorándum sometido a la consideración de la sesión extraordinaria de la Asamblea General de NNUU en April 1948 - Tras la propuesta de partición de NNUU de lo que quedaba del territorio de la Administración Fiduciaria británica (el Mandato) en Palestina, en un estado árabe y otro judío, tropas irregulares árabes, apoyadas por la Liga Árabe, lanzaron una guerra no declarada contra los judíos palestinos que dura medio año hasta que comienza la invasión abierta de los ejércitos árabes el 15 de mayo de 1948. A partir de documentación de los servicios de inteligencia británicos, la revista The Nation elaboró un Memorándum para NNUU que sugiere fundadamente que la British Colonial Office (Ministerio de las Colonias británico) propuso, ayudó y colaboró en la coordinación de la guerra no declarada de la Liga Árabe, a pesar de las lágrimas de cocodrilo con que lamentaba la violencia contra los judíos y su vilipendio. El documento de The Nation es un argumento sólido para arrumbar el mito fundacional palestino de que Israel fue una creación del colonialismo occidental, que usó el estado judío para frustrar la liberación nacional árabe.
Desastre Árabe
Desastre Árabe
A Brief Guide to Why 1948 Was a Palestinian Arab and Arab Disaster (Barry Rubin, May 17, 2011)
Otros artículos
Otros artículos
La Guerra de la Independencia (Julián Schvindlerman, en LD, 16 sep 2009)
Jerusalem durante la guerra de 1948 (Julián Schvindlerman, en LD, 23 sep 2009)
El éxodo judío de tierras árabes (Julián Schvindlerman, en LD, 14 oct 2009)
El éxodo árabe de 1948 (Julián Schvindlerman, en LD, 30 sep 2009)
Exposing how Post-Zionists manipulate history (Avi Beker, 17 sep 2010)
Memoria y Curiosidades
Memoria y Curiosidades
Decades later, Israel restores a soldier’s famous graffiti from 1948 war (May 6, 2011)
Otros enlaces
Otros enlaces
La Guerra de la Independencia en Twitter
El Majal (voluntarios al servicio de Israel) en la Guerra de Independencia
North American Volunteers In Israel's War of Independence (Aliyah Bet & Machal Virtual Museum)
British Airborne Forces Archive - Palestine
IDF Israel 1948 Independence War
Zionism and Israel - Encyclopedic Dictionary: Israel War of Independence
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