THE 302ND ENGINEERS

CHAPTER 1.

THE BEGINNING

Colonel Sherill

IT MAY BE said that the history of our Regiment dates from 14th May, 1917. On that day, there gathered together at Plattsburgh, N. Y., the hundred or more men who, under the command of Captain William H. Sage, Jr.* (Corps of Engineers U. S. A.), formed the 15th N. Y. Company (Engineers) of the first officers' training camp. By the middle of June, 1917, this Company had increased in strength to 150 men-most of them experienced engineers, but without previous military training. The Company then moved to Washington, D. C. (American University Camp), and about three weeks later to Belvoir Va. (afterwards called Camp A. A. Humphreys), where it remained and continued its training under Captain Sage until 14th August, 1917. Practically all the men of the Company were then commissioned in the Engineer Officers' Reserve Corps, ranking from Second Lieutenants to and including Majors, and the official existence of the 15th N. Y. Company came to an end.

The purpose of the camps at Washington and Belvoir, as well as at Plattsburgh, was to train civilians to be officers. Many of the candidates for commissions in the Engineer Officers' Reserve Corps had had no previous military experience. At the American University Camp and at Belvoir, special stress was laid upon the mastery of war-time engineering problems and the technique of an engineer regiment. Many subjects were taught intensively and all candidates were earnest in their work and eager to learn quickly and thoroughly.

When the first officers' training camps were organized by the War Department, in the Spring -of 1917, it was decided that the successful candidates, who had been trained together in a single company, should be assigned as officers of a particular regiment of the National Army, holding all ranks below the grade of Lieutenant-Colonel. In accordance with this plan, Special Order No. 186, War Department, 1917, dated 11th August, 1917, ordered certain officers from the 15th N. Y. Company to report for duty to the Commanding Officer, 302nd Engineers, at Camp Upton, N. Y., on 27th August, 1917.

On 25th August, 1917, Colonel Clarence 0. Sherrill, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., reported as Commanding Officer, 302nd Engineers, to the then Commanding General, 77th Division, Major-General J. Franklin Bell, at Camp Upton. This was the first official act in the history of the Regiment. On 27th of August the officers selected from the 15th N. Y. Company reported to Colonel Sherrill at Barracks J-1, Camp Upton. He greeted them with a few words, significant for their optimism and for their insistence upon united effort and wholesouled cooperation. It was instantly apparent to every man present that in Colonel Sherrill the 302nd Engineers had a commanding officer in every sense of the word. It would be difficult to overestimate the importance of this first meeting -this first formal "roll call" of the Regiment.

The remainder of August and early September, 1917, at Camp Upton passed quietly until the drafts of men began to arrive. During this period of comparative inactivity, the officers of the Regiment spent their time in studying the numerous complicated problems with which modern warfare abounds, and endeavored in every way to increase their military and technical knowledge, both in practice and theory.

On 15th September, 1917, the first draft of men was received by the Regiment. These recruits were assigned in a body to Company "B", and included many men with previous military experience, a considerable number of whom were later commissioned. There were one hundred

men in this first draft~ all drawn from the first two thousand recruits assigned to Camp Upton-the first contribution of New York City to the great National Army.

The formation of other companies followed in the order shown below:

Company "B", 15th September, 1917, commanded by Captain ,Frederick S. Greene.

Company"D" 22d September, 1917, commanded by Captain Edward B. Simmons.

Company "E", 23d Septernber, 1917, commanded by Captain Harry La Fetra.

Company "A", 24th September, 1917, commanded by Captain Thomas J. Scully.

Company "C", 25th September, 1917, commanded by Captain Stratford St. J. Bushman.

Company "F", 1st October, 1917, commanded by Captain Albert R. Ullrich.

Headquarters Company, lst October, 1917, commanded by Captain Harry B. Per-Lee.

302Dd Engineer Train, 1st October, 191.7, commanded by Captain Harry B. Per-Lee.

A medical detachment, officered by First Lieutenant Brantly F. Parker, First Lieutenant John G. Gordon, and First Lieutenant William R. Edwards, was organized early in September, 1917, and a number of non-commissioned officers from the Regular Army also reported to Colonel Sherrill during this month.

The engineer barracks at Camp Upton were somewhat detached from the other groups of barracks, being on the slopes and crest of a little ridge. This elevation of our training quarters was accepted as an index to our aim. Colonel Sherrill insisted from the first that the Regiment must be the best, and the will to do never slackened in officers or men. Our start was most fortunate.

Many and varied problems immediately confronted the Regiment. Not only was it necessary to clothe and equip our recruits and instruct them in the rudiments of military science required of every unit in the Division, but it was also necessary to assume at once responsibility for a large part of the engineering work of the entire camp. Thanks to the foresight and energy of Colonel Sherrill, this latter work was coordinated with and became the most valuable part of our training as engineer soldiers. For instance, it was necessary to clear drill grounds of stumps and underbrush. he engineers not only cleared their own splendid parade, but supervised the work for all other units in the Division. The drudgery of stump-pulling in the early days of October, 1917, seemed foreign to the work of soldiers. But the "wilderness of Camp Upton" was a fitting prelude to No Man's Land on the Vesle and the dense thickets of the Argonne Forest. On such hard work, done faithfully and under difficulties, was laid the foundation of our future success.

So, too, was the work "on the hill." The building of the road to Division Headquarters, on a height near the center of Camp Upton, presented many practical problems in timber construction, crib work and bridge-building. This task was undertaken by the engineers and carried on to successful completion, in spite of the bitter cold and cutting winds of the late Fall and Winter. Long will the men who worked there remember the hardships of that task, hardships actually greater than any they experienced later in France.

Bridge near division headquarters.

Instruction in all branches of military tactics continued at the same time as the special work. Every minute was occupied from early morning till late at night. No weather was too inclement for the training. The men, as well as the officers, were progressively trained in discipline and command, not only by actual work on the drill ground and by special engineering assignments, but by lectures and demonstrations which formed the theoretical basis of the practical work.

During this period, several British and French officers gave us the benefit of their experience and knowledge of actual warfare. Notable among these splendid officers was Lieutenant Poire of the French Army, whose lectures on field fortification and the organization of the ground were of inestimable value. Looking back now at our special training at Camp Upton, one is struck with the great difference between the war as it had been up to that time, and the war that the Regiment actually experienced. Many of the specialties that were practiced at Camp Upton were entirely abandoned during the following months in Europe. Fortunately, in our training, the fundamentals of military science were not overlooked. Later, when actually in the field, the Regiment never failed to meet a situation squarely, and always solved its problems-on time.

Under Lieutenant-Colonel Pettis great stress was laid on rifle training, with the result that no regiment at Upton was better trained in rifle fire. The figures, so far as they were compiled, showed that the marksmanship of the Engineers on the rifle range was superior to that of any other unit in the Division. In order to facilitate our rifle training, an underground rifle range was constructed in the side of "Engineer Hill", and thousands of rounds of ammunition were fired with the old Krag rifles, with which the Regiment was at first equipped. This underground range, for which Captain H. W. Wilson, the Adjutant of the Second Battalion, was largely responsible, is an example of the regimental resourcefulness. The Engineers were thus enabled to fire -service ammunition weeks before it would otherwise have been possible.

The development of "esprit de corps" was the constant desire of Colonel Sherill and all the officers. No opportunity was allowed to pass. Each man soon came to understand that pride of regiment is the keystone in the arch of military success. Early was this pride manifest within our Regiment, and it has never ceased to grow. The Engineers were always trying to be the best, and seldom were they disappointed. Even our football team, under Lieutenants Dyer, Ryan, and Darrin, was unquestionably the best in the Division, beating all teams, and experiencing defeat only once (a return game) from the 306th Infantry. This record is all the more remarkable when one considers that our Regiment was only half the size of any of the infantry regiments.

It is to be noted, also, that early in March, 1918, the regimental basket ball team won the divisional championship. The Regiment attended all the games en masse, and the team knew it had the enthusiastic and unanimous support of every company. Company "A" had previously won the regimental championship, Company "E" being the "runner up".

An evidence of the fine spirit pervading the Regiment, even early in its history, was shown when, late in October, the second draft of men was assigned to the Engineers. The men who had been at Upton for a few weeks took hold of the new recruits and themselves became teachers. In an incredibly short time, the recruits absorbed the spirit of the Regiment and were admitted to full membership.

The spirit of friendly rivalry between the companies has always been noteworthy. Above all, the rivalry has been fair. Never has the Regiment been torn by internal dissension. Each company has tried to excel, but no company has ever monopolized the honors.

During the stay at Camp Upton, the Regiment was doubly fortunate in having for voluntary chaplains, Dr. C. D. Trexler, of Brooklyn, and later, Dr. William T. Manning,* Rector of Trinity Church, New York City. It would be hard to overestimate the good influence of these two gentlemen. Dr. Trexler later became an Army Chaplain and served in France with the 82nd Division. After the departure of the Regiment over-seas, Dr. Manning acted as its Honorary Chaplain in the United States, and as President of the 302nd Engineers Home Association, and of the 77th Division Home Association. His efforts on behalf of the Regiment and the Division have been unceasing and tireless. The Regiment has always felt highly honored by this association with Dr. Manning, who is known throughout the English-speaking world, as well as in France, as a most fearless and- forceful champion of freedom and justice. It was largely due to Dr. Manning's good offices and determined efforts that the Division was permitted to pass in review before its families and friends in New York City on 6th May, 1919.

Co. E Sergeants

An important factor in the growth of the regimental spirit was the formation of the Engineer Band. At the beginning of the war no provision was made for bands in engineer regiments. Colonel Sherrill determined to have an informal band, because he appreciated its importance in building up esprit de corps. In his monthly report to the Chief of Engineers for October 1917, Colonel Sherrill said: "We have an informal band that adds considerably to the esprit de corps of the Regiment. It is recommended that action be taken before Congress to secure a band for each pioneer regiment, as its influence on the discipline and cohesion of the command is great." ** Despite many difficulties, the Engineer Band came into existence in October, 1917. Instruments were procured here and there; musicians practiced in addition to their other duties. From small beginnings, the Band grew and developed into a splendid organization. In the only interband competition within the Division (March, 1919) the Engineer Band was awarded second place.

It would be difficult to overestimate the value of a band to a regiment. Without one, all parades, reviews, and other ceremonies necessarily are incomplete.

It was interesting to note how well the bandsmen performed their military duties during active operations. They were well forward, employed on fatigue work. Music was forgotten in the work of the front. The men justified their existence as soldiers, working hard and faithfully, and putting the same enthusiasm into the rough tasks of battle as they had in their early musical training at Camp Upton.

During the Fall and Winter of 1917 many men were transferred from the Regiment to other divisions. A large number were sent to Camp Gordon, Ga. The night before such transfers, blue barrack bags were issued to the men to carry their extra clothing. As may be surmised, no one wanted to leave the Regiment, and the "blue bag" became a bogey. The first sergeants were supposed to list in "blue bag" books everyone who broke the rules of the camp, for the purpose of transferring the offenders when the next call came. These transfers interfered seriously with the training and cohesive strength of the Regiment, but they were required by the military situation and nothing could be done to prevent them.

Similar transfers took place (December, 1917) to a provisional battalion of the 11th Engineers. This battalion was formed at Camp Upton for the purpose of supplying replacements to the 11th Engineers (Railway), then in France. The battalion was trained and equipped under Colonel Sherrill's supervision, and commanded for some time by Major James P. Leaf, attached to the 302nd Engineers.

In spite of transfers, and many other handicaps, the development of the Regiment continued rapidly. In January, 1918, although each line company numbered but 150 men, the Regiment was ready for service. The officers and men were well trained for any duty that they might be called upon to perform.

On 17th January, 1918, about 700 members of the American Society of Civil Engineers visited Camp Upton, were entertained by the Regiment, and inspected the engineer camp and activities. At the invitation of the Commanding General they reviewed the Regiment, and by courtesy of the 307th Infantry, they witnessed an exhibition infantry attack. This review and inspection showed clearly that officers and men were trained and equipped as thoroughly as they could be in the United States, and Colonel Sherrill endeavored to have the Regiment sent to France at once for the final training in the field. Unfortunately, this 1could not be arranged.

On the 20th January, 1918, a theatre party was held in New York City for the benefit of the regimental fund ' Thanks largely to the assistance of Mrs. Irene Harris, of New York, this affair was a great success, the net proceeds amounting to over $1,700.00. The fund was later enlarged by gifts made through Dr. Manning, and has ever since been adequate for the needs of the Regiment.

During the Winter of 1917 Major-General Bell, the Commanding General, became greatly interested in the erection of a community hall for the camp. He entrusted the entire matter to Colonel Sherrill, who was charged not only with the design of the building, but also with raising the necessary funds for its erection. It became the duty of Lieutenants Thomas H. Ellett and Victor G. Thomassen, of the 302nd Engineers, to draw the plans of the proposed hall, which was to be very unusual and effective. Captain Frederick S. Greene, 302nd Engineers, assisted by several New York civilians, acted as head of the "finance committee". A military ball was given on the night of Washington's birthday, at the Seventh Regiment Armory, Park Avenue, New York City. This was a great success and the proceeds from it added $20,000.00 to the Community Hall Fund.

The Community Hall, however, was never completed, largely because the sailing overseas of the Regiment, in March, 1918, severed Colonel Sherrill's connection with the project.

During several weeks of the new year (1918) the different companies and regiments of the 77th Division had been striving to win the prize offered for the best policed and beautified area in camp. Weekly inspections by different teams of inspectors rated the different companies. The result was gratifying to the Engineers, for their regimental area was adjudged the.second best in the whole camp, and Company "F's" area was given first prize of all companies in the Division.

An incident of note in our history was a stirring address to the Regiment by Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University (20th February, 1918).

During the month of February, 1918, the Regiment was increased to full war strength by recruits from the second draft. These men, several hundred strong, came from Buffalo, Syracuse, Rochester, and New England. Originally, and up to that time, the Regiment consisted almost entirely of men from New York City, but, by this recruitment, it became a State-wide organization. Only a few weeks were available for the training of the new men, but they were of a splendid, hard-working type, and the results were remarkable. As a matter of fact, when the Regiment left Camp Upton late in March, 1918, it would have been difficult to distinguish the new men from the old. About this time (20th February, 1918) Lieut.-Col. C. R. Pettis was called away to command another regiment. Lieut. Col. Lindsey C. Herkness took his place as second in command to Colonel Sherrill. Lieutenant-Colonel Herkness remained with the Regiment until the middle of August, 1918, when he, too, was transferred.

The first divisional review was held at Camp Upton on 15th February, 1918. Assistant Secretary of War, Mr. Benedict Crowell, reviewed the Division. The 302nd Engineers led the parade.

Another memorable event was the parade in New York City, through the heavy snowstorm of Washington's birthday, 1918. Ten thousand men of the Division journeyed to New York City to participate in the march down Fifth Avenue, which was really a farewell to New York. For this reason, and because a few days' leave or furlough was granted to officers and men at this time, this parade was a milestone in our history. The Engineers again were at the head of the column. The 69th Regiment Armory,* on 26th Street, was the New York headquarters of the Regiment.

After the Washington birthday parade in New York City, it became a foregone conclusion that the 77th Division would shortly sail overseas. Efforts to complete equipment and to finish rifle practice were doubled, with the result that early in March, 1918, the Regiment was ready to sail at any time.

When packing up for overseas service, it was found necessary to adopt a symbol to be painted on the baggage. The 77th Division chose for its symbol the Statue of Liberty. Since then, the Division has generally been referred to as the "Liberty Division". When, late in 1918, the General Headquarters ordered each division to select and wear just below the left shoulder a divisional insignia, the 77th Division again chose as its emblem the Statue of Liberty on a field of azure blue. As a matter of record, it should be noted that no divisional insignia were worn until after the Armistice.

Good-byes were said and written several times during March, 1918, before the final orders for leaving were received. In the middle of the night, 28th-29th March, 1918, the 302nd Engineers left their comfortable barracks at Camp Upton, which had been their official home since the preceding August, and marched quietly, almost stealthily, toward the new, the unknown. It was a momentous occasion for most of us, the loosening of the last material bond between the comforts of our garrison life and the actual war-life, which we knew to be ahead of us. Never since that time has the Regiment remained a third as long in any one place. Camp Upton was the scene of our regimental childhood, and fond recollections of our experiences there will often fill our thoughts during the years to come. Thus ends the Camp Upton chapter of the history of the 302nd Engineers. The writer lingers, grudgingly turns the page on this happy, hard-working period, during which our habits of teamwork were formed, our pride of regiment came into being. All things end! Good-bye Camp Upton, the birthplace of the 302nd Engineers!

FROM UPTON TO FRANCE

THE special trains carrying the Regiment from Camp Upton arrived at Astoria, Long Island, about daylight of 29th March. The men and baggage were immediately ferried around the south end of Manhattan Island to a Cunard dock on the Hudson. This was the farewell view of New York's familiar landmarks, for later when the R. M. S. Carmania, which was to carry the Regiment across the Atlantic, sailed down New York Bay, all soldiers were ordered below decks.

From the ferry boats, the embarkation to the Carmania was rapid. The 302nd Field Signal Battalion accompanied our Regiment, as did also a memorable group of Signal Corps (women) telephone operators. The Carmania, ** one of the finest of the Cunarders still afloat, with a battle history of her own, was a splendid vessel of about 20,000 tons, which was used not only as a transport, but also as a general passenger ship.

Colonel Sherrill was the military commander of the ship which slipped out of the harbor during the afternoon of the 29th March, 1918. The route lay first to Halifax, where we spent Easter Sunday. No one was allowed to go ashore. The first lifeboat drill was held in Halifax Bay. Due to the great lack of experienced seamen on the Carmania, men from our Regiment had to be selected and trained as boatsmen. As has always been the case in our history, the necessary talent was readily found and the drill was very successful-except for Captain Greene. He scorned lifeboats because he was the proud possessor of a patented life preserver of complicated design. With this apparatus, he gave a demonstration during the lifeboat drill. Unfortunately, the balast was not sufficiently great and the Captain had to be rescued from his preserver!

A convoy of four ships assembled at Halifax. The old British cruiser, King Alfred, was assigned as the convoying warship. Leaving Halifax on the 2nd April, 1918, the convoy proceeded leisurely across the Atlantic. The course was secret, but amateur navigators kept us well advised of our location. These advices unhappily did not agree, varying at one time from the Azores to Iceland. The weather was wonderfully mild and the sea calm. The daily round of lifeboat drill, physical exercise, ship inspection, bulkhead guard, and submarine watch was pleasantly broken on 6th of April, the first anniversary of the entrance of the United States into the World War, when a celebration was held with the battalions massed on the forward portion of the ship.

No exciting incident occurred until the night of April 10th. The Carmania, with her convoy, had at dusk entered the submarine danger zone and had been joined by British destroyers. During the evening, these agile foxes of the sea had scented submarines. We on board were soon to hear our first sound of actual war. A depth bomb, dropped within half a mile, shakes even a mighty ship such as ours. What it does to the submarine has been often described. We heard several such bombs that night, so were all keyed up to the experience of the following morning.

Reveille on shipboard was held at daybreak, each man reporting to the lifeboat that had been assigned to him. On the morning of the 11th of April, we were entering the waters between Scotland and the north of Ireland. The entrance to this channel was a pest spot for submarines. As ships converged to enter the Irish Sea they offered to enemy submarines the most tempting targets. Here it was that the Tuscania was sunk. Daybreak and dusk were the most propitious times for submarine attacks. At daybreak we had passed within a few miles of a convoy of from twenty-five to thirty ships, and had been joined by more destroyers. The day had fully dawned, and most of us had turned from the chill decks to hot breakfast, thinking that we were not to experience the excitement of a submarine attack.

Captain Edward B. Simmons, Company "D", Officer of the Day, was on deck about 8:30 A. M., when one of the destroyers nearby dropped two depth bombs. At about the same instant, Captain Simmons and others saw what they supposed to be the bubbling wake of a torpedo shoot under the forward quarter of the Carmania. (In reality the ship had crossed the wake of the torpedo.) Almost immediately there was a heavy explosion at the stern of the King Alfred, which was then steaming along about three hundred yards to our starboard. The torpedo had struck, not our ship for which it was obviously intended, but the King Alfred. Then we witnessed the most stirring scene-destroyers dashing about dropping depth bombs all around the convoy. As no second torpedo was seen, the submarine was undoubtedly destroyed by one of the first depth bombs. This incident was particularly remarkable because of the quickness of the destroyers in locating the submarine and dropping the bombs before the first torpedo had reached its mark. From the direction of the torpedo and the velocities and distances apart of the various. ships, it was calculated that the torpedo had been aimed at the Carmania and had crossed her bow within fifty feet. The damage to the King Alfred rendered that warship temporarily unseaworthy. Consequently she left our convoy and steamed into Londonderry, Ireland. In answer to a wireless message of sympathy to the commanding officer of the King Alfred, came back, with thanks, the characteristic British reply: "Carry on!"

No further incident of moment occurred during this voyage. The Carmania docked in Liverpool early on the morning of the 12th of April. The Regiment did not debark. however, until the morning of the 13th. On the night of the 12th-13th, German Zeppelins made one of their longest recorded raids across England and dropped bombs within twelve miles of Liverpool, plainly within earshot of us all. By this time, between the "subs" and the "Zeps", everyone was convinced that the Regiment was really beaded for the war.

Bright and early on the 13th of April, the Regiment marched from the Carmania to the several railroad yards in Liverpool and quickly entrained. The day was perfect as the Regiment sped through southern England. It was Saturday and many people were out-of-doors, working in the war-gardens near the railroad lines-doggedly and with true English persistence. It will be remembered that in England, late March and early April, 1918, was a period of great depression because of the terrible reverses of the British Armies in Picardy and Flanders. The Flanders catastrophe had occurred while our Regiment was at sea. The spirits of the English with whom we talked were very low, but none of us will forget their enthusiasm at the sight of the Americans. If for no other reason, the shipment of American troops through England was justified because of the inspiriting effect it had on the civilian morale.

The trip from Liverpool to Dover took only eight hours. The trains sped rapidly across the beautiful country, through the outskirts of London and on to Dover. Shortly after passing London war's gruesome picture was vividly painted for us. Train after train, loaded with wounded soldiers, passed, moving swiftly toward the city. These hundreds of bandaged men told all too plainly how desperate was the struggle across the channel, to join, which we were hurrying.

At Dover the Regiment spent the night, quartered in the chill barracks of Dover Castle. It was the consensus of opinion that there could be no more depressing place to spend the- night than this renowned and picturesque relic of Old England.

Thus it was that we "saw" England in eight hours! Many would like to see more of it, but Lieutenant-Colonel Per-Lee is about the only one of us who was fortunate enough (after the Armistice) to get leave to go to England. He enjoyed himself enough for the whole Regiment, so it is said.

During the day of the 14th of April, the Regiment was transported across the English Channel to Calais. Many wished for the mythical Calais-Dover tunnel, for the Channel was particularly boisterous. Capt. John W. Mark, our supply officer, an Englishman by birth, led the reaction of the Regiment against the roughness of the passage.

CHAPTER III.

FRANCE AT LAST!

FRANCE at last! With what mingled feelings did we first see the land of history and battle, of beauty and destruction; of courage and suffering!

Calais was reached on the afternoon of the 14th April, 1918. The 302nd Engineers, being the first regiment of the 77th Division to sail overseas, has thus the honor of being the first National Army regiment to reach France. Calais, the forlorn, at that time but recently relieved f or a brief spell from the menace of capture by the Hun; nightly bombed by the most powerful infernal machines of the air; peopled by the soldiers of a dozen nations; presented a sorry appearance to us as we marched through.

Ruined houses, ruined industry, stared at us from all sides; anxiety was on every face. The only life seemed to be in the little band of old French territorials, who bugled the Regiment to a British "rest camp." Their bugling was continuous, and one marveled how they found breath to blow, until it was seen that the ranks of buglers alternated -only the drummers were steadily at work.

"Rest camp" sounded like a haven of rest to us after the ocean voyage, the railroad trip across England, a cheerless night at Dover and a rough channel passage. Later, we found that the only rest in British rest camp lies in the name itself. But of them all, "Rest Camp No. 6 East" of Calais was the most dispiriting. It was a camp of small conical tents, pitched in the shifting sand on the outskirts of Calais. Compared with it, Camp Upton was a Paris. However, we were not to remain there long, for within thirty-six hours the British had issued to each man a gas mask, which he tested himself in a chamber of tear gas; a steel helmet (thereafter his constant companion), and a British rifle in exchange for his American rifle.

It may be well here to explain the particular mission of the 77th Division: In order to obtain British shipping for the transport of United States troops to France, our War department had agreed to place and train behind the British lines in Flanders, nine American divisions. The British were to act as advisers in the training of these divisions; were to supply and arm them with British rifles, and in turn could use these troops as a strategic reserve. Once trained, these divisions were to be at the disposal of the American high command (G. H. Q.), but if withdrawn from Flanders, were to be replaced by other divisions arriving in France. The 77th Division was the first American division to be so trained (as a division) behind the British front.

It is also interesting to note that at this time (April, 1918) it was proposed that the 77th Division should be made a "replacement division"; i. e., its organization as a single fighting unit was to be destroyed, and its officers and men used merely to replace losses in other divisions. Happily, fortune had in store for us a nobler fate, for had this plan been executed, our Regiment would doubtless have become a corps engineer regiment, and as such, would have missed its great opportunity to serve as an integral part of the combat branch of the American Army.

On the 16th April, 1918, the Regiment marched from the rest camp to entrain for its first trip on a French railroad. Those of us who had read Ian Hay's "The First Hundred Thousand", knew in imagination what we might expect to find in French troop trains. True to our anticipations, there were the little box cars, about half as long as an American box car, each marked "Hommes 40, Chevaux 8", which means that, for military travel, the cars are to be filled, nay, crammed, either with forty men or eight horses. Later we managed to get additional cars, so that it was necessary to carry only thirty men or six animals per car. But at first, lacking experience and "savoir faire", we followed the rule strictly, and suffered accordingly.

The first rail journey of the Regiment in France ended at Audruicq (Pas de Calais). Audruicq was a British rail-head (supply point) about seventeen kilometers southeast of Calais. From it the Regiment marched to its first French billets. It was a weary journey. Our men were not accustomed to long marches, because the extreme winter and the late spring at Camp Upton had offered no opportunity for such exercise.

The regimental headquarters staff and the First Battalion marched to Ruminghem, and the Second Battalion to Muncq-Nieur-let.

The incomparable British system was every-where apparent. We never ceased to marvel at the efficiency of the British rear organization. No matter what the fortune of battle at the front, the British service of supply (in the American Army called the "S. 0. S.") never failed. So it happened that, although the combat troops of many British divisions had been practically wiped out by the German offensive in Picardy during March, 1918, the British transport system had escaped practically intact. This fact was of particular interest to American troops, because our incoming troops depended upon this transport service for much of their fighting equipment.

The 77th Division Headquarters were at Eperlecques (Pas de Calais) as were also the headquarters of the 39th Division (British). This latter division had suffered very greatly in the March (1918) German offensive in Picardy, and its staff was placed at the disposal of the Americans for training the 77th Division. To each regiment of the 77th were attached several experienced British officers. The 302nd Engineers were fortunate in having assigned to them, as instructors, several splendid officers from the 13th Gloucestershire Regiment (Pioneers) and from the Royal -Engineers. These officers gave freely of their experience and skill, and were of the greatest assistance in bridging the difficult period of transition during the first few weeks after the Regiment's arrival in France.

It must always be remembered that the American soldier in France faced many new situations. Not only was there the difference in language, but even more strange was the difference in customs and habits. In the United States, soldiers are habitually quartered in barracks or, when in the field, under canvas. In France, law and custom place the soldier in "billets" except when very close to the enemy. There are many good reasons for this, and the Americans soon learned to make themselves comfortable in barns and outhouses, and when within a few kilometers of the front, in the wine cellars which are invariably to be found in every French house. At the beginning of their French service, however, the American soldier did not enjoy an ordinary billet.

The Regiment, after settling down and resting for one day (17th April, 1918), commenced its last course of intensive training for active service. The area in which the 77th Division was billeted was about twenty miles behind the British front in Flanders. The sound of the big guns was easily heard, and the night raids of the Boche airplanes were common enough. Practically every fair night, one could hear the buzz of the heavy-laden bombing planes, headed for Calais or Boulogne, or perchance the bombs were intended for Watten or St. Omer, which were much nearer our billets. When one of the 2,000 pound bombs exploded within ten miles, the concussion was so terrific that we felt we had just escaped destruction.

The regulations required everyone to seek shelter during air raids, not so much because of the bombs as because of the quantity of shrapnel and high explosive shell which the British anti-aircraft guns (so-called "Archies") poured forth. However, curiosity generally got the better of prudence-the accompanying display of searchlights-some-times as many as fifty at once looked for the plane-was a sight never to be forgotten. Throughout the war, it was always fascinating to watch the air. Whatever went on there was a free exhibition and helped to drive away dull care and ennui!

At the time of the Regiment's arrival in France in the middle of April, 1918, the military situation in Flanders was very precarious for the Allies. On 9th of April, the Germans had launched a surprise attack between Ypres and Arras, which was unexpectedly successful for the enemy. A deep salient was driven into the British line. Armentieres, Bailleul and Merville had been taken and 136thune was seriously threatened. If the latter city and environs had fallen, France's last great coal field would have been in the hands of the enemy. It was at this time (11th April, 1918) that Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, the British Commander-in-Chief, issued his famous order of the day, declaring that the British had their "backs to the wall." Because of its historic importance and the remarkable effect it had in a great crisis in the history of the world, this order, addressed to "all ranks of the British Army in France and Flanders", is quoted in full:

"Three weeks ago today the enemy began his terrific attacks against us on a fifty-mile front. His objects are to separate us from the French, to take the Channel ports, and to destroy the British Army.

"In spite of throwing already 106 divisions in the battle, and enduring the most reckless sacrifice of human life, he has yet made little progress toward his goals.

"We owe this to the determined fighting and self-sacrifice of our troops. Words fail me to express the admiration, which I feel for the splendid resistance, offered by all ranks of our army under the most trying circumstances.

"Many among us now are tired. To those I would say that victory will belong to the side which holds out the longest. The French Army is moving rapidly and in great force to our support. There is no other course open to us but to flight it out.

"Every position must be held to the last man. There must be no retirement. With our backs to the wall, and believing in the justice of our cause, each one of us must fight to the end. The safety of our homes and the freedom of mankind depend alike upon the conduct of each one of us at this critical moment."

The Germans, for their part, were not in a comfortable situation. The salient they had driven in the lines was not broad enough for safety, and everywhere the British held the heights. It was obvious that the enemy must either attack or withdraw. Flushed with victory, it did not seem likely that they would withdraw.

During this period the British Army was bending every effort to build additional positions of defense in the rear of their front. So it happened that the 302nd Engineers were hardly settled in their new quarters, and had hardly started their last training, when an order came detaching them from the 77th Division and sending them to the area east of Watten to help construct the British "G. H. Q." positions.

The regimental headquarters staff and first battalion moved on 29th April, 1918, to Volkerinckhove, and the second battalion to Merckeghem. Immediately the Regiment commenced work on the positions of defense in front of Watten. This work consisted of digging trenches and constructing wire entanglements. In the digging, a large number of Chinese coolies were used under the direction of officers and non-commissioned officers of the Regiment. Aside from its military importance, the construction of this defense position was splendid training for the Regiment.

Lieutenants Headman and Booth of Co. "E"

Early in May, 1918, the Germans attacked and captured Kemmel Hill in their endeavor to widen the Flanders salient. Very severe fighting took place, and at one time the Regiment heard in the distance the unceasing artillery fire for Over 72 hours. It was feared that another attempt to capture the Channel ports was about to be made by the Germans, and several French divisions were brought into this area as a reserve.

The month of May, 1918, was spent at Volkerinclikhove and Merckeghem. Much work was done, despite a lack of engineer equipment. All the tools and apparatus of an engineer regiment which had been gathered together so carefully at Camp Upton, had been left behind when the Regiment sailed overseas. The British supplied wagon transport and animals, but could not supply the technical equipment required for the proper functioning of an engineer regiment.

Part of the training of the Regiment at this time consisted in testing gas masks in a cloud of real chlorine gas. This test gave the men confidence in the mask, that could not be obtained in any other way. Also, each man had an opportunity of throwing "live" hand grenades at dummy Boches.

During the month of May, many officers and non-commissioned officers had an opportunity to visit the British front south of Arras. The purpose of these visits was to get first-hand knowledge of the actual conditions of trench warfare, and this knowledge was of great value. The Colonel, his staff, majors, all company commanders and first sergeants were absent at the front at one time. During their absence, a divisional maneuver (May 17-19) was held. Although lacking most of its commanding officers, the Regiment performed its part in the maneuver efficiently, and was commended by the judges. Other maneuvers were held later, which gave our troops valuable practical experience in the problems of mobile warfare. Little did anyone realize then, how soon this training would be put to use, for all fronts by this time had become stabilized again after the first 1918 attacks of the Germans.

At four o'clock of the afternoon of 30th May, 1918, the Regiment received orders to march out at seven o'clock. In spite of this short notice, officers and men were ready promptly at the appointed hour, and marched about seven miles to bivouac near Hellebroucq. The following day a march of over 17 miles brought us to a bivouac in the Bois de Bomquehault. On 1st of June the Regiment marched to billets, with regimental and second battalion headquarters at Locquinghen, and the first battalion at Belle. The six weeks' training in France showed its results plainly, for the Regiment marched splendidly and was complimented by Major-General Blacklock of the 39th (British) Division.

This change of station of the Regiment was preliminary to its departure from the British sector. For a few days, the Regiment busied itself in preparing the area surrounding it for the reception of incoming American troops. These preparations consisted of the construction of rifle ranges and bayonet assault courses.

On the 7th of June the Regiment entrained at Rinxent and was transported to Anvin (Pas de Calais), where it arrived the same day. The regimental transport and 302nd Engineer Train proceeded by march route to the same place, via St. Pol, arriving on the evening of the 8th of June. The regimental headquarters staff was at Monchy Cayeaux, while the regiment was billetted between Anvin and Wavrans.

From Wavrans on 10th of June the entire Regiment entrained on three French military trains. This trip was the longest of any taken in France. The route lay through Abbeville-sur-Somme, Versailles, Sens, Wassy and Nancy, south to the detraining station at Thaon, Vosges.

This route illustrates well the precarious state of communications between the French and British armies in the early summer of 1918. The only useable railroad connection between the north and south of the Somme River, which roughly divided the British and the French, was at Abbeville. Due to the March advances of the Germans in Picardy, the important railroad center of Amiens was under such bombardment that its railroad lines could not be used. Also the direct rail route from Paris to Nancy had been cut at Château-Thierry by the German advance of 27th of May. This necessitated a long detour for troops who were being transferred from one front to the other.

The train trip from Flanders to Nancy took three days. The weather was ideal and the countryside very beautiful. The men of the Regiment knew that every mile took them nearer to their first real test. There was no depression -only a determination not to be found wanting.

It was during this trip that Capt. F. S. Greene was formally placed in command of the 1st Battalion.

Thaon was reached on the night of the 12th-13th June, 1918. The Regiment took station as follows:

Domevre-sur-Durbion-Regt. HQ and HQ 1st Bn., Cos. "A" and "B".

Bayecourt-HQ 2nd Bn. and Cos. "E" and "F".

Pallegney-Company "C"

Villoncourt-Company "D

These stations were, however, but temporary. Almost immediately upon arrival, Colonel Sherrill, with the company commanders, proceeded to the front to become familiar with the work which was to be taken over. It was at this time that there was attached to the Regiment Lieut. Gilbert ,Macqueron, of the French Army. Lieutenant Macqueron accompanied the Regiment as liaison officer through all its operations in the field, and became actually, if not technically, a member of the Regiment.

The 77th Division was to relieve the 42nd, popularly known as the "Rainbow Division". The 42nd Division then held the quiet Portion of the Lorraine front known as the "Baccarat Sector", because headquarters were located at Baccarat, Meurthe-et-Moselle.

On 16th of June, Company "F" and Headquarters Company, 302nd Engineers, marched from their billets to Rambervillers. The following day these two companies marched to Baccarat and relieved the corresponding companies of the 117th Engineers of the 42nd Division. So far as we are informed, these two companies were the first companies of the National Army to be assigned to duties in a front-line sector. They were billetted first in the old "Crystallerie", and later in the Haxo Barracks.

On the 19th of June, the remainder of the Regiment followed and relieved corresponding organizations of the 117th Engineers, being stationed as follows:

Regt. HQ, HQ Co., Co. "F", and Engineer Train at Baccarat, Meurthe-et-Moselle.

One-half of Company "A" at Reherrey.

One-half of Company "A" at Vaxainville.

Company "B" at New Barbett Camp.

Company "C" at Vacqueville.

Headquarters 1st Bn. at Merviller.

Headquarters 2nd Bn. at Neuf-Maison.

Company "D" at Pexonne.

Company "E" at Neuf-Maison (later moved to Ker Avor).

The men of the Regiment will not soon forget this-their first "relief ". The unknown is always formidable! To make it worse, the weather was miserable. Cold, cutting rains drenched the men on the marches, which were made at night.

Thus it was that, in June, 1918, the 302nd Engineers first assumed duties in a front-line sector.

CHAPTER IV.

ORGANIZATION 0F AN AMERICAN DIVISION.

BEFORE proceeding to describe the Baccarat Sector and the work of the Regiment there, it will be well to describe briefly the organization of an American division in 1918, and the duties of the divisional engineer department. Such a description will assist in the understanding of the regimental history to follow.

An American division at full strength in 1918 was made up of two brigades of infantry, each brigade consisting of two regiments of about 3,600 men each. There was also a brigade of artillery, consisting of two regiments of light field artillery and one regiment of heavy artillery. Three machine gun battalions were also assigned to each division-one for each brigade and one as a divisional reserve. In addition, a division included one regiment of combat engineers, armed as infantry, one battalion of signal corps and various trains, such as supply, ammunition, engineer and sanitary trains.

In the 77th Division, these units were numbered as follows:

JUNE, 1918.

77th Division Headquarters. .

302nd Engineers.

302nd Engineer Train.

304th Machine Gun Battalion.

302nd Field Signal Battalion.

HQ Trains and Military Police---

302nd Supply Train.

302nd Ammunition Train.

302nd Sanitary Train .

152nd Artillery Brigade.

304th Artillery.

305th Artillery.

306th Artillery.

153rd Infantry Brigade

305th Infantry.

306th Infantry.

305th Machine Gun Battalion.

154th Infantry Brigade.

307th Infantry

308th Infantry.

306th Machine Gun Battalion

The two infantry brigades of the division were generally in the front line abreast of each other. An engineer regiment was divided into two battalions, each of three companies, and for the purpose of cooperation with the infantry, one engineer battalion was attached to each infantry brigade. As soon as the 77th Division was settled in the Baccarat Sector, the first battalion, 302nd Engineers, was attached to the 153rd Infantry Brigade, and the second battalion to the 154th Infantry Brigade. Throughout the ensuing campaign, these attachments continued.

As to the duties of combat engineers, they are many, and vary with the military situation. The motto of the military engineer should be, "Communications ready on time." This motto applies particularly to mobile warfare, when the ability of the army to move rapidly depends upon the constant efforts of the engineers.

Roads must be made passable, bridges must be repaired and built, paths cut, signs posted, etc. Anything which will assist the movement of the infantry and the artillery is properly the duty of the engineers.

In stabilized warfare, such as that on the Baccarat front, the engineers made the minor road repairs required near the front, planned and supervised the construction of new trenches and dugouts, gas-proofed all dugouts, mined bridges, put up barbed wire, made and placed signs and did a multitude of other useful things. Colonel Sherrill's orders were to comply with any request for work, and to do our utmost to cooperate wholeheartedly with the other arms of the service.

CHAPTER V.

BACCARAT.

THE Baccarat Sector took its name from the city of Baccarat on the Meurthe River near Luneville. Baccarat was a pleasing little city several miles back of the front lines, rarely, in 1918, disturbed by the sounds of war. In 1914, the city had been overrun by the Boches who, however, occupied it only a few days. It was soon recovered by the French with only about one-third of its best houses gutted by fire and shell. Baccarat is noted for its fine glassware and "Point de Luneville" lace.

The front line in this sector was only a few miles from the Alsatian border and had been stabilized for nearly four years. The villages near the front, such as Badonviller, Montigny, Herbeviller, etc., were quite ruined by the long- continued artillery fire. Other villages, farther to the rear, such as Pexonne, Neuf-Maison, Reherrey and Merviller, were badly damaged, but still habitable. In this sector most of the front trenches were in woods or forests. By the summer of 1918, both the Germans and the French considered the eastern sectors as "quiet", and aside from occasional raids to identify the opposing divisions, little fighting took place. Although at this time the Baccarat Sector was actually held by an American division, it was under the control of a French corps, and strict orders had been given not to engage in aggressive warfare.

The line at this point had for so long been immobile that the front trenches had all been constructed. with great care, some even in solid stone, and were well protected by heavy barricades of wire. The second or support position had likewise been completed. The third or reserve position had been planned by the French, and its construction had just been begun by the 117th Engineers, U. S. A., when these troops were relieved by the 302nd Engineers.

The first important work, therefore, to be undertaken by the Regiment was to construct dugouts for this third position. Each company, except Co. F and H. Q. Co. was assigned to this work. The H. Q. Co. and Co. F were stationed at Baccarat, and acted as general utility troops, attending to the many important duties connected with the work of division headquarters, such as map-making, carpentry, gas proofing dugouts, etc.

For the dugout work, the lettered companies and platoons were spread out in a line a few kilometers behind the front. The digging was hard, mostly in rock, but as the men had done similar work at Camp Upton, the progress was rapid. One or two concrete "cut and cover" dugouts were also constructed. All this work had to be done under camouflage, so as not to disclose the locations to the enemy airplane observers. It was of paramount importance that the camouflage should be complete before the work of digging was started. As matter of fact, from subsequent examination of our own airplane photographs of this area, it is doubtful whether any marked success resulted from our efforts to deceive the enemy, in this regard.

These dugouts were later to be connected by continuous trenches, which previously had been wired. The usual order of work for such a reserve position was (1) wire; (2) dugouts; (3) trenches. For a front line position, dug in the face of the enemy, the order of work is the reverse of this; i. e., (1) trenches; (2) wire; (3) dugouts.

In addition to the work on the reserve position, many other tasks were assigned to our men. For instance, Co. "E" pushed to completion a splendid concrete observation post at Pierre A Cheval; Co. "F" had charge of a saw-mill which supplied lumber for the dugouts, and this company also laid six kilometers of light railroad.

Almost as soon as the Regiment arrived in the Baccarat Sector, a number of officers and non-commissioner officers were detached and sent back to the United States to officer and help train the new regiments which were being formed. This was the beginning of a series of transfers which considerably reduced the number of officers with the Regiment, although its aim was to increase the efficiency of the service as a whole.

Other non-commissioned officers were also detached and sent to the Army Engineer School at Langres. These men were later commissioned and rejoined the Regiment at the beginning of the Argonne drive, where their services were invaluable.

The number of the men of the Regiment who have risen from the ranks to the responsibility of command, as occasion called them forward, was remarkable. The supply of leaders always seemed unlimited. No sooner did a need arise in any rank than the right man was found at once to meet the emergency.

It should be recalled at this time that in the Fall of 1917 men of the 302nd Engineers were sent from Camp Upton to the engineers officers training camp at Camp Lee, Virginia. These men were all commissioned at the end of their term of training, but, unfortunately for the Regiment, it was possible to secure the return of only three of these new officers, viz., Lieuts. J. J. Hyland, E. R. Finlayson, and J. M. Cunningham. Other men had been sent to the infantry officers training camp at Camp Upton. These men, however, were not commissioned until June, 1918, and they were all ordered detached from the Regiment. It was only through the determined efforts of Colonel Sherrill that the following were allowed to return to the Regiment: Lieuts. D. Romeo, J. A. Walsh, J. F. Brown, and H. R. Eitsen.

In July, Co. "C" was moved back to Deneuvre, La Chapelle, and Glonville to work on a so-called "barrage position" south of the Meurthe River. This position was to be a last defense in case of a forced retirement. For it must be remembered that while the French never doubted ultimate victory, they very wisely prepared "defenses in depth". As a part of this policy, during the occupation of the Baccarat Sector by American forces, the Regiment was ordered to prepare demolitions for all bridges and culverts in that area.

While in the Baccarat Sector, the Regiment had its first casualty due to enemy fire. Private W. J. Susat, Co. "E", was hit by a bomb splinter while he was at Camp Ker Avor. At about the same time Lieut. T. H. Ellett, Co. "D", had a very narrow escape. A mustard-gas shell exploded in the room where he was sleeping. By the greatest good fortune, Lieutenant Ellett was wearing his gas mask at the time; otherwise, he would most certainly have been killed.

It was also at this time that Sergeant Barney S. Shephard, Co. "A", won a citation for bravery-the first received by any member of the Regiment. While engaged on some trench work, Sergeant Shephard went, under heavy shellfire, to the aid of a wounded infantryman and carried him to safety. Sergeant Shephard was later commissioned in the infantry, where he also distinguished himself for bravery, winning the French Croix de Guerre as well as the American Distinguished Service Cross.

The Engineer Train, while stationed at Baccarat during this same period, also did good work transporting engineer material forward under considerable difficulties.

Toward the end of July, 1918, rumors to the effect that the 77th Division was to be relieved by the 37th Division (Ohio National Guard) became more and more persistent. Finally, officers from the 112th Engineers arrived to arrange for the relief of the 302nd Engineers, and during the nights of 1st of August to 2nd and 2nd to 3rd, the Regiment marched away from the Baccarat Sector, presumably for a rest period, but actually to begin the most strenuous work to which up to this time it had been assigned.

During its stay of approximately two months in the Baccarat Sector, the training of the Regiment for active operations had continued without pause, so that by the 1st of August it was considered as ready for any duties in the field. Indeed, the whole 77th Division was fortunate in having been able so gradually to approach real war, and to have received such thorough training before assignment to an active fighting front.

Marching only at night west from Baccarat, the Regiment passed through Domptail, Mattexey, and took temporary stations as follows:

Regimental H. Q. and H. Q. Co ------------- Roville (near Bayon) First Battalion and Engineer Train ---- Moriviller

Second Battalion ------Borville

During such changes of station, the transport marched separately. Lieut. H. C. Cresson commanded the 1st Battalion Transport, and Lieut. J. C. Wallace that of the 2nd Battalion, while Lieut. J. A. Ryan commanded the Engineer Train. Many were the experiences in bringing forward the wagons. What, with uncertain food and forage, poor roads, and weak animals, each such march was a trial, and the greatest credit should be given to the officers and men who always reappeared at the right moment with the impedimenta.

These night marches were among the most pleasant of any taken by the Regiment. The weather was fair and mild. The front was far enough away so that the band could play. Spirits were high, not only because of the expected rest, but also because of the news of Allied success that daily came from other fronts.

CHAPTER VI.

MILITARY SITUATION IN AUGUST, 1918.

BEFORE beginning the next chapter in the history of the Regiment, it would be well to recall

the military situation on the 1st August, 1918.

Up to the 1st of June, the Germans had launched three great offensives: two against the British, in Picardy (21st of March), and in Flanders (9th of April) and one against the French

on the Chemin des Dames (27th of May). This latter attack had been the most successful for the enemy, for within a few days, German troops had pushed a great salient in the French lines, between Rheims and Soissons, extending as far south as the Marne River at Chateau-Thierry. This great attack had been halted by the French reserves about the 2nd of June. In this drive, the 2nd and 3rd Divisions won immortal fame by their heroic defense and counter- attack in Belleau Woods and near Chateau-Thierry.

For six weeks (from 2nd of June to 15th of July) after this check of the German advance by the combined French and American forces, the enemy organized this salient for a further attack with Paris as its probable near objective.

The fourth enemy offensive operation of 1918 was to take place in two sections of the front simultaneously, viz. (1) from Rheims east, and (2) from Rheims southwest to Château-Thierry. Later the enemy planned to attack the front from Soissons to Château-Thierry after the hoped-for success in the first two assaults.

Blinded by the over-confidence bred of their earlier successes, the Germans failed to dig positions of strength' on the front between Soissons and Chateau-Thierry. For the same reason, they even neglected to mask their plans and movements with the result that the French staff was fully informed, even knowing the "zero hour" for the attack.

Early on the morning of the 15th of July, these two attacks were launched by the enemy troops. After the first day, it was obvious that the attack east of Rheims was a failure for the Boches, due, in large measure to novel tactics of the French Commander, General Gouraud.

The enemy met with greater success in their advance between Rheims and Chateau-Thierry. In places the Marne River was crossed. But even this attack by the Germans did not overwhelm the Allied forces. The defense was especially strong near Chateau-Thierry, where the 3rd American Division checked very heavy attacks, and stubbornly held its ground.

The great hour of the war had now struck! For the first time Marshal Foch had almost unlimited reserves at his disposal, due to the American reinforcement. At last he could give free play to his strategic skill and military genius. The Allied forces were about to take the offensive, and were never to relinquish it until the surrender of the enemy under the humiliating terms of the Armistice of 11th November, 1918.

Masked by the Forest of Villers-Cotterets, all available Allied troops had been concentrated between Soissons and Château-Thierry. Among these troops were two American divisions (the 1st and the 2nd). Early on the 18th of July -a day which will forever be remembered in American history and in the history of the world-the great counter -battle began, striking directly eastward to the south of Soissons. Marshal Foch had seized his opportunity to deliver a tremendous flanking blow, which proved irresistible.

Success was immediate. Even during the first day's battle, important German lines of communications were cut, and the enemy's whole position in the Marne salient was in peril.

The attack which the enemy had planned to make, probably on the same day, was at once changed into a grim defense, and then to a retreat, as the Allied divisions between Chateau-Thierry and Rheims took up the offensive.

Between the 18th of July and the 1st of August, the Allies had steadfastly pushed the Germans back to the Ourcq River at Fere-en-Tardenois. The enemy resisted stubbornly, and again and again the Allied divisions had to be replaced and relieved because of the heavy losses. But the advance continued, and the enemy was forced to fall back.

It was to participate in the finale of this great battle that the 77th Division was withdrawn from the quiet Baccarat Sector. Instead of being sent to the rear for a "rest", the Division was ordered forward to relieve the 4th U. S. Division on the Vesle River and elements of the 42nd Division.

CHAPTER 7

THE VESLE SECTOR.

FROM the 6th to the 8th August, 1918, the Regiment entrained at Bayon and Blainville (Meur-the et Moselle), and after a trip of about twenty hours by rail, detrained at Coulommiers (Seine et Marne), and adjoining villages about thirty miles east of Paris and twenty miles southwest of Chateau Thierry.

On the 10th of August the Regiment was transported by French trucks through Chateau-Thierry and Fere-en- Tardenois to bivouac in the Forest of Nesles, just east of the village of Seringes (Aisne). Regimental headquarters were in a ruined farmhouse at the eastern limit of Seringes.

No member of the Regiment will forget this trip over the recently contested ground, which Americans had done so much to regain. The evidences of terrific battle were on all sides, fresh and gruesomely eloquent of the heavy price that had been paid. At last, the time for real action was at hand for the 302nd Engineers.

From the 1st to the 10th of August, while the 77th Division had been moving from the Baccarat Sector, the Allies had pushed the Germans back from the line of the Ourcq River at Fere-en-Tardenois to the Vesle River at Fismes and Bazoches. In that part of the line held by American forces, the 42nd Division on the left, aided by regiments of the 4th Division, and the 32nd Division on the right, had, on the 1st and 2nd of August, overcame determined German resistance on the line of the Oureq River east of Fere-en-Tardenois and had advanced toward the Vesle River. It was during this operation that the 42nd Division was relieved by the 4th Division and the 32nd Division by the 28th. The 4th and the 28th Divisions had pushed on to the Vesle River, where the German troops had been ordered to make a stand and not to yield ground at any cost.

During its brief action in this sector the 4th Division suffered such heavy losses that relief soon became necessary. The 77th Division was therefore pushed forward to take over the front held by the 4th Division, and likewise part of the French front to the left as far as Mont Notre Dame. On the night of the 11th to 12th of August, the 302nd Engineers relieved the 4th Engineers.

Due to the concentration of troops on this front, the width of the divisional sector was much narrower than it had been at Baccarat. The 1st Battalion of the 302nd Engineers, attached to the 153rd Infantry Brigade, covered the left half of the sector, while the 2nd Battalion covered the right half with the 154th Infantry Brigade. Regimental and divisional headquarters were stationed at the Chateau de Fere, north of Fere-en-Tardenois; both battalion headquarters were in unforgettable Chery-Chartreuve.

The 77th Division front extended along the valley of the Vesle from Fismes and Fismettes on the right, to Mont Notre Dame on the left-a front of about seven kilometers. The American outposts were located north of the Vesle River, both on the right and the left of this sector. But in the center, around Bazoches, the north bank of the river was strongly held by the enemy. St. Thibaut, a deserted village on the south side of the river (opposite Bazoches), was lightly held by the Americans.

Due to its position, Bazoches was of great value to the Germans, and a thorn in the side of the Americans. Much of the regimental and divisional history during this period centers around Bazoches. Upon its capture depended the satisfactory advance of Allied forces.

The American divisions on the Vesle front were at this time (12th of August) operating under orders of a French corps commander. The French command did not contemplate an immediate advance. Instead, work was to be expedited on three defense positions, viz., (1) the front line position of outposts, or so-called "green line"; (2) the support, or "red" position; and (3) the reserve, or "blue" position. To the engineers was assigned the task of laying out the trenches and placing the barbed wire. The infantry, under engineer supervision, were to dig the trenches of the support and reserve positions. Each position was to consist of three parallels with the necessary approach trenches. No dugouts were to be constructed.

Co. "C" and Co. "F" were assigned to the work on the outpost position; Co. "B" and Co. "D" on the support position; Co. "A" and Co. "E" on the reserve position. Headquarters Co. and the Engineer Train were stationed near divisional headquarters, fulfilling their regular functions of map-reproduction and transportation.

In addition to the main work of field fortifications just outlined, the lettered companies had other duties, such as the repair and upkeep of roads, the construction of road screens to prevent enemy observation of movements on roads, reconnaissance, etc.

All troops had been warned to be on the watch for enemy traps. It was discovered that the Chateau de Fere (divisional headquarters) was mined with tons of high explosive and hundreds of unexploded trench mortar shells. Mines had been placed not only in the Chateau, but also in the arches of a beautiful old viaduct, the destruction of which had no military value. Fortunately, the German troops' charged with the execution of this vandalism, had failed in their mission, and it was the duty of the engineers to clear away the explosive. This work was accomplished successfully under the direction of Lieutenant Macqueron (French liaison officer attached to the 302nd Engineers), and Master Engineer John L. Bleier.

For the engineers the Vesle Sector was very different from that of Baccarat. Not only were the engineer troops much nearer the fighting front, participating in its many activities, but conditions of life were fundamentally changed. All companies, except Co. "C" and Co. "D", were bivouacked in woods or on hillsides, and existence was very primitive. Danger from shells and gas was ever present. sleep was disturbed by artillery fire, which was almost incessant.

After the first day or two in this sector, Co. "C" an(' Co. "D" were quartered in a large cave in a hillside near the road between Chery-Chartreuve and St. Thibaut. To them this will always be "THE CAVE". The location of this cave was almost ideal from the point of view of the engineers. It was quite near the front, only about two kilometers south of the Vesle River; yet its damp confines spelled rest and safety (also "cooties") for the troops when not at work. This retreat, however, was immediately discovered by the Boches, who took special pains to enfilade its approach. Several times during their occupancy of the cave the kitchens of Co. "C" and Co. "D" were partially destroyed by shell-fire and many animals were also killed in the same way. One of the Co. "D" tool wagons was likewise added to the "casualty list".

Shortly after the relief of the 4th Division, the Regiment had its first death from enemy fire. Private Wallace A. Parmenter, Co. "B", was killed by a shell splinter on 12th August, 1918, near Chery-Chartreuve. Other casualties soon followed in all companies. Capt. R. L. Thomas, Adjutant of the 1st Battalion, was severely wounded in eleven places, while at Chery-Chartreuve on 20th August, 1918. In fact, Chery-Chartreuve was within easy range of the Boche light artillery and was a favorite target for their gunners, day and night. It will long live in the memory of those whose duty called them there.

Co. C Bridge

During August, the following named officers of the Regiment were transferred to the United States for promotion, and for duty in connection with the training of new engineer regiments then in the process of formation:

Lieut.-Col. H. C. Herkness

Capt. J. W. Mark, Supply Officer

1st Lieut. C. A. Volz, Co. "E"

1st Lieut. H. A. Philip, Co. "E"

1st Lieut. J. E. L. O'Ryan, Co. "A"

1st Lieut. E. L. Robinson, Co. "Y"

2nd Lieut. J. H. Murrin, Co. "E"

All these officers, except Colonel Herkness, had been with the Regiment since its formation, and their transfer was greatly regretted. Lieutenant H., C. Cresson, Co. "A", was appointed Supply Officer to fill the vacancy caused by Captain Mark's transfer, and was soon after promoted to the rank of Captain.

During all its operations, the Regiment was short of commissioned officers, at one time having only two-thirds of the authorized number. Had it not been for the high quality of the non-commissioned officers, the Regiment would have been seriously handicapped.

The change from the quiet sector of Baccarat to the great activity of the Vesle front, brought with it a striking change in the duties of the combat engineers. Dugouts were no longer even thought of; wire and trenches sank into secondary importance. The principal work of the engineers became "communications" which, translated, meant bridges and roads. BRIDGES! What recollections that. one word brings to the mind of every man in the Regiment!

BRIDGES, where so many of our brave comrades fell! From the Vesle to the Meuse, every operation of the Regiment seemed to lead as inevitably as death to one thing- BRIDGES! Much other useful work was done, but, in retrospect, everything else seems to fade into insignificance in comparison with the building of footbridges in front of the infantry, or of artillery bridges just behind them.

One of the first noteworthy operations of the Regiment after reaching the Vesle, was a river reconnaissance conducted by men of Co. "C". On the night of the 15th Au-gust, 1918, four volunteer parties, led respectively by 1st Sergeant Quinn, Sergeant Ruhlberg, Corporal Burkhardt, and Corporal Bell, made a complete reconnaissance of the Vesle River, where it lay between the lines, reporting locations of existing and demolished foot bridges, narrow places, etc. These parties were well ahead of the infantry outposts, and conducted their observations under artillery and machine gun fire.

Based on the information obtained through this reconnaissance, a detail from Co. "C" was sent forward to fell trees across a narrow part of the stream to form footbridges for the infantry. Corporal Burkhardt led this detail which ' in its first attempt on the night of the 18th of August, was unsuccessful, because the infantry commander refused to allow the detail to pass through the lines. Again, on the night of the 19th of August, the men made a second attempt, but were halted by a German outpost. Finally, on the night of the 21st of August, accompanied by Lieutenant Mack, of the infantry, who, with his aides, acted as a covering party, this detail succeeded in dynamiting two trees across the Vesle, a few hundred feet southwest of Bazoches.

On the same night as the Co. "C" reconnaissance (15th of August), 1st Lieut. Madison H. Lewis of Co. "F", accompanied by Sgts. Jules Gingras and Frank Roskoski, both of the same company, was also reconnoitering the river west of Fismes. At this point, the American line was north of the Vesle. An infantry relief was taking place at the same time. Heavy-laden infantrymen were crossing a narrow footbridge. The valley was a target for enemy gas shells, so that it was necessary for the men to wear gas masks. The combination of darkness, gas masks and a narrow bridge (already overtaxed by the passage of infantrymen) added greatly to, the difficulty of the task. Several infantrymen fell off the bridge into the river, and were in grave danger of drowning. Without hesitation, Lieutenant Lewis and his two sergeants tore off their masks, plunged into the stream, and rescued the infantrymen. The three engineers were severely gassed. Lieutenant Lewis never recovered sufficiently to return to the Regiment for active duty. All three were awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for this act of heroism.

A few days later (22nd August, 1918) a Boche attack was expected, and it was desired to clear a "barrage zone" for artillery fire. Unfortunately, "The Cave" lay in this zone, and Co. "C" and Co. "D" were ordered to a new location toward the rear. While on the way back to this new position, Capt. L. F. Harder, Co. "C", received an order (at 12:30 A. M., 23rd of August) to burn down some German shacks which were obstructing the fire of one of the. infantry outposts. These shacks were several miles distant, in front of the American line, where it lay north of the Vesle, and about one kilometer west of Bazoches.

Corp. Leo R. Bell, Pvt. Frank L. Cromer, and Pvt. Lee B. Crum volunteered to carry out this hazardous mission. The orders were to burn the buildings at 3:30 A. M., as a signal for American gunners. There was no time for preparation. The detail started out at once, carrying only a three-gallon can of gasoline. The men proceeded first to the headquarters of the 1st Battalion, 306th Infantry, and obtained there a runner, Pvt. Neil Sheehan, who guided them by an exposed short-cut to the headquarters of Co. "D", 306th Infantry. From this point another runner guided them across the Vesle to the outpost platoon of Co. "D", 306th Infantry, which lay behind a railroad embankment. The shacks were obstructing the fire of this platoon.

Immediate action was imperative. Without time to reconnoiter, the three engineers crawled over the embank-ment and dashed toward the shacks. It was bright moon-light, and the ground was flat and bare. Speed, matched with daring, was their only protection. There were about ten buildings in the group. A central one was selected for firing. The men climbed inside, and almost at once the shacks became targets of enemy rifle grenades and machine guns. Hastily loose lumber, boxes, bunks-anything that was at hand were gathered together and sprinkled with gasoline. Exactly at 3:55 A. M., Private Cromer set a match to the building, which immediately broke into flames, which quickly spread to the other shacks in the group. The three men dashed back through the bullet-swept space to shelter behind the railroad embankment, safe and happy in the knowledge that their mission had succeeded-and with them they carried enough fuel to use in a second attempt in case the buildings were not completely destroyed. This act of daring and successful accomplishment deserves special mention here, because it has never been properly rewarded by official recognition. Through an unfortunate loss of papers and affidavits, no decorations have come to these brave men, who not only were successful in a most dangerous and important mission, but by their foresight in saving enough gasoline for a second attempt, showed themselves ready again to face almost certain death if their first efforts failed.

On the night of the 23rd-24th of August, Captain Simmons of Co. "D", with a detail of twenty-five men, set out with a portable truss foot bridge, which had been designed by Major Giesting and Lieut. Thomas H. Ellett, to the Vesle at a point about two and a half kilometers east of Bazoches. The trip to the river was made under heavy artillery fire, and upon arrival at the designated spot, the officer in command found that the truss was ten feet short of the required length. To a less determined man than Captain Simmons, this would immediately have spelled failure. But not to him! By means of axes and rope lashings, which the party carried with them, the men quickly constructed an extra "bent" or trestle on which to rest one end of the truss. This done, the bridge was soon made Passable for troops. Captain Simmons personally supervised this task and worked in the water himself.

These twenty-five men of Co. "D" were cited by Division General Order No. 35 for this piece of work. While transporting material for this bridge, Sergeants Doris and Wever were killed outright, and Sergeant Rothfuss, Corporal Chapman and Private Van Allen were severely wounded.

At about this time, Co. "E" relieved Co. "F" at the front. Captain La Fetra of Co. "E" determined to throw across a foot bridge with some material that had been prepared by Co. "F", but had not been used before the relief came. The Co. "E" foot bridge was a "double lock spar bridge", the first and last bridge of this type used by the Regiment while in action. The construction of this bridge took about three hours, during which time the valley was under heavy gas and machine gun fire.

The various actions, which have just been described, are merely "highlights" and are typical of the fine spirit of determination and aggressiveness of the Regiment. Much hard routine work was also accomplished on the different defensive positions. The ground, which had been gained by the Americans at such heavy cost, was not to be lost again. All the efforts of the Regiment were devoted to strengthening the positions, and to preparing for a further American advance. Plans were made, and material collected, for heavy artillery bridges across the Vesle, to be built as soon as the Boches could be driven back. The Regiment here for the first time made use of captured German material. Two carefully designed German portable trestle bridges had been left behind by the retreating foe. Different companies of the Regiment practiced using this material in order to be prepared for the expected advance.

Much creditable work was done during this period by Co. "C" wiring outpost positions, and Co. "E" and Co. "F" placing road camouflage at night at Villa Savoye and Mont St. Martin.

Quentin Roosevelt's grave was near the regimental headquarters, and Colonel Sherrill directed Pvt. Leland Easton of Co. "A" to cut and place a stone to mark the spot where the plane had crashed to earth. Colonel Roosevelt wrote personally to Colonel Sherrill and thanked him for this act of sympathy and respect.

On the 25th of August, the Regimental Adjutant, Capt. G. H. Crawford, was placed in command of Co. "B". Capt. Marshall J. Noyes was made Adjutant in his place. At the same time, Co. "B" relieved Co. "C" of some of the latter company's work on the outpost position. With commendable initiative and courage, Sergeants Braun and Boyd of Co. "B" handled the work in connection with one of these outposts a few hundred feet south of the Vesle. Though consisting only of trench digging and wiring, it was carried on steadily, day and night, in a very exposed position in advance of the infantry. At about the same time, Sergeant Desoucey of Co. "B", with a detail of seven men, was gassed severely while occupied on similar outpost work.

As has already been noted, the village of Bazoches, on the north bank of the Vesle, held by the enemy, was a constant source of trouble for the Americans. Orders were received to capture the town and drive the Boches back from the river. To Co. "G" of the 306th Infantry was allotted this task. A squad of men from Co. "C" of the 302nd Engineers was assigned to the attacking party, for the specific purpose of bombing a supposed tunnel in the cellars of the Bazoches Chateau. This squad was made up of the following:

Corp. Thomas F. Reilly, in charge

Corp. Allen Stromberg

Corp. William J. Knowlson

Pvt. 1st Class Raymond T. Ball Pvt.

1st Class Arthur Georger

Pvt. Frank Schulz

Pvt. John Bastedo

Pvt. Lionel Hodgkinson

Pvt. Edward P. Morrissey

On the evening of 26th August 1918, the attacking party assembled about a kilometer northwest of St. Thibaut. Early on the morning of the 27th the attack began, covered by an intense machine gun barrage. The advance proceeded smoothly from the west toward the east. In a short time, the town was in the possession of the Americans. The engineers looked in vain for a tunnel in the Chateau. It was not there!

The American plan was to "clean up" Bazoches, and then to retire to a position south of the village until the inevitable enemy artillery fire had subsided. Everything proceed according to schedule until the latter part of the plan was put into execution. As the American troops started for their objective toward the south of the village, the enemy began a heavy counter-attack, which drove the Americans south of the river, with many casualties. Corporal Knowlson and Private Georger were instantly killed during this action.

During the raid on Ba-zoches, Privates SchuIz and Morrissey of Co. "C" had an experience which they are not likely to forget. Stopping to give first aid to two wounded comrades, they became separated from the attacking infantrymen, and before they could catch up they were intercepted by the German counter-attack. The sought refuge in a pile of charcoal bags, to which they also took with them a blinded and half-crazed American infantryman. For five days these three men stayed in this precarious position, almost starving, and at last without water. Each day they expected that an American advance would rescue them. Finally, after making careful plans

They slipped out from their shelter, attacked and killed two German machine gunners and, leading the wounded infantryman, escaped to the American outposts, bringing with them valuable information. For this, and for their bravery in rescuing the wounded man, both Morrissey and Schulz were awarded the Distinguished Service Cross.

All this time, the Regiment expected an advance northward, and preparations were made accordingly. As soon as the order came to advance, each battalion was to throw two artillery bridges across the Vesle, as well as several foot bridges. In addition, one company of each battalion was to accompany the advancing infantry.

On the 2nd of September, orders were, however, received by the engineers to pack up and march to the rear for intensive training. This was welcomed by a few because it seemed to mean a much-desired rest, and a respite from the grueling work at the front. But to most of the officers and men, life at the front was more alluring than the routine of training, and it was with disappointment and regret that the southward "hike" was made.

The Regiment was concentrated several miles south of the Vesle, near Mareuil en Dole. For one company, however, there was to be no rest. No sooner was the new camp reached on the afternoon of 2nd of September, than the com-manding officer of Co. "B" received orders to build two footbridges across the Vesle "where desired by the Commanding Officer 305th Infantry."

Led by Captain Crawford of Co. "B", the 1st and 4th platoons, under the command respectively of Lieut. F. W. Weston and Lieut. R. C. -O'Donnell, turned about immediately and marched back to their old bivouac, northwest of Chery-Chartreuve, reaching there on the morning of the 3rd of September. The bridges were to be built undercover of night, so the day was spent in resting and practicing bridge building with some trestles which previously had been built by Co. "C" from material salvaged from a German hangar.

At about 8 P. M. these two platoons set out for the river. The route lay through the village of Mont Notre Dame, which was being heavily shelled at the time. Beyond Mont Notre Dame, concentrated gas was encountered in the valley of the Vesle. The night was dark, it was impracticable to wear gas masks, but it was decided to go on and risk the gas, for the bridges had to be built.

After passing through the infantry outpost, the platoons took the wrong route and in a few minutes had lost the location of their objective. The situation was precarious. Operations were being conducted in "No Man's Land", within range of enemy machine gun and gas shellfire. The route to the rear was open, but the advance planned for the infantry depended upon the success of the mission. Protected only by the blackness of the night, the two platoons waited for about an hour, until a reconnaissance had been made.

They then cautiously approached the bridge site, and in a few minutes had erected two-foot bridges. This was about midnight of the 3rd to 4th of September. The men noticed that the night had grown strangely quiet, and counted themselves lucky that the enemy artillerymen had not discovered their operations.

As soon as the bridges were completed the platoons marched back to their bivouac, and after two or three hours rest there, continued the march south to rejoin the Regiment. On reaching headquarters, about noon they were greeted by the news that the Germans had retired from their position on the Vesle, and that our infantry was already advancing. Furthermore, orders had already been received for the engineers to be "up and at 'em" again. ..

Co. "A" and Co. "D" were at once detailed to advance with the infantry. Each of the other four companies was to erect a heavy artillery bridge across the river. To Co. "B" and Co. "F" was assigned captured German bridge material; Co. "C" was to build a "crib" bridge; and Co. "E" was to repair a demolished German pile bridge.

Although several miles south of the river, the Regiment started at once, the several companies spreading fan-like over the area, and reaching their objectives during the afternoon of the 4th of September.

Co. "F" encountered considerable difficulty at Fismes and Fismettes. Not only was it necessary at that point to bridge the Vesle, but also the Ardre River, and the railroad cut, where the latter was crossed by the main road. Major Giesting took personal charge of this work, which was completed on the 5th of September.

Co. "C" was meanwhile building a crib bridge at Bazoches, which, because of the many difficulties encountered, was not completed until the 5th of September.

Co. "E", further east, repaired the old German bridge north of Ville-Savoye, which was ready for use by 9 P. M., 4th of September. The same night, Co. "E" cleared a portion of the Rheims-Rouen Road, which had been obstructed by the retreating enemy.

The same officers and platoons of Co. "B" that had built the foot bridges the night before were also selected for the construction of the artillery bridge, because they had had Practice in putting together the captured German material, and speed was of prime importance. Although officers and

men had had only about four or five hours sleep in sixty hours, the bridge was completed at about 6 P. M., 4th of September. It was placed about 600 meters west of Bazoches, on the left of the American line. Part of the 164th French Division used this bridge on the 4th and 5th of September, and because of this, the French Government awarded the Croix de Guerre with palm to the 302nd Engineers. The citation follows:

GRAND QUARTER GENERAL

des

ARMEES FRANCAISES DE L'EST

ETAT-MAJOR

ORDRE No. 16,657 "D" (Extrait) Bureau du personnel

(Decorations)

Apres approbation du General Commandant en Chef des Forces expeditionnaires Americaines en France, le Marechal de France, Commandant en Chef des Armees Francaises de L'Est cite A l'Ordre de I'Armee:

. . . . . . . . . . ..

Colonel SHERRILL, du 302' Regiment du Genie Ameri-cain:

"Le 302' Regiment du Genie Americain, sous le Com-mandement du Colonel SHERRILL, a construit, le 6 Septembre 1918, en trois heures sous un violent feu d'artillerie, un pont sur la Vesle, ce qui a permis des le debut des operations, le passage de l'artillerie francaise contribuant ainsi au succes de l'offensive."

. . . . . . . . . . ..

Au Grand Quartier General, le 20 AVRIL 1919.

LE MARRCHAL DE FRANCE,

Commandant en Chef des Armees Francaises de l'Est

Signe: PETAIN

POUR EXTRAIT CONFORME:

Le Lieutenant-Colonel,

Chef du Bureau du Personnel

(Signed) --------------------

Co. "C" and Co. "B" were likewise assigned to work on the St. Thibaut-Bazoches Road, which was in an indescribable condition, due to the fact that for five weeks it had lain in No Man's Land. This road had been badly torn up by shells. The cut leading north from St. Thibaut was blocked by two heavy-laden, wrecked motor trucks. It was necessary to dynamite these trucks from the road. Lieut. J. J. Hyland personally carried out this work.

This whole area was strewn with the dead from the 4th U. S. Division, our own division and the enemy. It was the Regiment's introduction to the horrors of war on a large scale.

As soon as work was begun on the St. Thibaut-Bazoches Road, Captain Harder of Co. "C" sent a detail into Bazoches to recover the bodies of Corp. William G. Knowlson and Pvt. Arthur M. Georger, who had been killed on the 27th of August during the raid on Bazoches.

The 5th of September will never be forgotten by the men of Co. "A". The platoons that were advancing with the infantry underwent a terrific enemy barrage on the heights between the Vesle and the Aisne. Pvt. William Seidenburg was killed in action, and the following men died of wounds received during this engagement:

Antonio Maccagno

William Flaherty

James Moran

Twenty others in this company were wounded, including Lieut. Francis J. Sinnott.

During this advance with the infantry, Co. "D" also suffered many causalities, including Pvt. Stuart Fraser, who died of wounds received at Blanzy les Fismes on 7th of September. Eighteen others in Co. "D" were

wounded at this village.

On the 5th of September, Lieut. J a m e s F. Brown of Co. "D", and Lieut. D. Romeo of Co. "B" were detailed to carry forward in motor trucks some captured German pontoon boats for use on the Aisne. This was a difficult task, as the trucks had to pass over shell-swept roads. The expedition reached its destination-Longeval-and the boats were successfully unloaded. Several of the boats had been punctured by shell splinters.

On the following day (6th September, 1918) Co. "E" had its worst experience of the entire war. The country north of the Vesle was honeycombed with large caves. These were useful as shelters for reserve troops and the different headquarters. In many of these caves, however, the Boches had placed traps of various kinds. It was one of the duties of the engineers to examine all caves and remove all dangerous material.

In a cave occupied by part of Co. "E", a hidden mine exploded and killed outright Cooks August C. Keck and K. Zejmis. Captain La Fetra of Co. "E" was ordered to clear another large cave, which was to be used as headquarters of the 154th Brigade. It was full of mustard gas, which is very treacherous. In order to get rid of the gas, it was necessary to remove all the bunks and litter that had accumulated during German occupation. This work had to be done without gas masks because explosive traps were likely to be concealed in the recesses of the cave. In a few hours, however, the work was completed, but at fearful cost: Over seventy men of Co. "E" were gassed so severely that they had to be sent to the hospital, including Captain La Fetra and Lieutenant Booth. The following men died later from the effects of this gas:

Sgt. 1st Class W. L. Johnson

Sgt. J. K. Lasher, Jr.

Corp. James A. Foley

Pvt. 1st Class P. B. Gregowski

Pvt. 1st Class John Sheehan

Pvt. 1st Class Leo Levy

Pvt. 1st Class A. H. Bergman

Pvt. Walter E. Runge

As an unfortunate sequel of this operation, the men of the infantry headquarters inadvertently took back into the cave some of the bunks that the engineers had so carefully removed. After occupying the cave for a short time, many of these men were seriously affected by the fumes still clinging to the gas-saturated material, and about fifty were evacuated, including Brig.-Gen. Evan M. Johnson.

After the evacuation of Captain La Fetra and Lieutenant Booth, Co. "E" was left without officers for a short period. Capt. Thomas H. Ellett, who was then Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, was placed in command of Co. "E", and he led that company throughout the rest of the war.

Captain Ullrich of Co. "F", having been transferred, 1st Lieut. R. C. O'Donnell of Co. "B" was assigned to the command of Co. "Y'. He remained in command until after the Armistice.

In the meantime, Co. "A" and Co. "D" had maintained platoons with the advanced infantry which was situated to the south of the Aisne River. The other four engineer companies were working on roads, and preparing for an expected advance across the Aisne. Bridge material, both foot and heavy, was assembled, and practice was had with floating foot bridges. ,

Co. "B" at this time was located in Vaucere. This village was built over several caves, and the retreating Germans had succeeded in blowing up three under the main highway. The resulting craters made it impossible for heavy traffic to reach the village. It was the duty of Co. "B" to reopen "communications" with the village. As the roadway was on a side hill, the "cut and fill" method was used, and in a few hours (6th of September) a one-way route through the village was ready for use. The next day this way was broadened so as to accommodate two vehicles, so that all types of army transport could use it in two directions. This was the Regiment's first encounter with road-demolitions on a large scale. Within the next few months all companies had similar experiences, because a favorite practice of the enemy in retreat was to blow huge craters in the road for the purpose of hindering the advance of the Allied transport. Ordinarily the engineers succeeded in repairing the demolished roads long before the transport reached the spot. It was only during the phenomenally rapid advance from 1st of November to the Armistice that these demolitions were a serious hindrance to the 77th Division.

The aerial activity in this sector was great at this time, and it seemed that the Boches had the upper hand. No one who witnessed them can ever forget the daily spectacular feats of the German air-squadrons chasing Allied observation 'planes and burning American and French balloons.

When American troops reached the heights north of the Vesle and looked toward the south, they appreciated thoroughly the excellent opportunities which the elevation had afforded the enemy during the preceding month for obser-vation of the movements of American troops. No further explanation was needed for the uncanny accuracy of the Boche artillery.

Maj. F. A. Giesting was at this time (September, 1918) promoted to be acting Lieutenant Colonel, which rank he shortly received. Capt. F. S. Greene, commanding officer of the 1st Battalion, was on 8th of September transferred to the command of the 2nd Battalion, and Capt. H. B. Perlee of Co. "A" was promoted to the command of the 1st Battalion, with the rank of Major. Major PerLee remained in command of this battalion during the remainder of the war.

On the 13th of September, the 77th Division was relieved by the 8th Italian Division. The Regiment moved back again to the woods near Mareuil en Dole, and spent a few days there resting and salvaging thousands of dollars worth of war material.

It was expected that the Division was now to be given a rest. Indeed, the activities of the preceding month had included many grueling experiences, having been spent mostly upon a stationary front, which had not been organized with cover. The tremendous losses of the infantry in the exposed valley of the Vesle tell a story which need no further elaboration.

Most of the 77th Division consider the Vesle Sector the worst that was encountered by the Division, but during this period of extreme danger and important missions successfully accomplished, the training of the troops was completed. They had been tested, and had not been found wanting. When the banks of the Vesle were forever left behind them, they had graduated into the ranks of the (then) few thoroughly trained Americans divisions.

BALLADS OF THE A. E. F.

By BERTON BRALEY

THE ENGINEERS

(Courtesy of Colliers Weekly.)

WHEN the convoy crawls on a long white road,

Straight to the blazing line,

While the drivers nod as they guide their load

On where the star shells shine,

If a "two-ten" drops with a roaring crash,

The big trucks cease to roll,

And the C. 0. growls as he views the smash

And swears at the ten-foot hole!

"Job for the Engineers-

Bring up the wrecking crew,

Shovel and pick will do the trick,

Then we can go on through."

They're on the spot, you bet;

Soon, with a clash of gears,

We're on the way, for the road's 0. K.,

Fixed by the Engineers!

When the storm troops wait at the river banks,

And each stone bridge is blown,

And the stream's too deep for the fat old tanks,

And pontoons must be thrown

Where the water boils with the shell and shot,

It's "Engineers, 'toot sweet,'"

They will lose one-half of the men they've got,

But build that bridge, complete.

"Job for the Engineers-

Never you mind the loss.

Fritz has a hate, but the troops can't wait;

See that they get across,

You won't get no rewards,

Hear any shouts or cheers,

Bring up your mob, for here's a job-

Job for the Engineers."

Oh, they mend the wire where it guards the front;

They dig the dugouts deep,

And to tunnel mines is their steady stunt-

Like moles that get no sleep.

They take their chance where the gas clouds lurk,

And I'll say it appears

That darn small glory and beaucoup work

Comes to the Engineers.

"Job for the Engineers-

Something that 'can't be done,'

Nevertheless they'll do it, yes;

That's how they get their fun.

Armed with a kit of tools,

Careless of hopes or fears,

Big jobs or small, you simply call-

call for the Engineers.

Chapter 8

To The Argonne Forest

WHILE the 77th Division was engaged in the Vesle Sector, other Allied forces were likewise advancing on other fronts. From the North Sea to Rheims, limited offensives had been launched with gratifying success. The entire salient extending from Soissons through Chateau-Thierry to Rheims had been blotted out, largely by the aid of American troops; the British had attacked in force on 8th of August; and the French were "nibbling" at the western end of the Chemin des Dames.

On 12th of September, the American First Army, for the first time operating as an independent unit, began an attack on the St. Mihiel salient, east of Verdun. This salient which had been held by the Germans since 1914, was strongly defended. As a matter of fact, the enemy had planned in the Summer of 1918 to use it as a base for another attack on Verdun if their July 15th attack on Rheims proved successful. Notwithstanding the strength of the position, however, the salient was wiped out after two days fighting by the American forces; many prisoners were taken and much valuable material was captured. The 77th Division did not participate in this battle, because still engaged north of the Vesle.

This brilliant first offensive by the Americans had been planned for some time by the General Staff, but was executed under peculiar difficulties. As late as 2nd of September, Marshal Foch had gone to Chaumont (American General Headquarters), and had placed before General Pershing the plans for the general attack, which was to begin 26th of September and was to extend from the North Sea to the Meuse River. He requested General Pershing to cancel the arrangements for the St. Mihiel battle. Preparations were so far advanced, however, that it was finally agreed that a change of plan would not be advisable. Marshal Foch, therefore, permitted the attack to be made according to schedule, with the understanding that the objectives would be limited. This accounts for the non-exploitation of the initial St. Mihiel success.

In accordance with these secret orders (2nd of September), the American Commander-in-Chief had to make plans for the battle set for 26th of September-which proved to be the great final battle of the war-before knowing the outcome of the St. Mihiel offensive which was set for 12th of September. Under the circumstances, it was difficult to predetermine the number of troops which would be available for the later battle. Contrary to expectation, the St. Mihiel engagement was consummated with comparative ease, and with relatively few casualties, so that practically all the American divisions that participated in the 12th of September battle were also available for the 26th of September.

When preparing for the great battle of the 26th of September, General Pershing summoned practically all the American divisions then in France, except the 27th and the 30th, which were in Flanders with the British. It was for this reason that the 77th Division was transferred directly from the Vesle to the Argonne Forest, without any rest after its strenuous activity from 10th of August to 13th of September on the Vesle front.

On the evening of the 15th of September the Regiment marched from the vicinity of Mareuiel-en-Dole, south through the Forest de Nesle, Nesle, Coulonges to the woods near Villers-Agron-Aiguizy. In these peaceful woods, far to the rear of the fighting lines, the Regiment rested until the evening of the 17th of September. Then, crowded into French motor trucks, the men were transported, during the cold, rainy night of 17th-18th of September through Epernay, and Chalons-sur-Marne to Verrieres, a few kilometers south of historic St. Menehould. Verrieres was reached during the day of the 18th of September. This quiet little village of wooden shacks was located on the western edge of the Foret d'Argonne many miles south of the battle line. The Regiment still labored under the delusion that there was to be a rest, so orders were sent forth for a general "clean-up" and drill, the latter consisting of practice reconnaissance in the woods.

The Forest of the Argonne, where so much of the history of the American Army in France was enacted, is a narrow forest running from Grand Pre on the north, about fifty kilometers, nearly due south to Villers-en-Argonne. The front line for four years had roughly bisected this forest, running nearly due east and west, just south of Varennes and Binarville. Where it was held by the Germans, the forest was nowhere more than four or five miles wide. The Aire River bounded the forest on the east, and the Aisne on the west. Hills ran the length of the forest between these two rivers, a main ridge running through the center from north to south, with numerous ravines on either side emptying into the river valleys.

From 1914 to 1918, both French and Germans had strongly fortified the naturally difficult terrain. Mine warfare had flourished in this region as late as 1916, but in September, 1918, the area was considered "quiet", and troops were sent there for their "rest" periods.

In the plans for the great battle about to begin, the American Army had been assigned to the front from the Meuse River, west to and including the Argonne Forest-a front of about twenty miles. The forest itself was to be attacked by the 77th Division and the left brigade of the 28th Division (Pennsylvania National Guard). Thus it came about that the 77th Division was to form the left flank of the entire American Army. To the west came the French divisions.

In order completely to surprise the enemy, great care was taken to conceal the arrival of the Americans behind the lines which were then held by the French. Movements were made at night only, even when taking place far to the rear. The 302nd Engineers marched into the front line sector on the night of the 20th of September, and during the following day relieved the French engineer troops. This relief consisted in taking over the various mines which the French had long before prepared against the possibility of a retirement. In several places the main north and south road from Les Islettes had been heavily mined by the French. Engineer details were placed in charge of each of these works with instructions to fire the mines in case of retirement, which fortunately never took place. On the contrary, the Boche engineers, during the ensuing six weeks, had to fire innumerable road mines to impede the Allied advance.

When the Regiment assumed its new duties, all seemed at peace in the beautiful forest. The weather was still good; scarcely a shot was heard. The war seemed far away. From the 20th to the 26th of September, little or no work was done by day. Even important reconnaissances were not made for fear that the Germans might discover that the Americans had arrived in force, and would then suspect that an attack was to be made. In order to insure the deception of the enemy, a thin fringe of French infantry outposts were left to repulse enemy raids.

During the night, however, all was activity for the engineers. Parties of officers scouted the front lines to become familiar with the ground. Stores and tools were carried forward, mostly by hand.

One very important mission that was accomplished by the Regiment prior to the big attack was the cutting of the wire in front of the Allied trenches. Picked details from the different companies worked during two nights cutting these lanes, so that the infantry would not be impeded at the beginning of the advance. This was hazardous work, but because -of the general quietness of the sector, it was successfully completed without casualties.

The following report of Major Per-Lee, dated 24th of September, describes vividly the front and the engineer activities just before the beginning of the battle of 26th of September:

Headquarters, 302nd Engineers,

American AEF, Sept. 24, 1918.

From: The Commanding Officer, 1st 13n. 302nd Engrs.

To: The Commanding Officer, 302nd Engineers.

Subject: Reconnaissance of the RAVINE des COURTE CHAUSSE.

1. In company with Captains Howry, Harder and Lieutenant Macqueron and thirty-two men from the 1st Bn. we explored this ravine from a point not quite up to PIERRE CROISEE at co-ordinates 00.7-268.98.

2. The ROUTE MARCHAND is of no use excepting for men on foot or very light vehicles and then only up as far as 99.4-268.7; the lower end of ROUTE MARCHAND is nothing but a pair of tracks deep in the mud dwindling to a goat trail at the eastern or upper end of the ravine.

3. Acting under your instructions we laid out eight wire cutting parties of four men each under the direction of two sergeants-now acting lieutenants. Captain Howry took the left half of the 153rd Brigade Sector with wire-cutting parties numbers 1, 2, 3, and 4, the centres of which are approximately at the following points: 1: 297.4-268.8; 2; 297.7-268.85; 3; 297.95-268.85; 4; 298.4-268.8. These paths cut through the French wire range in general from MARCHAND ROAD up to and in some cases beyond line of the French outpost pickets or extreme outpost line.

4. Captain Harder took the right of the 153rd Brigade Sector with wire-cutting details 5, 6, 7, and 8, located as follows: 5; 298.8-268.8; 6; 299.5-268.75; 7; 299.75-268.8; 8; 300.15-268.9.

5. With the exception of 5, these cuttings were made directly up over the hill through the French wire at the points described to ap-proximately the extreme outpost or picket line.

6. No. 5 runs from RAVINE SEC to the crest of the hill between PPs 34 and 35.

7. While we made these cuttings as ordered it was apparent that very large numbers of troops could be taken up to the extreme out post lines and the numerous spur trenches with which they are surrounded, and that the wire-cutting could be taken up from the outpost lines across No Man's Land, to the German trenches without hindering the bringing up of men.

8. The RAVINE COURTE CHAUSSE and the RAVINE SEC, which is the small ravine running northwest from MARCHAND TUNNEL, lend themselves very favorably to the bringing in and dispersing of troops throughout the 153rd Brigade Sector with practically little or no possible observation from the Germans.

9. In my opinion, if French guides were assigned to the various, units concerned, platoons, companies, and regiments could, with little difficulty, be dispersed on the French outpost lines even on a very dark night and if there was a little moon, very easily.

10. The thirty-two men of the 1st Bn. Engineers now assigned to the wire-cutting details could, in a manner, help, as guides, but as their

experience in the place has been of a few hours duration, too much should not be asked of them. There are several routes of bringing troops across and into the RAVINE DES COURTE CHAUSSE, the best one seems to be the boyau COLONIAU which runs from the RAVINE GOURAUD-south entrance at point 299.95-267.9-, its northern terminal point is on the crest of the hill at the outpost lines. It crosses the ROUTE MARCHAND at 299.02-268.6. It is a very deep, fine, trench almost completely duckboarded throughout, and troops can file through it very rapidly, as a path leads from this trench on the bottom of the RAVINE VOURTE CHAUSSE which leads almost directly to the MARCHAND TUNNEL 400' west. The MARCHAND TUNNEL is very close to the centre of the Brigade Sector, from this point; well protected and concealed; troops can be dispersed either east or west or north.

11. There are two other boyaus: BLAINVILLE and MARCHAND,

but I am not familiar with them. Also troops can be brought into the RAVINE DES COURTE CHAUSSE from the la CHALADE and FOUR

de PARIS ROAD. However, this road is enfiladed from the German positions and after the ROUTE MARCHAND branches off from it, it is as above described, very muddy and in very poor condition. I visited three extreme outpost positions: 34, 35, 36, which are almost directly north of the MARCHAND TUNNEL. I found the routes up to the positions all entrenched in good condition, splendidly concealed by high grass on both banks. However, the positions themselves do not give a very extensive view-perhaps fifty yards and in some cases Possibly one hundred can be seen in advance of these positions. I was told that PP 34 was in sight from the German positions so I climbed over the top and walked a few feet forward where I was blocked by a chaos of trench, chevaux de frise, and the most amazing barricades of wire that I ever have seen.

12. The trenches seem to lead entirely across the crest of the hill and where the French could not make further use of them they blocked them with heavy wooden doors and filled the trenches forward with chevaux de frise and loose barb wire.

13. None of our men were fired upon nor as far as we could determine was our presence known to the enemy. I am supported in my opinion that the place to start the wire cutting is from the extreme outpost line, by the concurring opinions of Captains Harder an(I Howry, and Lieutenant Macqueron of the French Army.

H. B. PER-LEE,

Major, Engineers U. S. A. Comdg. 1st. Bn.

As' the time drew near for the attack, the Regiment received its orders, which were briefly:

1. To have platoons with the advancing infantry, and 2. To build roads across No Man's Land.

The details of these orders are shown in the following "Annex No. 1, Field Order No. 43". From a casual reading of this order it is obvious that the equipment which each man was required to carry was exceptionally heavy. Indeed, it is doubtful if troops advancing into battle were ever before in the world's history, handicapped with such a burden. Had it not been for their light-heartedness they could never have staggered forward at all. As matter of fact, before the advance actually began, the men managed to rid themselves of much of this material.

ANNEX -NO. I

To Accompany Field Order No. 43

INSTRUCTIONS FOR DIVISIONAL ENGINEERS AND ATTACHED

PIONEER TROOPS.

1. MISSION--(,t) To provide routes of advance for the Infantry and Artillery. (b) To furnish Engineer material for all troops at the most advanced points and at the earliest possible moment after H hour. (c) To de gas and rid of traps all eaves and dugouts. (d) To destroy or nullify and mark all enemy mines.

2. (a) The 1st Battalion, 302nd Engineers, plus 1 battalion, 53rd Pioneers (less 1 1/2 companies) under command Major Per-Lee. 302nd Engineers, will advance in the zone of the right brigade and will be responsible for Engineer operations in this zone.

(b) The 2nd Battalion 302nd Engineers and 1 1/2 companies 53rd Pioneer Infantry under command of Capt. F. S. Greene, 302nd Engineers, will advance in the zone of the left brigade and will be responsible for engineer operations in this zone. Three Platoons will be assigned to accompany each front line battalion under the order of the battalion commander. It will lie the duty of these platoons to open up four (4) routes over the trenches and wire of our own defenses and those of the enemy, for each of the 4 Infantry regiments, file remainder of the Engineers, assisted by the Pioneer Infantry, will provide two (2) routes for the Artillery in each brigade zone, working in close liaison with Artillery regimental commanders.

:

3. ADVANCE DUMPS, ETC.-Advance dumps will be established ;It la CHALADE (7.8-6.7) for the East Zone, and at 5.3-8.9 for the West Zone. The Regimental Supply Officer will procure the necessary materials, which will be moved to these localities by the Regimental Transport Officer, using Engineer Train and Regimental Transport. battalion commanders will keep Infantry and Artillery commanders informed of the tools and materials in these dumps available for use.

4. EQUIPMENT TO BE CARRIED-Each enlisted man will carry rifle and bayonet and 50 rounds of ammunition, or pistol and ammunition; canteen filled with water, tea, or coffee, three days' rations. Each squad of the advance element will carry:

(This bridge will be taken up on will be carried by the platoon.)

Three motor trucks on each of the four artillery roads will be taken forward as close in rear of the advance Infantry as possible and along with our rear elements. These trucks will be taken as far forward as possible without blocking the Artillery at point where limbers and guns can be taken over but trucks cannot. They will there be moved clear of the road, thus forming a more advanced mobile dump of Engineer materials.

6. Motor trucks will. be loaded as follows:

TRUCK B:

10 Long charges 15-ft. length, 1 Hand pile-driver, 3-man

25 Round pine poles (4 to 6 in.) 50 Shovels

20 Pieces 3-in. lumber 25 Picks

100 Ft. of I in. rope 10 Axes

I Small coil smooth wire 50 Wire cutters

30 Small lashings 10 Pliers

10 Heavy hammers I Keg nails

10 Light hammers 1 Keg spikes

6 Mauls

TRUCK C:

25 Round pine poles 20 Pieces 3-in. timber

2 Wheel-barrows 1 Barrel chloride of lime

1000 Sandbags

7. Limber tool wagons will be taken as far forward before H hour as possible, on each Artillery road, and will be moved clear of the road. One limber tool wagon will follow on each road immediately after the trucks. Remaining limber tool wagons will follow immediately after the Artillery across No Man's Land.

The Regimental G. S. limber wagons, loaded with men's packs, rations, forage, and cooking utensils, will follow tool wagons.

Remainder of Regimental Transport and horse-drawn section of Engineer Train will await orders at billets, ready to move.

8. Battalion Commanders will make arrangements to mark all drinking water points and all water points for watering horses on the advance. A supply of signs will be furnished Battalion Commanders for this purpose by this office.

9. The Headquarters Company will move the lighting plant forward with each advance of the Division P. C., which will be kept lighted at all times.

10. The Lieutenant- Colonel, Captain Topographer, Regimental Adjutant, Sergeant-Major, two stenographers, and liaison group, will accompany the Regimental Commander to each succeeding P. C. The reproduction and drafting sections and the remainder of the Headquarters Company, under command of the Regimental Supply officers will continue in its present location until further orders.

11. The Camouflage Officer will proceed forward with the Regimental Commander and will have his P. C. with Regimental Headquarters. He will maintain liaison with Artillery units and will arrange to have ample camouflage materials in the advanced Divisional Engineer dumps, available for use.

12. LIAISON-Advance elements will report to Battalion Commanders once each hour, conditions and location, reciting any special features. Battalion Commanders will similarly report to the Regimental Commander each two hours, forwarding reports of advance elements. Regimental Headquarters at H hour and until further orders will be at the Division P. C.

It was known that the space between the lines was literally covered with jungles of barbed wire. Entire reliance was not placed on the cutting of this wire prior to the " jump off". Explosive charges, called "pipe torpedoes", were, therefore, prepared. To Co. "A" was assigned the task of making these torpedoes, under the supervision of Captain Howry and Master Engineer Fitzgerald. The torpedoes consisted of two-inch pipe filled with TNT. When one of these was exploded in a belt of wire, the wire absolutely vanished and with it, the pickets and everything else that was near at hand, leaving a wide path through the tangle. The great difficulty was to transport these dainty weapons in safety and to explode them where needed.

In addition to the torpedoes, the men of the Headquarters Company prepared some nets made of chicken-wire, which were designed to be thrown across the barbed wire belts, over which it was then possible to scramble without great difficulty. Again the main problem was to transport these bulky nets to the sections where they were most needed. History does not record that either the torpedoes or the nets were used to any great extent.

Behind the lines all was strenuous activity and hurried preparation. The concentration of artillery had never been equalled. No sooner was the Divisional Artillery in position, then up came the Corps and Army Artillery, with some attached French battalions. No pity was to be shown to "Jerry"-he had a right to dread what was in store for him!

To the wise, the word was passed around that this was to be the heaviest assault ever undertaken by the Allied forces. At last the date, and then the time, of the "H" hour was announced. Over the top at 5:30 A. M., 26th of September! Hours before that time, the French Artillery to the left began to boom thunderously. Then the American guns took up the bombardment. There was scarcely any return fire from the enemy. A very heavy fog covered the ground. Although, on the whole, this was a great advantage to the attackers, it increased the difficulty of orientation in the forest, and was a source of great annoyance to the men.

Except for the inevitable difficulties of advancing through the tangled mass of wire, the labyrinth of trenches, and other natural obstacles, there was little opposition to the attack. Everywhere the enemy trenches were deserted. The American Infantry never made an attack against less enemy resistance. If the Germans had stood their ground in the strong fortifications of the forest, the advance through the Argonne would have cost the 77th Division a much greater loss of life than it actually sustained. As matter of fact, the Boches hastily fled at each point of attack, and it was not until reserves were brought up that a stand was finally made. By that time, the fortified trenches had been captured, and the advantage of position had been lost. Before the end of the first day's battle, the enemy retained only the natural advantage of being on the defensive.

Thus it was, that by early afternoon of the 26th, the Divisional objective was reached; the enemy had been routed out of his carefully prepared fortifications into the open woods. The first step of clearing the forest had been accomplished with few casualties.

The Engineers w e r e also active during these momentous hours. Co.'s "A", "C", "E", and "F" advanced with the attacking infantry, explored dugouts, in marked trails, and in general made themselves useful whenever there was engineering work to be done during the advance.

The road work to be done had been assigned to Co. "B" and Co. "D". It was planned to have two artillery routes in each brigade sector. In the eastern sector, the map showed a secondary road leading from the demolished village of Le Four de Paris diagonally across the forest to Varennes, which was behind the German lines. This road was to be repaired by Co. "B". In the sector allotted to Co. "D" was the Vienne le Chateau-Binarville Road. These two roads were the only available routes in front of the whole Division, and the latter road at its northern end was outside of the divisional boundaries. Because of the rugged nature of the ground, it was not possible to construct new roads in time to be of use. The map also showed an unimproved earth road in the eastern sector called the Haute Chevauchee, which wound its way northward along the heights of the forest. The task of making this road passable was also assigned to Co. "B".

To open up these three artillery roads across No Man's Land was no mean task for two companies of engineers. Luckily, at the last minute before the attack, three companies of the 53rd Pioneers were attached to the Regiment to assist in this work.

Aided by several hundred negro troops of the317th Engineer Regiment, who also arrived at this critical time as if by magic, the road-building operations of Co. "B" proceeded much more rapidly than had been anticipated. The Four de Paris Road was opened for traffic by 7:00 P. M., 26th of September, long before it could be used. On this road alone, where it passed through No Man's Land, were the following obstructions: Fifteen distinct wire entanglements, 7 deep trenches, 4 barricades, 1 mine crater 125 feet in diameter and 30 feet deep; 1 other large crater, and many shell holes and small unexploded road traps, as well as 1 concrete "pill box".

The work on the Four de Paris Road was accomplished by the 1st and 4th Platoons of Co. "B", under the supervision of Lieutenant Weston and Sergeant 1st Class Jorgensen, aided by three platoons of the 53rd Pioneers and several companies of the 317 (colored) Engineers. One of the latter companies was commanded by Lieut. T. G. Townsend, ex-Co. "A". This road was of vital importance during the Battle of the Argonne, as it was the only stone road leading into the forest from the southern end. Traffic from several divisions continually used it.

During the heavy bombardment extending over four years, the Haute Chevauchee Road had been literally blasted from the face of the earth. It was not even possible to trace this road, so complete had been its destruction. A new road had to be traced connecting the north and south ends. With the material then available it was possible only to make a soft road by filling in the old trenches and shell holes with earth. By noon of 27th of September this road was ready for light animal-drawn traffic. It was never in condition to be used for heavier traffic. Had it been possible to plank this road, it would have served as an excellent one -way route for the traffic of two divisions-the 77th and the 28th

The work on the Haute Chevauche Road was done by the 2nd and 3rd Platoons of Co. "B", under command of Lieutenant Romeo, assisted by three platoons of the 53rd Pioneers. Troops from the 28th Division, and a number of colored corps troops also worked on this road.

In the meantime, Co. "D", under command of Captain Simmons, were engaged on the very difficult and dangerous mission of repairing the Vienne le Chftteau-Binarville Road. During the afternoon the 26th of September, a reconnaissance was made by Major Giesting and Captain Simmons. From the old French line across No Man's Land, the road-bed had been practically wiped out by shell fire and trenches. During the reconnaissance it was observed, however, that the road continued back of the German lines, and was there in good condition. Actual work began on this road on the 27th of September. The usual obstacles were encountered: quantities of wire entanglements shell holes, trenches, mud, etc.

On the 28th this road had been repaired up to the German support trenches, where a narrow-gauge railroad had been operated by the enemy. At this point, under the direct supervision of Lieut. J. F. Brown, a 30-foot bridge was built. The erection of this bridge was carried on under machine gun and artillery fire. Throughout all these operations the men were almost constantly under direct enemy observation, especially the carrying parties who packed the heavy bridge timbers on their shoulders down the road in full view of the Boches, for about a kilometer. This bridge was completed on the 29th, and the next day was strengthened so as to carry heavy traffic.

As the advance progressed, Co. "D" continued work on this road, and on 1st of October erected a bridge over a tank trap south of Binarville. The French, as well as the American divisions used this road.

The great final battle of the War had commenced. Everywhere, from the North Sea to the Meuse, the Allies were attacking. The American Army was the right flank of the Allied forces. Much depended upon its strength and success, for its task was to smash the "hinge" of the German defense. Its ultimate object was to break the four-track railway running from Mezieres to Sedan. This railway was about forty miles north of the "jump off" on the 26th of September. It was a most important route for supplies as it connected the German armies in the east with those in Flanders. If this line were broken, the enemy would be compelled to retire from Northern France and part of Belgium.

Everyone realized that this was no easy task, and no one anticipated, on that foggy morning of late September that it would be accomplished so quickly. It may be interesting to recall here that in the advances that were to take place, the 77th Division gained more ground than any other American division. Every foot of the territory from le Four de Paris to the Meuse at Remilly was conquered by the 77th Division. It therefore seems probable that the302nd Engineers accomplished more in the way of road- repair, bridge-building (both foot and artillery), construction and repair of light railways, and encountered more road demolitions than any other American regiment. How ever that may prove to be, the fact remains that the Regiment was constantly at the front, often with detachments in advance of the Infantry, and always at its work of IMPROVING COMMUNICATIONS-the primary function of pioneer engineer troops

CHAPTER IX.

FIRST PHASE OF THE BATTLE

FOR the 77th Division and the 302nd Engineers, the first phase of the Argonne-Meuse Battle lasted from the 26th of September to the 10th of October. During this time the line moved forward from the "jump off" at le Four de Paris and La Harazee to the Aire River, in front of Marcq. Many noteworthy incidents took place during these two weeks of battle.

On the first day of the attack, the 2nd Platoon of Co. "Y', under Lieutenant O'Donnell, became lost in the old German positions of the forest and got ahead of the Infantry in the vicinity of the battlefield of Bagatelle. This detachment encountered a party of German machine gun snipers, whom they promptly engaged with the resulting capture of seven of the enemy. It was in this action that Pvt. Bergen R. Seaman, Co. "F", and Pvt. Louis Doerr were killed.

Divisional citations were awarded the following for their share in the affair:

Lieutenant O'Donnell, Sergeant 1st Class Solomon, Corporals De Biase, Boniak and Giordano and Privates Doerr, Koch and Bieringer.

On the 28th, Captain Harder of Co. "C" and his acting lieutenant, Sergeant Cavalieri, were both wounded while Co. "C" was preparing to advance with the infantry, just south of the Carriere des Meurissons. Lieut. Frederick Weston of Co. "B" was assigned to the command of Co. "C" and served with that company during the remainder of the campaign.

The battle line of the Division advanced slowly until the 1st of October from the 1st to the 9th there was practically no movement. It was during this period that Major Whittlesey of the 308th Infantry became detached from his brigade with several hundred men, was surrounded by the Boches, refused to surrender, and fought off all attacks until relieved by our advancing infantry on the evening of the 7th.

Meanwhile, the Engineers were busy repairing the very poor roads of the forest, and rebuilding the narrow-gauge railroads that had been abandoned by the Germans. The area in the rear of the 154th Brigade did not at this time contain a single road on which to bring up supplies or evacuate the wounded. The 2nd Battalion of the 302nd Engineers was operating in this area, and orders were given that the French narrow-gauge railroad near La Harazee be connected up with the German narrow-gauge system in the forest. This work was carried on with such energy and spirit that by the 2nd of October, the advance infantry was supplied with food and ammunition, and the wounded were evacuated over this hastily organized railway. The grades were so steep and the roadbed so rough that it was impossible to use locomotives (and none were available), so the traction was supplied by the U. S. Army mule, all animals that could possibly be spared being mobilized for this work. This railway was of the utmost use to the 154th Brigade, because without it the supplies could only have been sent forward by hand and the evacuation of the wounded would have been delayed many hours.

In describing the advance of the 77th Division, General Alexander wrote as follows in regard to this railway line:

"It will be observed that the circulation in the forest itself was recognized beforehand as being most uncertain, and no provision could be made therefor. For the left flank (154th Brigade), it was found that the proposed route via BINARVILLE was entirely impracticable, and in anticipation of such a development, preparation was made to utilize the Boche railway system in the forest, which information from maps and otherwise, indicated to be most complete and far-reaching.

"This scheme was carried out by the divisional engineers. A connecting link between the French system at LA HARAZEE and the Boche system at the head of the FONTAINE aux CHARMES -was constructed so rapidly that by the third or fourth day of the operation that route was used for all supply and evacuation on the left of the divisional sector. No locomotives were available, but a few Boche freight cars were picked up from day to day and these were utilized, being drawn by animals on the railway referred to. I will say here that had it not been for this connecting link and the consequent supply of the troops thereby, a continued advance in the forest-on the left at least-would have been found entirely impracticable. Our difficulties in the way of transportation, at least as concerned rolling stock, was greatly alleviated by the capture of the DEPOT des MACHINES on the 28th of September. At this point, some sixty freight ears in serviceable condition were found and at once put to work. Effort was made to secure locomotives, but for some reason unknown to me, it was impracticable to secure them until the operation reached such a point that the urgent necessity for them had in great part passed. The first call for these locomotives was made by me on the 26th of September, as a result of the developments on my left flank.

"As a matter of interest, I may add here that during the time the Boche railway system and connecting link were operated by animals of the 77th Division, eight hundred and fifty tons of supplies of all kinds were carried into the forest by that route and about five hundred sick and wounded evacuated thereby. The railroad was used in this manner until the tranverse road, BINARVILLE-la VIERGETTE, fell into our control on the 7th of October."

The 1st Battalion was at this time busily engaged in keeping the vitally important le Four de Paris Road in condition for heavy traffic and in repairing the German narrow -gauge railroads in its area. This system was connected with the 2nd Battalion south of Bagatelle, but because of the lack of locomotives it was not used by the Americans until later.

In the area occupied by both battalions were several old German material depots or "dumps". The Depot des Machines and the depot discovered by Co. "A" each contained millions of dollars worth of material. Every conceivable article needed by military engineers was included in these dumps, and they were of utmost value to the American Army in the advances that took place from that time on. The very poor condition of the rearward roads, which had deteriorated very rapidly as the corps and army troops had followed the divisional troops, made it nearly impossible to bring up vitally necessary engineer supplies. These well supplied German "dumps" were, therefore, a God-send to the engineers. From this time until the Armistice, the Regiment relied almost exclusively on the material abandoned by the enemy. And curiously enough he never failed us. Time after time "dumps" were discovered that could easily have been destroyed by burning or demolition. No more convincing testimony was needed to show that the Germans "stood not upon the order of their going."

It was noticeable that the enemy engineers made very few demolitions of any kind in the forest itself. Hardly a road blowout was attempted except at la Besogne. Even the railroads were injured only by shell fire. It seemed strange at the time, but was explained later by the very extensive demolitions north of -the Aire which were encountered between the 1st of November and the Armistice. All the enemy engineers had doubtless been withdrawn for this work, while his infantry was fighting the Americans south of the Aire.

Few details need be given of the engineer activities in the forest. Life was a series of hard- worked days, cold, wet nights, and scant food. It required constant work to keep the roads open at all, and the platoons with the infantry underwent all the dangers of the front line, making themselves useful as pathfinders and carriers a n d occasionally formed the actual battle line, as did Co. "D" on the 27th of September.

One incident of note was a personal and hazardous reconnaissance made by Lieutenant-Colonel Giesting during this period. Accompanied by two men from Co. "B", he advanced along the Haute Chevauchee (or as the Boche called it the Nord-Sud Strasse) for over one-half mile in front of the American outposts, thus gathering valuable information as to the condition of this road long before the troops advanced.

As has already been suggested, everything in the Engineer's life seemed to lead to bridges. So it was, that on the l0th of October the advance of the 77th Division brought it south of the Aire River between Grandpre and Chevieres. The dreary monotony of the roadwork in the Argonne Forest was instantly changed for the far more interesting and dangerous work of bridging the Aire. The river was somewhat wider than the Vesle, but it was fordable in places. These fords it was the duty of -the Engineers to find.

On the afternoon of the l0th, Captain Howry of Co. "A", accompanied by Lieutenant Weston of Co. "C" and Lieutenant Macqueron of the French Army, set out on a personal reconnoissance of the Aire where it passed through the village of Chevieres. This deserted village was located on the southern bank of the river and the American outposts were situated half a kilometer south of it. This party operated in broad daylight between the lines. The north bank was held by enemy snipers who made the reconnaissance very difficult. The information required was, never the less, speedily obtained and all the officers returned unharmed.

In spite of the deter-mined efforts of Cos. "B", "C", "E", and "F" from the l0th to the 14th of October, all attempts made to bridge the Aire failed because of the strength of the enemy defence. On the night of the 11th of October, Captain Howry of Co. "A", accompanied by a detachment from that company, set out to find fords across the river. Before returning this party located six fords less than waist deep between Chevieres and St. Juvin. These fords were marked by stretching wire across the river. This most creditable piece of work was carried on in front of our infantry outposts, and had to be done in absolute silence as the north bank was infested with enemy outposts.

During the evening of the 13th, the 153rd Brigade received orders to maneuver to the east, thus relieving part of the 82nd Division, and to attack St. Juvin (north of the Aire) on the morning of the 14th. This difficult movement was accomplished during a wet, cold night. Details from Co. "A", under command of Captain Howry, advanced to the river during this night and repaired three partially demolished Boche foot bridges. Men from Co. "A" were then sent to the infantry to act as guides to these bridges and to the fords which had been wired on the night of the 11th.

On the morning of the 14th, the 306th Infantry attacked St. Juvin and after an all day battle took the village with several hundred prisoners. During the afternoon of the 14th, two platoons of Co. "B" built one foot bridge in the rear of the infantry near Martincourt Farm. This bridge was used almost immediately by the advancing infantry, but not by the troops of the 306th Infantry who so gallantly captured St. Juvin.

Starting at 8:00 P. M., 14th of October, Captain Howry with details from all companies of the 1st Battalion attempted to build an artillery bridge across the Aire between Marcq and St. Juvin. Material for this bridge was carried to the bridge site by hand for a distance of about one-half kilometer from a large engineer dump which had been discovered by Lieutenant Glenn of Co. "B" while on a reconnaissance on the morning of the 13th. Heavy bombardment prevented the completion of this bridge. About twenty men were wounded during this operation.

On the morning of the 15th, Captain Crawford with fresh details from the companies of the 1st Battalion, took over this artillery bridge work. The site was changed by Major Per-Lee to a demolished German pile bridge near St. Juvin. Work on rebuilding this bridge continued for eight hours under heavy shell fire including much gas. The bridge was completed at 4:00 P. M. on the 15th of October.

During the night of the 15th, Captain Howry with men from the companies of the 1st Battalion practically finished another artillery bridge at the site originally chosen. Before morning, however, the 77th Division was relieved by the 78th Division; so this latter bridge was completed by details from the 303rd Engineers.

During the day of the 15th, Lieutenant Walsh with a platoon from Co. "F" proceeded toward Chevieres to construct a footbridge. There had been no advance by the left brigade; so Chevieres was still in front of the American outposts. Leaving his platoon in a sheltered position a kilometer south of the Aire, Lieutenant Walsh accompanied by Sergt. William Thomas of Co. "D", made a daylight reconnaissance of the river. In so doing both were killed. The Distinguished Service Cross (posthumous) was awarded to Lieutenant Walsh and Sergeant Thomas.

The 77th Division having been relieved, the 302nd Engineers retired into the heart of the Argonne Forest, expecting a well-earned rest with a clean-up, new equipment and clothing. That was the program, but the Regiment had no sooner settled itself in the comfortable Boche dugouts in the vicinity of the Abri du Crochet, than orders were received that called half the Regiment to the front again. The Corps Commander had decided to build a position of security about three kilometers behind the front line. The divisional (303rd) engineers were too much occupied by their own front line work to do this, with the result that the resting 302nd Engineers were again ordered forward. Co. "B" and two platoons of Co. "A" took over the right half of this work, which extended from the Cote de Maldah to the heights behind Marcq. A detachment consisting of one-half of each company in the 2nd Battalion took the other half of the sector from the left of the 1st Battalion to the Bois de Negremont. This work consisted in trench digging performed by the reserve infantry under engineer supervision, and in wiring. The latter was done by the engineers; in all, several miles of trenches and wire were constructed, this work lasting until nearly the 1st of November.

On the 12th of October the Regiment lost its original commander, Col. C. 0. Sherrill, who was made Chief of Staff of the 77th Division, which post he held until the Armistice. No one who has ever come in touch with Colonel Sherrill will fail to realize the immense influence he had upon the Regiment. It was his energy and genius which made the 302nd Engineers the fine organization it was, and to him every officer and man owes a debt of gratitude.

Lieut.-Col. Frank A. Giesting, who had been with the Regiment from the time of its organization, succeeded Colonel Sherrill, and he remained in command until demobilization. In November he was promoted to be colonel and, so far as is known, was the only Engineer Reserve Corps officer with a combat division to attain that rank.

CHAPTER X.

SECOND PHASE OF THE ARGONNE BATTLE.

FROM the middle of October until the 1st of November, the American battle line advanced very little. This was due, not to the inability to go forward, but to the very great difficulty of bringing up supplies.

For a distance of many miles in the rear of the front, the heavy traffic and the rainy weather had wrought havoc with the roads.

The railroads had not been brought forward so far as had been anticipated. A renewal of the attack was planned, however, and the usual artillery preparations were made. Large numbers of guns were brought forward and great supplies of ammunition were accumulated. The 77th Division relieved the 78th Division toward the end of October, taking over the same line that it had held earlier in the month.

American troops held the line at all points north of the Aire, so that bridging work could be carried on in comparative safety. For the expected attack, preparations were made similar to those preceding the drive of 26th of September. The front to be attacked by the 77th Division, however, w a s much narrower and was covered by the 153rd Brigade alone. This meant that the 1st Battalion of the Engineers was to be in the attack. Co. "A" and Co. "B" each supplied one platoon to accompany the first line infantry. The remainder of the 1st Battalion was assigned to certain roads, which were to be temporarily repaired as fast as the enemy was driven back. The 154th Brigade, with our 2nd Battalion, was to follow up in support, and to "leap frog" the 153rd Brigade and take over the front when so ordered. The specific task of the 2nd Battalion was also to repair certain roads as the Division advanced.

As an extra precaution, in case other bridges were ruined by shellfire, Co. "D" was ordered, prior to the attack, to build another artillery bridge across the Aire near the two bridges constructed by Co. "A" and Co. "B" during the first phase of the Argonne Battle. The work was performed under the personal supervision of Lieut. James F. Brown. This bridge had a gross length of 215 feet and was undoubtedly the finest structure of its kind erected by the Regiment. It was at this bridge that Pvt. Samuel Apstein lost his life by shellfire on 31st of October, just before the completion of the structure.

During the period prior to the attack, Co. "E" also was busy with bridge building. On the east and west main road between St. Juvin and Grand Pre, the Boche during his retreat from the valley of the Aire, had demolished two bridges, where the two branches of the Agron River cross the road before emptying into the Aire. Although these demolitions were in view of the advanced enemy observation outposts, Co. "E", under command of Capt. Thomas H. Ellett, worked in the broad daylight and two substantial bridges were constructed.

All preparations for the attack being complete, orders were issued that it take place on the morning of the 1st of November. This day will long linger in the memories of most of the 302nd Engineers. The 77th Division was to attack and take Champigneulle, a small village on the heights north of the Aire. This attack made small progress during the day of the 1st, and the town was not entered until early on the morning of the 2nd. During the early morning of the 1st, the Engineers were ordered to cross the Aire and were forced to wait, practically in the first line, all that day and night until the advance could proceed. There was work only for one company (Co. "C") so the rest of the Regiment remained inactive, in the midst of the battle, expecting momentarily to advance.

To Co. "C" was assigned the task of repairing a partly demolished German pile-bridge, which crossed the Agron River on the road between St. Juvin and Champigneulle. This bridge was practically in the front line and directly under fire from the enemy advanced machine guns. It could only be approached with great difficulty, and work had to be carried on from underneath. It was of the utmost importance to the Division, for as soon as Champigneulle was cleared, the only practicable route north for the artillery and transport was over this bridge. All during the day of the 1st, the men of Co. "C" worked at this exposed point, and in spite of several casualties, the bridge was made passable by evening, many hours before it was actually used. This very hazardous and successful mission was carried out under the personal supervision of Major Per-Lee, assisted by Lieutenant Weston of Co. "C". It was during this operation that Lieutenant Macqueron of the French Army was slightly wounded in the -neck by a machine gun bullet.

Company "D" Bridge across the Aire

It was here also that Colonel Giesting greatly distinguished himself. He had come up to inspect the work on the bridge, which was to be of such prime importance to the whole Division. While at this point, he was constantly watching the battle going on around him, expecting every minute that our troops would advance. He noticed that those in the immediate vicinity were wavering. There were no infantry field officers in sight. Colonel Giesting, quitting the cover of the river banks, stepped out into the open, within full sight of the enemy, and coolly walked up and down the infantry lines, encouraging the m e n a n d preventing the threatened retirement.

This action was carried on with utter disregard for his personal safety, because at no time was he out, of sight of the enemy and at no time did he seek cover.

The advance of the Division from the early morning of the 2nd of November to the evening of the 6th was the most rapid in its history. In these five days, the line was pushed northward 32 kilometers, from the Aire to the Meuse. This rapid advance meant exceptionally strenuous labor for the Engineers. The rain and the Boche engineers had conspired to impede the forward movement of artillery and transport, and it was the duty of the Engineers to make the roads passable in the shortest possible time. Thus it was that the five days, from the 2nd to the 6th of November, called forth the greatest efforts from the Regiment of the whole war, and much excellent work was done in this short time.

Showing how to carry a road across a Trench

Early on the morning of the 2nd, the infantry advanced through Champigneulle. Co. "A" and Co. "B", under command of Major Per-Lee, soon cleared the streets of Champig-neulle of fallen debris and followed on after the infantry. During the day of the 2nd, the 2nd Battalion repaired the roads between St. Juvin and Champigneulle. It was on this road that Co. "D", under Capt. N. N. Barber, who had recently joined the Regiment, untangled a traffic jam during the night of the 2nd, which prompted a written commendation from the Division Commander, General Alexander. Co. "E" worked on the road from Champigneulle toward Beffu et le Morthomme.

After clearing the streets of Champigneulle, Co. "A" and Co. "B" proceeded northward, the former to Thernorgues and the latter to Verpel. It was at this time that Captain Howry, with his runner, got ahead of the advancing infantry and captured a machine gunner at Thernorgues mill, together with a roll of valuable German maps of the area. These maps were of the utmost use to the Regiment, as the advance of the Division had carried us "off" the French maps, which up to this time we had been using. The same day (2nd of November) Captain Howry and Captain Farrin, who had the day before been placed in command of Co. "C", and Lieutenant Weston advanced ahead of the infantry and entered Buzancy. So far as is known, they were the first Americans to enter that famous town. Captain Ellett of Co. "E" similarly entered Briquenay. A study of the map will show the rapidity of this advance, and how open the warf are had become in the closing days of the war. The German method of defence was to have lines of machine gunners every few miles, designed to check the American troops. This method had worked well in the Argonne Forest, where it had been difficult to discover the machine gun locations; but in the open country north of the Aire these lines were quickly broken up by our own infantry, so that the limit of the advance was fixed by the marching powers of our men, and the transportation of supplies. The latter was rendered especially difficult by many demolitions.

Co. "E" building a bridge across the Agron

On the afternoon of the 2nd, Co. "B" had removed an unexploded mine from the bridge southwest of Verpel. Sergeants Edwards, Jorgensen and Clader successfully supervised this work. During the evening of the 2nd, Co. "C" began to repair a demolished highway bridge between Buzancy and Bar, which at that time was over a mile in advance of the Infantry. On the 3rd, this work was turned over to Corps Engineer troops and Co. "C" moved northward to Fontenoy to work on the almost impassable road to the south. On the same day, Co. "B" moved to the north and west through Thernorgues and Briquenay to Germont, one platoon stopping at Briquenay to help the 303rd Engineers repair a demolished stone highway bridge. Co. "A" moved to the vicinity of the Authe.

The road between Germont and Authe had the following demolitions in it:

One-half exploded road mine.

One-half demolished stone bridge.

One unexploded road mine.

Three demolished culverts.

Co. "B" worked during the night of the 3rd on the above demolitions, built two road bridges, and had the road passable by morning, except for the third culvert. Assisted by a platoon from Co. "B", one platoon from Co. "A", under Lieutenant Edebohls, bridged this culvert on the 4th.

Between the Authe and Authruche another culvert had been blown up. This was tackled by Co. "A" on the evening of the 3rd and was made passable before morning, by means of a "turnout" bridge. Not satisfied with this turnout, Co. "A" constructed a fine pile bridge alongside, the latter being completed on the 4th. These two culvert bridges, one on each side of Authe, were of great importance and were used by the transports of four American divisions.

The traffic situation was appalling at this time. The roads were in very bad shape. It was necessary for the Regiment to keep men on the roads night and day to enable traffic to move at all. During this fast advance, the front line was, of course, constantly changing. As a consequence, Colonel Giesting and Major Per-Lee several times found themselves ahead of the infantry while riding in their automobile, and twice were fired on by the enemy. Their chauffeur considered his car a tank.

The movement on the 4th had carried the line north of St. Pierremont, at which point the brigades were "leap-frogged". This put the 2nd Battalion in the advance, and the 1st Battalion in the support. There was heavy fighting between St. Pierremont and Oches. During the night of the 4th, the latter village was practically in the front line. Co. "D" advanced under cover of darkness to rebuild a bridge at Oches. This work had to be carried on very carefully so as not to attract attention, as the enemy was very close by. In the morning, the infantry advanced again and the bridge was completed. This particular bridge was novel in design. The only material available was from a standard- gauge railroad. The stringers for the bridge were the heavy steel rails. On these were wired ties close together. These ties were staggered and on top was laid a diagonal course of one inch boards, from flooring of houses in Oches, no real plank being available. A trestle was built up under the center of this bridge, which was finished early on the 5th. It was ready for traffic long before the time set. A similar bridge located a few hundred yards away was finished by Co. "E" on the afternoon of the 5th.

On the 5th of November, the first French civilians were encountered in la Berliere, Captain Simmons being the first American to enter the village. The Germans in their retreat had cleared the country of every living thing except the people. The latter, for their own sakes, were gathered together in a few villages. These civilians treated the Americans as their deliverers, which in truth they were.

On the evening of the 5th, the line had advanced to Stonne. This village was located on the top of a steep hill. In the main road leading out of Stonne down the hill, the Roche had exploded a mine larger than any heretofore encountered by the Regiment. This mine crater absolutely blocked the road for traffic. To Co. "F" was assigned the task of making it passable. With the aid of platoons from Co. "E", this enormous work was completed by nightfall of the 6th, far ahead of estimated time. The main road was thereby opened for the traffic of several divisions which were anxious to use it.

At this time, the 6th of November, a most puzzling set of movements were going on in the rear area of the 77th Division. The 42nd Division was moving laterally from east to west. The 6th Division was moving up in support of the 77th, the 78th Division was being relieved by the 42nd, and the 1st Division was making some wild last dazzling march through several other divisions, hoping to have the glory of taking Sedan. All these movements, added to the legitimate movement of the 77th Division, placed a tremendous responsibility on the 302nd Engineers, which they accepted in the best spirit and never once failed to keep the roads open. The scramble north was so rapid, and the available men so few for the work to be done, that the great road demolitions at la Bagnolle and la Besace had to be passed by because they did not absolutely inhibit traffic.

The infantry had advanced to the valley of the Meuse by the evening of the 6th. The Germans held the north bank with their outposts.

On that night, about 11:30 P. M., Colonel Giesting was sent for by General Alexander, and the following conversation took place:

General Alexander: "Giesting, we are going to the Meuse tomorrow. What preparations have you made to bridge the river?"

Colonel Giesting: "None, sir."

General Alexander: "Colonel, what do you intend to do?"

Colonel Giesting: "Wait till I get there, sir. We have aerial photographs showing tremendous craters in the roads at Stonne, la Besace and Flaba; the roads are congested and our best chance is to improvise a bridge from the ma-terial we will find. I promise you the 302nd Engineers will build the bridges."

General Alexander: "By God, Giesting, I believe you are right."

This promise was fulfilled. Colonel Giesting immediately gave orders to Captain Simmons, in command of the. 2nd Battalion, ending with, "Captain, this is a chance of a life-time."

Captain Simmons, in a short time had the companies of his battalion on the march towards the Meuse, and after an all night ride he himself made personal reconnaissance for the needed bridges.

On the afternoon of the 7th, one of the most brilliant feats performed by the Regiment took place. Captain Ellett, with a detachment from Co. "E", built a footbridge across the Meuse at Villers-devant-Mouzon. This task was carried out in the broad daylight, in advance of our infantry and under the direct fire of the enemy. It was at this bridge that the following lost their lives:

Lieut. James F. Brown, Co. "D", D. S. C. posthumous.

Pvt. Samuel Brill, Co. "E".

Pvt. Arthur C. Hartman, Co. "E".

In addition, seven men were wounded by machine gun and snipers' bullets. As soon as this bridge was finished, a detachment of our infantry crossed the Meuse and established an outpost which was the most advanced point reached by our division or any other American division during the war. On the 8th, Co. "F", under Lieut. R. J. Gross, put across a similar bridge near Remilly. This bridge was not used by our infantry.

While the 2nd Battalion was performing these brilliant exploits, the 1st Battalion had followed up the advance and accomplished the difficult task of keeping open the roads. On the 7th, Co. "A" and Co. "B" had advanced as far north as Flaba. The main north and south road from la Besace to Raucourt had been thoroughly destroyed by the Boune. One stretch of road only a few hundred yards long had been mined in seven places. Rather than attempt to repair this stretch, Co. "A" made a detour around the demolitions. By using brush laid on the ground, then surfacing the brush with rock taken from a nearby farm house, this detour was made passable, first for animal-drawn transport, and later for motor trucks. Only by constant effort could this detour be kept in condition. Meanwhile Co. "B" had encountered similar destructions west of Flaba, but as the roadway had not been entirely destroyed the task of repair was simpler.

On the 8th, Co. "C" moved up to Flaba and relieved Co. "B", which was then ordered to Autrecourt sur Meuse. Co. "B" repaired three mine craters in the road between Raucourt and Autrecourt and prepared to throw an artillery bridge across the Meuse near Villers-devant-Mouzon.

The footbridge which Co. "E" had built across the Meuse, between Villers-devant-Mouzon and Autrecourt had been partially demolished by artillery fire. The infantry detachment north of the river was thus cut off from the Division. The Meuse at this point was about 300 feet wide and the water was icy cold. Captain Barber of Co. "D", who was then stationed at Autrecourt, determined to save these men. On the night of the 8th, he went with a detachment of Co. "D" to the bridge location. The, American outposts were south of this point. The detachment built a raft and Captain Barber personally crossed the river on this frail craft. There were only five infantrymen surviving, one of whom was wounded. On the return trip, the raft was overturned and the wounded man lost his life as a result. Nothing daunted, Captain Barber swam the river and obtained a line, which he stretched across and over which he brought the survivors, one at a time. This action was carried on under constant artillery and machine gun fire. The enemy well knew the location of the bridge and the probable activities of the Americans there during the night, and kept it under fire.

For this very brave act, each man of the Co. "D" detachment was cited in divisional orders, but it is the opinion of those who are familiar with the affair, that a far higher honor should have been awarded to Captain Barber for his great courage and perseverance.

The bridge at Villers-devant-Mouzon marks the high point in the history of the Regiment. A picture of it is given the place of honor as frontispiece of this volume.

On the 8th at Remilly, and on the 9th at Villers-devant-Mouzon, Colonel Giesting and Major Per-Lee made daring daylight reconnaissances that should be recorded. At these two places, pile bridges across the river had been destroyed by the retreating enemy. In anticipation of the Allied advance across the river, it was necessary to know the probable repairs needed to make these bridges passable. Far beyond the call of duty, these two officers personally went to the bridge sites, in advance of our outposts, in the broad daylight and within full sight of the enemy, and obtained the desired information. Such actions as these were splendid and inspiring examples to the officers and men of the Regiment.

On the nights of the 9th and 10th of November, detachments from Co. "B" were working on a bridge over a mine crater north of Autrecourt. This work was carried on in front of our own outposts under considerable shell fire. At the same time, several boats were being built by a detachment from Co. "B" under supervision of Sergeant Jorgensen for use in the expected crossing of the Meuse. Co. "D", also stationed at Autrecourt, was preparing material for an artillery bridge.

THE HANDY ENGINEERS

BY PRIVATE STEUART M. EMERY

(Courtesy of N. Y. Herald.)

"Colonel, we pull a raid tonight into the Prussian Beers.

It looks like a gutty little fight, Chewing of legs and ears.

We'll need a party to cut the wire,

They must run the ring of the Beebe's fire,

It's a dirty business of muck and mire."

"Send for the Engineers!"

The Engineers they will slice a path-That's what they signed to do.

They will take the rip of the M. G.'s wrath Snipping and worming through.

The barbs may cut and the mud may stick,

And the star flares splash and the shots crack thick,

But they'll hop the top and they'll turn the trick. "Send for the Engineers!"

"Colonel, the bridge is hit and gone, Never a plank appears.

Yet the regiment must cross at dawn, Hardly a case for cheers.

The place where it was is swept and sprayed,

For the Boche has got it in enfilade,

But we can't hang back on a plan that's made." "Send for the Engineers!"

The Engineers they will bridge the stream, Anything wet that flows.

Whether the big ones bust and scream, Whether it rains or snows.

They'll fling pontoons and they'll hammer stakes,

Though the water foams as the lead hall rakes,

And they'll lead the show when the Yank charge breaks. "Send for the Engineers!"

"Colonel, the roads are blown to hell." That's what the P. C. hears.

"Crated and gashed where the Jerries fell, Nothing but holes and smears.

They're well in range of the house of Krupp,

But the boys don't shoot and the boys don't sup

And the whole drive stops while supplies hold up." "Send for the Engineers!"

The Engineers, they will mend the pike, Out in the broad daylight,

Where a blind Boche cannoneer could strike, Labor, this time, not fight.

They'll set their teeth and they'll curse each blast

And they'll toil and sweat and they'll thirst and fast

Till the chow and the ammo trains jam past.

"Send for the Engineers!"

CHAPTER XI.

THE ARMISTICE

N THE evening of the 10th runners were sent out by Regimental Headquarters, announcing that the Armistice had been signed, effective -at 11 A. M. on the 11th, and that dangerous work would s top forthwith. This message reached Co. "B" and Co. "D" about midnight of the 10th, and the working parties out in front of the lines were immediately sent for and brought back to the comparative safety of the cellars of Autrecourt. This humane order is mentioned to distinguish it from the orders received by the division on our right. Though it was known that the Armistice had been signed, these troops made an attack during the night of the 10th, incurring heavy casualties gaining the heights north of the Meuse, which they would have had anyway by the terms of the already signed Armistice.

To the troops the news of the cessation of hostilities came with stunning force. There was none of the jubilation, which might have been expected. It did not seem possible that all was over, that never again would be heard the song of the shell or the twang of the bullet. As stoically as they had faced danger and hardship, they now accepted the peace. -

Division Headquarters were located at this time at Rau-court. At 11 A. M., on the 11th, the Engineer Band, which had resurrected its long-forgotten instruments from the baggage train, struck up the Marseillaise, and then our own grand Star-Spangled Banner. None present will ever forget the sights and sounds of that ceremony. The civilians but recently freed from the Boche, the soldiers of the French and American armies, all joined in the celebration. To the Americans it meant victory and peace;-who can describe what it meant to the French!

THE day following the Armistice, the 77th Division was relieved by a French division. The honor of marching through Luxemburg to Coblenz was not to be allowed us. Instead we were ordered to the rear to a training area near Chaumont. The Regiment concentrated immediately at the villages at Vaux and Sammauthe, a few miles south of the Meuse. There, after a few days spent in cleaning up and some hard work on the nearby roads, started the long march south.

In order to get to our Winter quarters near Chaumont, it was necessary to march 161 miles nearly due south. This was the longest march engaged in by the Regiment at any time. It started from Sammauthe on the 21st of November and ended on the 4th of December at Chateauvillain and the surrounding villages.

Fortunately for the Regiment, the Winter rains had not set in until just before the close of this long march. But immediately after arriving at their Winter quarters, the rain started and, almost without a day's intermission, continued for several months.

Bright hopes were entertained for a quick homegoing at this time, December, 1918. Captain Greene, who returned from the hospital to the command of the 2nd Battalion early in the month, was particularly optimistic. He had the most circumstantial rumors to repeat, that the Regiment would be in the United States before the New Year. Unfortunately, these rumors were not to come true, and the Engineers had several trying months ahead of them before they were to see the Statue of Liberty.

December was spent mostly in drill. The War being over, it was apparently of the utmost importance that the Engineers become expert infantrymen. So the different companies "snapped into it" and out of it, daily in the mud and cold rain of the most miserable of months. Untold machine gun posts were captured, and every one practiced rifle fire on the improvised ranges-even the cooks and K. Ps.

Toward the end of December it was discovered that while the Engineers were so engaged in perfecting their drill and military etiquette, the roads in the divisional area had decidedly gone to pot. Due to the constant rain the roads had softened and the United States Army truck did the rest.

Large holes appeared everywhere in the once magnificent highways, and the Regiment was given orders to fix them up forthwith. This job sounds easy, but it must be realized that the roads in the divisional area were several hundred miles in length. The working force of the Regiment was scarcely more than 1,200 men. Tools were scarce, material scarcer and the weather atrocious.

Then was seen the phenomenon of rapid road deterioration in an area containing over 20,000 practically idle men. It was physically impossible for the men of the Regiment to keep all the roads even superficially repaired. Colonel Giesting, realizing the situation, obtained orders from General Alexander that the troops in each village, infantry, artillery or what not, were to keep their own roads in repair, and that Engineer non-commissioned officers be sent to all the villages to supervise the road work. This plan worked so well that later it was adopted by most of the other American divisions, who found themselves in the same plight as the 77th.

At Chateauvillain, in January, was held a memorial service for those who had fallen in the field. None will ever forget this last taps for their absent comrades.

From the 1st of January until just before sailing home, it was the constant work of the Regiment to keep the roads repaired. This hard, tiresome work, carried on day after day in the rain and snow, was a great anti-climax to the work of the war. It was necessary, however, and words cannot describe the fine spirit shown by the officers and men during those long, weary months.

In January, 1919, most of the organization property was turned in to the various supply depots; only individual property was retained. This was in anticipation of the hoped for homegoing. Early in February, orders were received for a move to the Le Mans area. Le Mans was the center of the area west of Paris, which was used by the American Army for preparation for embarkation to the United States. The orders were received with the enthusiasm they deserved. Quick work was made of the preparations, and on the early morning of the 10th of February, the Regiment entrained at Latrecey. The day was very cold and cheerless. A most uncomfortable trip of nearly 72 hours followed. The weather was miserable, and if it had not been for the splendid health of the men, much sickness due to the cramped quarters and cold would have followed.

The Regiment detrained at Sable sur Sarthe on the 12th and 13th of February. Sable was a fine little city on the banks of the beautiful Sarthe River. The Regimental Headquarters were to remain there until a short time before embarkation. Road work immediately called forth the efforts of the men. The 1st Battalion maintained its headquarters in Sable; the 2nd Battalion headquarters were in Parce. The companies were billeted in various villages, sometimes divided into platoons for better working on the roads.

In February several promotions were made in fulfillment of recommendations made before the Armistice. Major Per-Lee was promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel, Captains Crawford and Simmons were promoted to be Majors of the 1st and 2nd Battalions respectively, and Lieutenant Edwards was promoted to be Captain.

The grind of road repairs continued with little letup, except for an occasional game of baseball between company teams, until the first part of April. It then became apparent that homegoing was not far off. The Regiment had been so separated that permission was asked and granted for a regimental concentration in one city for the purpose of getting the men together once at least before they left France. The city of Chateau-Gontier was chosen. Over-looking the reaches of the magnificent Mayenne River, it was a fitting place for the elements of the Regiment to gather for the last time. The few days spent in Chateau- Gontier will long be remembered with pleasure.

In spite of their many months of hard labor on the roads, the men responded instantly to the desire of the commander to regain the old-time snap. A most interesting competition was held to determine the best-drilled platoon in the Regiment. Each company picked its best drilled platoon. A battalion competition was then held and finally the regimental competition. Co. "C" and Co. "F" qualified for the finals, and in a wonderful exhibition, the 4th platoon of Co. "C" won the prize. This platoon was commanded by Lieutenant Finlayson and Sergeant Reyes. The drill was indicative of the fine spirit of the men, even after all the disappointing months following the Armistice.

It was at Chateau-Gontier, also, that the colors of the Regiment were officially decorated by Major-General Alexander. This impressive ceremony took place in the market square, and was followed by a review. During the ceremony, General Alexander took occasion to speak in the highest terms of the work of the 302nd Engineers.

An incident of considerable interest at Chateau-Gontier was a regimental inspection held in the city parks. The fine way in which all the equipment was laid out for the area inspectors was indicative of the fine discipline of the Regiment.

On 17th April, 1919, the final French entrainment took place. For the last time were the men crowded forty to a car in the little French freight cars; for the last time were the discomforts of this kind of traveling to be experienced. The Regiment arrived at Brest on the 18th and 19th of April. The weather for a great wonder was good. Camp Pontanezon might not be all that the philanthropic at home desired, but it looked good to us. It was so much better than the usual French accommodations for soldiers that it appeared almost paradise, especially as it spelled another letter in the word HOME.

At Pontanezon the usual series of inspections took place-rather an extended series. But as the Regiment had been thoroughly equipped to the last bristle of the tooth brush, there was not even the suggestion of a delay. And apparently Pontanezon was the only, place in France where American Army equipment was plentiful. It was refreshing t o observe the speed with which it could be secured, and made us wonder why such an excellent system had not been adopted before.

CHAPTER XIII.

ONCE MORE ON THE OCEAN

THE Holland-American liner Nieuw Amsterdam had been reserved for the use of the 302nd Engineers on its return trip. On the 22nd of April, the embarkation took place. There were no absentees.

Just before the Regiment embarked, orders were received promoting several non-commissioned officers to be 2nd Lieutenants, as follows: Henry W. Robertson-HQ Co. L. T. Avery-Co. "A". H. A. Meek-Co. "A". F. G. Egan-Co. "B". Orwell Logan-Co. "E". G. M. Chinery-Co. "E". A. A. Jungdahl-Co. "F".

The Nieuw Amsterdam sailed from Brest on the afternoon of the 23rd of April. A. fine voyage of ten days brought the Regiment to New York on the 2nd of May. Who will describe the sensations of the men as the Statue of Liberty hove in sight? Except for the haunting consciousness of the comrades left behind, no greater happiness could be experienced.

Thus it was, that on the 2nd of May, the 302nd Engineers arrived once more on American soil after slightly more than a year's absence in France.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE END

ONCE in America the dissolution of the Regiment was very rapid. Proceeding from Hoboken, the Regiment traveled to Camp Mills, Long Island, there to await the parade of the 77th Division.

This parade was held on the 6th of May in New York City. The men marched in quadruple columns of four at a brisk pace up Fifth Avenue from Washington Square to the northern boundary of Central Park amidst the cheers of friends and relatives who rejoiced to have them home safely once more.

After the parade, the Regiment was split up, the major portion going to Camp Upton for demobilization. Camp Upton looked very dismal in comparison to its old aspect of cheerfulness. One could see that its work was done. It had harbored the 77th Division in its infancy, and apparently only existed until the Division was demobilized.

On Saturday, the 12th of May, the men were paid off. After last handshakings, they boarded the trains for New York. The Regiment formally ceased to be at 6:00 P. M. the same date.

Thus ended the active history of one of the finest regiments that it was ever a man's privilege to serve in. It passed out of existence as quietly as it had been formed. Its labor before and after its period of combat was great. Its actions in combat speak for themselves.

Sgt. G.J. Curtin, Co. C, 302 Engrs A.E.F.

American Red Cross stationery

Sept 26, 1918

Dear Helen [his sister]:

Received your letter of August 26 and May’s of Aug 23 (from Waterford) today. Pop was in great luck to hear Capt. Thomasson because the Capt. has great ability as a storyteller and he must have been very interesting.

Of course we were all sorry to lose our C.O. but at the same time one cannot remain sorry very long for a man who has an opportunity to return to the States. That is a thing that we can hardly even dream about, and then we understand that Capt Thomasson is to become a Major. We also lost Lieut. Avery and Lieut Miller, two of the finest men you would care to know. We understand that they will be captains or Majors.

That’s the start for Co. C., having three officers picked for promotion. Then they gave us Lieut. Harder, now Capt. Harder, as our C.O. – On our last front our men went out twenty four successive nights and worked under shell and machine gun fire most of the time in the front lines and sometimes ahead of them and the Capt. was out every night and every day. He’s the coolest individual in the company and we have a pretty cool headed bunch of men in this outfit.

If you want to see what our men have done and can get a copy of the Stars and Stripes you will find the engineers mentioned pretty near all over the front page. In every incident except possibly one small item it was company C that furnished the material for the stories which is not to be wondered at, because we did the most advanced work of the whole regt. for the entire time our division held the sector, which was over a month, or until the advance started.

Even your delicate brother managed to come in for a little notice from the Col. by crawling out into no-man’s land on his belly in the mud and getting some information that was necessary to carry on the work. The fact that the Jerry outpost machine gunners heard me and my pal (Dan Quinn, top sgt.) and opened up on us and sent up star shells only made things more interesting. In fact as I lay there as close to the ground as I could squeeze right out in the open with the star shells making it as light as day and the old machine guns playing away like typewriters, I happened to think that we two were in advance of the whole American army and I couldn’t keep from grinning. Strange as it may seen, I wasn’t the least bit afraid. My head was toward the machine guns, and somehow I had wonderful confidence in my helmet.

That night we were pretty important chaps on our front. They held up the artillery fire for fear of getting us and put out a covering party of our own machine gunners to cover us in case of trouble. The outpost Lieut. shook hands with us and wished us luck and altogether we had a great time of it.

On our way back we crawled to within about 15 yards of the cover which was the end of a sunken road and then Dan whispered, “will we make a break for it?” (We had a slight rise to cross.) I said “let’s go” and made two jumps, a dive onto my belly and rolled into the cover with Dan right on top of me. I wish Ma could have seen me then. I was completely covered with mud from my ears to my toes. Well just imagine crawling inch by inch through six inches of mud and just as far down in it as you could get – That trip was only the start of our night’s entertainment. We had to go back through a ruined village that was covered on two sides by Jerry snipers and machine guns and had to duck from cover to cover, (walls, ditches, houses). One of us would run across an opening and you would hear “zing – zing –zing –zing. Then in about five minutes the other would run across as if the devil was after him. Finally we got to the artillery observation officer and reported to him. He asked about our trip and chatted a while and then said “Well now I can unchain my beauties and I’ll make it hot for those friends of yours (We had reported the location of the machine guns that had fired at us) and I guess he did because the old guns started barking away in fine style.

We still had about half a mile to go, along a road partly protected by banks with little dugouts about every ten feet. We just got started when Jerry opened up on the road. We could hear the shells coming in time to duck into a dugout. As soon as the shell exploded we would duck out and run past one dugout and just make the next one before the w-s-h-h-h zing of the next close one. And that’s the way we went for over half a mile. Jerry seemed to follow us all along the road, sometimes a little ahead of us and sometimes a little in back and sometimes almost on top of us.

Our cave was near the top of a hill or the reverse side to Jerry and when we reached the foot of that hill we thought sure we were safe, but they dropped four big ones ( H Es) on that hill on our way up and each time we heard them come, of course we dropped flat on our faces. The last one came along just as we reached the entrance to the cave. I guess it must have landed about fifty feet away but I thought it was right on my dome. I didn’t duck, I just ran and made the cave.

Well that was one wild night I’ll say – we lost our first man that night on that same road, about half an hour after we got in. He didn’t duck quite fast enough.

Now don’t think from the above that I am posing as a dare-devil, because I’m not one. During the excitement I took it as a joke, it really was great sport ducking those babies but the next morning I was scared stiff when I realized what I had been through. And the joke of it is that Dan Quinn’s job and mine are probably the two safest ones in the company.

In fact that’s why I volunteered to go on the first job calling for volunteers just to show the boys that I was there and Quinn told me afterwards that he volunteered for the same reason. So I’ve probably had my most exciting day in the war and pulled through OK and I do like to talk about it, don’t I?

Well you may think that my stunt was exciting, but you ought to hear of some of the one’s the boys pulled off after that. It makes me look like a piker. Three of our boys went over in Jerry’s lines one night and burned down a row of his barracks right under his nose. Nine went with an infantry party into a town held by the Germans, burned every building in town, burned up some supply dumps and rations dumps. Five came back and four were missing. Five days afterward two of the missing men came in with their hand and their faces absolutely coal black. They had been cut off from the main body and had hid for five days with a wounded doughboy (infantryman) under a pile of charcoal bags in back of the German lines, with only six one day rations between them and two canteens of water. To get back to our lines, they killed a German machine gun crew with hand grenades carried the wounded man across our open stretch of fields under machine gun fire and swam a small river.

In the daytime, they put charcoal bags over their heads and looked over the ground and located positions and got information that was very valuable in the advance. And finally they called on two of our men to show the advance patrol of infantry the way across the river when the grand push started.

Those were only the individual stunts. I guess every man in the company has done enough during that stretch to entitle him to a pension for the rest of his life, the narrow escapes would make your hair stand on end. One shell landed within a few feet of our kitchen. There was one box full of canned pumpkin, boxes of pepper, mustard, etc. Well talk about your pumpkin pie – I believe some of that pumpkin landed in division headquarters. I know every man in Co. C had pumpkin in him somewhere and both literally and figuratively our pumpkin pie was “all shot.” One of the KP wore a sacred heart pin on his shirt pocket. He saw it laying on the ground and looked to see how it fell off - he found his pocket torn off and a hole clean through his gas mask.

Much later – Oct 15

Dear Helen,

I had to cut this letter because we were ordered to move. We thought we were in for a rest. Our rest consisted of driving Jerry out of one his strongest positions and chasing him fifteen to twenty miles through some of the toughest country you can imagine. As usual several companies of engineers, Co. C included, led the way in the first over the top to clear the way and then the doughboys took it and my how those boys can fight. I don’t know how many of them are left now but they are still at it and the old artillery is banging away sending Jerry his iron rations.

I think that one of the funniest things I have heard here was an infantry captain instructing his lieutenants and sergeants just before they were to take up on advanced position. It was a pitch dark, rainy night and we were located in a gully. I happened to be in the kitchen which was a corrugated iron shack which we had put up. I had been flooded out of my dugout and Bobbie Richardson? And I went in there to sleep. This was the only place we could have a light because we were so close to the lines and the infantry captain came in an asked us if he could stay a while. He had just returned from a trip to the place his company was to occupy and as I said was explaining things to his officers. He said:

“We are to go up to this position tonight and every man is to dig himself in. It’s on a platform with absolutely no protection. I want every man to start digging when he gets there – and dig all night and in the daytime. I don’t want any man to show so much as a finger above ground for any reason whatever. If any one had the diarreahs, let him dig a deeper hole.”

The 1st __? Said “What’s the best road to take?” The Capt. said “I don’t know, and I don’t give a damn. I just went and came back and I’ll go again. It’s as black as the inside of a black cow. I got my direction and started off and didn’t give a damn about roads, and pretty near broke my fool neck. Look at these pants. “ (he was covered in mud and his breeches were torn.) “ I know damn well what I’ll do when the next war comes – I’ll join the naval reserve at Newport and have afternoon tea with Mrs. Astor. Then he turned around to me quickly and said “Wouldn’t I make a hell of a fine sight to have afternoon tea with Mrs. Astor right now!”

Bob and I were sitting on a box breaking our sides laughing. I can’t begin to tell you all the funny things he said or the snappy way he spoke, but he sure was some man.

Then a Sgt. came in a reported that one of the men had lost his gas mask and wanted to know if he would take him along. And the Capt. went up in the air again: “Of course we can’t take him.” He turned to me and said “Sgt, can you find any work for this man?” I said “yes sir, I guess we can keep him busy in the kitchen. I’ll see the mess Sgt. in the morning.” “All right then. Work the living daylights out of him! If you kill him, all right! You have not only my permission but my approval.” Then he warned them again about not showing so much as a finger when they were dug in “or we’ll all be annihilated. If only the ones that showed themselves were killed I’d say all right let the damn fools get it. It would be a good way to get rid of them. But it’s never the man who pulls a fool stunt who gets it. He generally gets off scot free and the good men suffer for it.”

Then he started to sneeze while explaining about the men with diarrhea digging a deeper hole and the more he sneezed the madder he got. Oh! It sure was funny. But it’s not all fun over here by any means. I witnessed one of the saddest incidents I have yet seen yesterday, but I can’t tell you about it. I’ll tell you all those things when I get back. Well Helen I will have to close now. The doughboys made another over the top so I guess we will have to move again. It was a grand site to watch them go over. The front line was in the valley and we could see the whole thing from the hill. All of a sudden a line of our boys seemed to come up out of the ground and started ahead at a fairly slow pace. They seemed to be absolutely unconcerned although you could see some of them go down. There was an awful racket of machine gun fire from both sides and then a little further ahead another line of men got up and starred running back. They were the Jerries and then there was the devil to pay. I can’t describe it. In a little while the prisoners started coming in and the doughboys went ahead out of sight. I don’t know how far they went. They may be going yet for all I know. They can talk about the regulars or the marines or anyone else but if there is a gamer bunch in this army than those boys who went over yesterday I’d like to see them.

Well we expect a relief anytime now. God knows we’re entitled to it. And then I guess the war will be over before we’re in the line again. Love to all, Gerald

Sgt. G.J. Curtin, Co. C, 302 Engrs A.E.F.

P.S. The Lorraine Cross - our first front