HISTORY OF THE 308 INFANTRY

HISTORY OF THE 308TH INFANTRY

1917-1919

CHAPTER I

Camp Upton

IT is not possible to name a particular day and hour, which saw the birth of the 3o8th Infantry. Like the rest of the 77th Division of the National Army of America, it did not exist at the beginning of September, 1917, yet well before the end of that month it was in vigorous being. The Thompson-Starrett Company had already been working two months to transform the and tract of scrub oak surrounding Yaphank, Long Island, into a cantonment when a notice appeared in the New York newspapers instructing all officers assigned to Camp Upton to report there on September 1st. In response to this order hundreds of newly commissioned officers hurried to camp by train and automobile.

Alighting at the station, the vanguard of officers crossed the tracks, acknowledged the salute of a Negro sentinel, and then took a motor bus for the camp half a mile away. Here they found little to suggest the recently established military regime, and the few uniforms were lost in the predominating mufti-a mufti for the most part of overalls. The rough roads, always abominably dusty when they were not vilely muddy, the stumps remaining from the recently cleared forest of scrub oak, and the unpainted shacks of every sort and size, all these suggested a huge western mining camp in the throes of a violent boom. Great white circus tents served as mess-halls. Gleaming signs advertised streets leading to this or that headquarters. And through these streets-if the name may be used for roads which bounded often unbuilt lots- swirled a ceaseless stream of pedestrians, motor cars, auto trucks, and horse-drawn vehicles, bearing loads of material to hasten the work of construction. No boomtown, bare and blatant, ever sprawled over a wider area or ever presented a scene of more intense activity.

There was, however, little time for observation on the part of the newly arrived officers. No sooner had they gathered their luggage than a solider stepped briskly up, saluted, and directed them to register in a large ominous- looking volume. In camp but a few minutes they found themselves already confronted by that all regulating body, the M. P. Now formally enrolled with the 77th Division, another member of the M. P. directed them to Division Headquarters, known at even this early date as "The Hill." Again the vanguard set forth along the dusty roads, laden with handbags, clothing rolls, suitcases, and all other imaginable forms of luggage. (All, one should say, except the musette bag, which later enjoyed such deserved popularity in France.) A none too dignified procession it must have appeared, tramping the dusty thoroughfare and dodging motors, which were no respecters of rank. Tired, dirty, dishevelled, but still full of optimism toward the Great Adventure opening before them, the officers presented themselves to the Division Adjutant. Through his hand Fate now assigned these officers to their respective organizations. Practically all the officers who were to join the unit which this history describes were already known to one another, having come from the 7th and 8th Companies in the New York Regiment at Hattsburg.

Now for the first time men heard the names of the regiments, battalions, and trains with which they and their friends were to cast their lot.

"I'm the 305th. "

" Oh, are you? I'm the 308th, whatever that is."

Strange that words which were to mean so much later and become so unforgettable should then mean nothing at all! All the officers were assigned to barracks in what was then known as the "J" Section of the camp. A mess was started which, true to the old joke, at once proved itself deserving of the name. That the life before the arrival of the drafted men was not to remain one of leisure became obvious as soon as a meeting was called by the 308th Infantry's Commanding Officer, Colonel Nathan K. Averill, formerly of the 7th Cavalry. Stalwart, vigorous, intense, masterful-the stern voice breaking at intervals into genially reverberating laughter-it was necessary to see and hear him only once to know that our future leader was to be a man. Later it was the fate of the 308th to be led in turn by several others, but it is no necessary disparagement to them to say that to no other has it rendered the homage and affection that went to the Colonel with whom it began and ended.

Lieutenant Colonel John J. Boniface, also a cavalry-man, soon became another familiar figure, with his huge curved pipe and gold-headed riding crop. These were the only two officers of the regular army assigned to the Regiment. The Battalion Commanders, Majors Bradley Martin, Clarence Fahnestock, and Frank L. Nelson, were all graduates of Plattsburg, as were Captains Kenneth P. Budd, the Adjutant, and Harry Chinner, the Supply Officer. Officers were now assigned to companies, each of which consisted so far of one captain, three first lieutenants, and two second lieutenants, with three non-commissioned officers from the regular army-but so far with no private soldiers to drill. These "companies " now moved over to the " P " Section, the Regiment's future home. Regimental Headquarters installed itself in a one story building on Fourth Avenue, from which sanctum General Order No. 1 was issued, proclaiming that the undersigned-Colonel Nathan K. Averill- assumed command of the 3o8th Infantry.

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A memorandum now appeared, stating that the first increment of drafted men would arrive at Camp Upton on September 10th. At once the Quartermaster's Department was besieged by excited demands for food and clothing, for information as to the proper amounts which should be provided, and for the time of its delivery. Card indexes were prepared blankets, messgear and iron bunks made ready, and kitchens stocked.

Meanwhile a very remarkable thing was elsewhere taking place-a thing, which the wildest visionary would not have dared to prophesy two years before. Entirely unaware of the preparations made for their reception in Yaphank, Long Island, thousands of young men representing every section of lower New York State, from Poughkeepsie to Staten Island, and from West Street to Montauk Point, were (like many other thousands of young men all over the country) in good-natured and orderly fashion accepting the fact of the draft.

At their various draft boards these young men were taken in charge by officers. At the Long Island Station they finally parted from their relatives and friends to start the first lap of their strange new journey.

It may be claimed for the 77th Division that no other offered so picturesque an illustration of the American melting-pot. The wide swath of " the Democratic Army " cut straight athwart the entire body of the metropolitan population. All walks of life and probably every civilized race were represented. Nothing more unmilitary in appearance can be imagined than the long columns of civilian-clad men, each with paper-wrapped or rope-tied bundle, or valise, or suitcase, which wound from train to barracks. The members of most draft boards flaunted banners and signs proclaiming their identity and often expressing the familiar legend: "To Hell with the Kaiser." Some looked very dejected; a few were boisterously drunk; the great majority accepted the situation with that practical American stoicism which is equally far removed from enthusiasm or despair. These men had not chosen war, but since the job was inevitable they were going to see it through.

And, from the start, they did. To be fair, one must speak only in terms of broad generalization and ignore the untypical exceptions in order to give the truth. And the truth is that these men, in the great number of cases, entirely ignorant of all military discipline, accepted the situation magnificently. That this was not mere apathy and lack of spirit became evident when they were exposed to fire ten months later. Meanwhile, already on the trains men and officers had met and made their first mutual appraisement. One remark overheard may be taken as fairly characteristic of the first and lasting impression made on the enlisted personnel by their new officers: " Gee! They're regular guys!" Nor were the officers for their part less cordially appreciative of the newcomers.

As soon as they had arrived the men were allotted to regiments. The quota of the 3o8th was marched to Casual Barracks P 47 and P 48 where each man was registered, given mess kit and blankets, and assigned to a bunk with the fervent admonition not to leave it, for bunk number and corresponding number on the qualification card were the individuals only identification. Now the men for the first time knew the strange experience of finding themselves at last in a military cantonment, under military discipline, and subject to a thousand new impressions.

"Some ugly building . . . Mighty clean though . . . When do we eat? . . . Wonder what the meals are like . . . This bed feels pretty good; I heard we had to sleep on the floor . . . What's this thing? . . . Eat out of that? . . . See that gink, he's the Captain . . . What d'ye mean inoculation? . . . Real blankets all right! "

All such conjectures and comments ceased suddenly at the Sergeant's terse command: "Come and get it!" and the first introduction to army chow soon proved that military food-like many other military matters-was not so bad after all. After mess each man was classified, and his name, age, home address, race, and occupation recorded. Then all were allowed the freedom of the camp, a freedom of little temptation since one barracks looked just like another, and the fear of losing one's way had been deeply impressed on all. That first night proved a memorable one. The unique experience made sleep impossible. jest and laughter echoed through the barracks almost until the first note of reveille.

Four days later these so-called " casuals " were definitely assigned to particular companies, and the 308th Infantry began to develop a real entity. The long-waited uniforms arrived and were piled high on the mess hall tables to be thence distributed until late into the night. Endless labor it seemed at the time, with endless problems of ludicrous misfits and necessary exchange. Yet at last it was somehow accomplished, and at last, properly equipped from hat-cord to shoe-strings, the rookie appeared transformed from civilian to soldier. An indescribable transformation! Coats had contracted into blouses; pants bulged into breeches; the hidden truth of a man's calf stood revealed by canvas leggins. With all this came a more soldierly bearing, while the military salute began to lose its absurdity and to acquire significance. Heels started to click sharply, and the peaked campaign hats to tilt at the proper smart angle.

"By the numbers" Learning to throw grenades

3

Camp Upton when completed took the shape of a huge U built about "The Hill " already mentioned. Rows upon rows of bare-faced wooden barracks, each with a latrine on one side and a company street on the other, were divided by miles of straight metalled roads into rectangular blocks, like city squares, each of which contained a regiment, battalion, or train. Only the base of the U-about one eighth of the finally completed cantonment-had been built by the beginning of September, 1917. In the center, high upon the hill which gave Division Headquarters its name, were situated the numerous staff buildings and the Headquarters of Major General J. Franklin Bell.

While men labored with office work, equipment, and drill, the task of building construction kept pace, and the great arms of the U stretched westward, and their junction at its base broadened to the east. The first officers of the 308th to arrive in September made their ablutions, together with hundreds of civilians, at one lone pump. Later each barracks boasted its latrine, and the spaces between the barracks lost their innumerable stumps till they became leveled into the smoothest of company streets and fire-breaks. Apart from purely military work, industry hummed all day long, pierced at intervals with the shrill whistles of donkey engines. Buildings sprang up not "over night " but in the course of a few hours. They were constructed in sections lying flat upon the ground, and then at the sounding of a whistle these were hoisted into place and bolted together, about forty men taking part in the erection of each building. As soon as the roof was in place, the plumbers and electricians entered, and in a few hours what had been barren ground bore a completed structure with running water and electric lights. Y. M. C. A. and K. of C. buildings were erected, as well as a church, hostess houses for men and officers, a huge store, and an hotel. The Officers' Hostess House on the slope of the hill just above the regimental area was built and run largely by the ladies and friends of the 308th Infantry. A regimental canteen was started, which under the efficient management of Lieutenant Harold Bache, brought a regular revenue to the 308th Regimental Fund. Later a Regimental Theatre (the only one in camp) was erected by carpenters and mechanics of the Regiment under Lieutenant Bebell and Sergeant Gerus, Headquarters Company, and through the gener-osity of Majors Martin and Fahnestock, so swelled the coffers that the fund became one of the largest of it's kind in the National Army.

The first days at camp had been devoted to recording the men at the mustering office, medical inspections, and inoculations against typhoid and diphtheria. Long columns of men were constantly being marched to and from such destinations, or stood patiently waiting as the wheels of the vast machine slowly turned about them. Other columns of casuals, some still civilian-clad, and all bowed beneath great blanket-wrapped bundles of equipment, moved through the hot September sun from one barracks to another wearily seeking their final location. The individual, so all-important to himself, so insignificant to these busy thousands, yearned to exchange his wanderings and serial number for a local habitation and a name. As is the wont of men, he clung with pathetic tenacity to the particular bunk, which had acquired some little familiarity. And, finally settled, he began immediately to grow a feeling of esprit and pride in the outfit which he henceforth called his own.

The "needle" of the inoculation, at first dreaded, soon grew commonplace through familiarity, but continued to be the subject of banter as long as new recruits arrived. once over the effect of the inoculations, men were set to work to clear away the debris which cluttered the ground around the new barracks so that there might be areas in which to drill. The second week saw everyone started upon the drill rudiments. Officers who on the Plattsburg parade ground four months earlier, in the sweat of their brow and in the anguish of their hearts, had about-faced, forward-marched, and halted for some dreaded superior, attempted to pass on the knowledge

of Infantry Drill Regulations to others as ignorant now as they had been earlier. Guard duty started; and setting-up exercises, alternating with moderate hikes, commenced the process of hardening.

With the issue of the cosmoline-smeared rifles from out the great coffin-like boxes, work grew more intense. Once cleaned with gasoline and properly oiled, the number written on its owner's hat-band, the "soldier's best friend" was gradually introduced to him. Soon every- company street was full of little groups executing with ever increasing dexterity the manual of arms. Upon which would suddenly descend the Colonel, to pause and make silent observation, while he stood in characteristic attitude, feet apart, hands clasped behind back, riding crop tapping boots, watching the self conscious drillmaster and recruit. After a little the officer might be summoned to the Colonel's side and comment, flattering or otherwise, expressed. "See what I mean? " The officer always saw-or if he didn't see, he said he did.

Having mastered the problem of combining Right Shoulder Arms with the first three steps of Forward march, Platoons began to drill on grounds away from the barracks. One such ideal drill ground was discovered in Smith's Field some three miles west of the regimental area. Here and in similar places, under the bluest of autumn skies, snugly enclosed by woods, the companies learned close and open order, pitched tents, did bayonet and setting-up exercises, and finally mastered the intricacies of battalion drill itself.

But there were many other activities: policing of bar-racks, details to be furnished for other than military duty, Saturday inspections, and the voluminous an meticulous horrors of paper work. Changes in personnel occurred daily as men were shifted about in accordance with their particular adaptation to the military machine. Major Martin relinquished command of the 3rd Battalion to become Adjutant of the 154th Brigade, while Major Clarence Fahnestock, later a victim of pneumonia overseas, was transferred to the 76th Division. Captain Kenneth P. Budd, hitherto Adjutant, was promoted to Major and took command of the 2nd Battalion. Captain Allen L. Lindley became Adjutant, reluctantly relinquishing command of I Company, which he had made one of the best in the Regiment. To the two officers just named a great part of the Regiment's success was due. What their tact, personality, and driving force did to vitalize and coordinate the growing organization cannot be overestimated, and by no one was this better appreciated than by the Regimental Commander himself, who could always rely on their sound judgment and clear vision. Captain Harry Chinner was promoted to Major and succeeded Major Martin's command of the 3rd Battalion. The 1st Battalion was commanded by Major Frank L. Nelson. Captain Clifford W. Gaylord, formerly commanding D Company, which under him was organized and made to function properly perhaps before any other company in the Regiment, now became Regimental Supply Officer, a position which he filled most efficiently until later in France he was made G i of the 77th Division. At this point mention may be made of the Regimental Mess which was started by Colonel Averill, and at which the officers learned to know each other; through this association were started those friendships and that esprit which down to date so signally have marked the 308th.

By mid-October most of the companies were about 80 per cent full strength. Visitors to the camp at this time were astonished at the transformations worked in so short a period. Faces had bronzed, backs straightened and shoulders squared. Already carriage and drill spoke eloquently for the men's military training. In reality just completing the initial stage, they now regarded themselves as veterans and looked with contempt upon the constantly arriving newcomers. In the presence of the latter, the older men saluted punctiliously and added a bit of swagger to their walk. They talked of K. P's., chow, reveille, close order, and fatigue with the fluency of long acquaintance. And they dilated particularly upon the terrible "needle." The rookies were duly impressed, but before long they too had learned, and were ready in turn to pass on their knowledge to yet newer comers.

November found the regiment operating with comparative smoothness. No rosy glow of memory can make those who lived it forget that the life was a hard one for men and officers alike. In addition to the regular routine, orders emanated from Division Headquarters with alarming frequency. It seemed that the Colonel and Captain Lindley, aided by the latter's six assistants, were determined to put down a smothering barrage of official Papers upon the Company Commanders and their subordinates entrenched in the little orderly rooms. From the windows of the latter, lights gleamed late into the night, and this after days of eight hours' drill. In addition to the regular routine of Morning Reports, Ration Reports, Service Records, Qualification Cards, Muster Rolls, Pay Rolls, Company Fund Records, Ordnance Requisitions, and Quartermaster Requisitions-in addition to these and similar demands of paper work came requests for lists of every possible kind of enlisted man, whether auto-mechanic, landscape gardener, or "left-handed Presbyterian." A fierce exasperation burned in the hearts of Company Commanders who were constantly obliged to give to other units their best non-commissioned officer material.

Six days they labored and did all, or at least all that was humanly possible, that they had to do. Saturday morning and Company Inspection! The last scrap of paper and cigarette butt is picked up from the company street, the latrine has been scrubbed, rifles cleaned, and all equipment put in prescribed order. The Colonel enters the barracks. Attentions called; each man stands motionless at the foot of his bunk; and in a dreadful hush inspection begins. At last-for good or till-it is over. "As you were" is shouted, and those who are fortunate execute a wild dash for the train and Sunday leave. Those weekend passes, pretty generously given, afforded a blessed relaxation. Many were the means employed for their attaimnent. Vital statistics would show that the proverbial death rate of office boys' grandmothers on ball game days was nothing to the mortality of recruits' relatives at such times. Thus the men were enabled to see New York and New York herself had the opportunity to look upon her transformed soldier sons.

Especially conspicuous were the newly appointed non- commissioned officers, many of whom were attending the Officers' Training School started at Camp Upton in January, 1918. These swaggered about the metropolis with a swinging of arms well calculated to display their newly -won chevrons. One felt a pardonable pride when first introduced as Sergeant or Corporal. "The backbone of the army is the Non-Commissioned Man," and Kipling's words were never better exemplified than in the case of the 308th Infantry. Whether training in America or fighting in France, the more they were allowed to exercise authority and initiative the better was the result. With just as much pride as the newly appointed N. C. O's. but perhaps showing a trifle more self-consciousness, ar-rived the officers from the Second Training Camp to com-plete our quota.

At this time the Medical Staff instituted rigorous methods to safeguard health. Shelter-halves were ingeniously stretched between the bunks to minimize danger of possible contagion, and the most searching investigations directed against the company kitchens. The fine autumn weather had now begun to be broken by what was to prove the severest of winters. The Officer of the Day, on his nightly rounds from barracks to barracks, was required to note whether windows were lowered six inches from the top in order to provide each occupant his due 180 cubic feet of air, and woe to the Company Commander whose barracks windows were not sufficiently opened to the bitter winds which swept Upton! For this, as for a hundred other sins of unconscious commission or omission-for labor details unsupplied, for unpoliced. streets, for undelivered Morning Reports-came the prompt demand from Headquarters "to explain herewith in writing," while from the Company Commanders and Clerks, bowed over the paper-littered desk beside the orderly stove, went tip the fervent prayer " Good Lord deliver us!"

Though inclement weather retarded work, drill was carried on whenever possible. Boxing gloves were distributed, and the barracks' rafters rang with howls of delight over bouts, which made up in spirit for what they lacked of science. British and French instructors, men who had seen the Real Thing-that Real Thing still so far away-lectured at night to officers fighting a hopeless fight against weariness and sleep. On other nights these officers themselves held classes for non-commissioned officers. Concerts were given by the band which had reached a fine efficiency under the direction of Leader Oliver C. Miller. At night the Y. M. C. A. and K. of C. furnished the diversion of moving pictures and other entertainments. All day long on Sunday the company pianos, gifts of the Regiment's staunchest friend, Mr. Joseph McAleenan, were in constant operation. At such times the Mess Sergeants enjoyed particular glory, proving to hundreds of visiting relatives and friends how fine a thing was army chow.

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Christmas was coming. Colder weather and one in-tense preoccupation in every mind: " Can I get home? " Before this was answered came the Christmas party at the Auditorium, and for the first time since its formation the men of the Regiment were gathered together in one body to be addressed by the Colonel. As he stepped forward on the stage, the mighty shout which went up from some three thousand doughboy throats was only to be surpassed by the mightier shout which acclaimed his speech. They were all for him, body and soul. Following the Colonel's address, there were calls for Mr. McAleenan, who reluctantly mounted the stage and addressed the men, awaiting such an opportunity to thank the one whose generosity had supplied them with pianos, athletic equipment, tobacco and candy, and henceforth was to them "Uncle Joe," the never-to-be-forgotten friend of the 308th. To his benefaction was due in no small manner the beginning of that company spirit which so marked the Regiment.

One half of the unit received Christmas leave; the other half New Year's. For many it was to prove the last of such reunions. All wondered what the future was to bring and none knew. Perhaps Fate is kind in such cases not to let us know. At any rate it was for many a time of great happiness.

Holidays over, work commenced with redoubled activity. Against the brightening horizon of bitter dawn, the bodies of men showed black as they marched across those barren fields toward the rifle range. Here the red flag, signal that all was ready, hoisted, the men would lie prone with ammunition beside them, waiting for the targets to rise from behind the butts. A shrill whistle from the Major announced "Commence Firing"! Then for the first time there came to many the intense sensation of firing a rifle, and finding it didn't kick as much as they feared; of seeing the target sink; and of seeing it rise again, perhaps with the bitter chagrin of watching the wagging flag signal "Miss," perhaps with the rapture of seeing the white disk mark a "Number Five." Meanwhile within the butts, the markers listened to the venomous scream of the bullets ricocheting overhead, and hauled down the targets and dabbed white paint over the black splotches, and hoisted again and marked the hits with the proper disks, finding time to gamble various amounts on their particular charges. Noon brought " Cease Firing " and-if one's Mess Sergeant was the right sort -hot coffee and stew and sandwiches eaten beside roaring fires.

On February 2nd, the entire Regiment entrained for New York and a four days' celebration there. On the 3rd, the Regimental Show organized by Lieutenant Louis Lederle, Adjutant of the 3rd Battalion, was presented at the Hippodrome with a profit of $8,000. In spite of the fine bill provided by many generous professional volunteers, the chief interest of the audience, packed with friends and relatives, centered on the chorus, drills, and sketch in which members of the Regiment participated. Now first appeared the Regimental Colors, the first to be received by any Regiment in the National Army.

On Monday, February 4th, New York had its first opportunity to see a parade of a unit of the National Army. When, in the bitter cold, before a vast crowd, the Regiment paraded up 8th Avenue and down 5th Avenue, the city was genuinely astonished at the showing of the men, and the papers lavish in their praise of what was at once acclaimed as "New York's Own." Later in the month a Regimental circus was held at camp in the auditorium to raise funds for the 308th Infantry Association, and the antics of the performers drew crowds for three days. Again on Washington's Birthday the Regiment paraded in New York, this time together with the entire Division and through a driving snowstorm.

The Washington's Birthday parade in Fifth Avenue

With the completion of the new trench system, patterned after a sector of the Western Front, the regiment engaged in maneuvers, which suggested something of actual war. Men leaped over or into real trenches, and advanced cheering in innocent simulation of a real bayonet charge. A big tank from England lumbered about; from their emplacements machine guns wiped out imaginary enemies; and gas alarms sounded while the doughboys went over the top. Practice in throwing nonexplosive hand grenades began. Platoons were for a time divided into grenade throwers (sometimes called grenadiers), rifle-grenadiers, riflemen and liaison agents, according to the directions of the red pamphlets, recently distributed to the officers and carefully marked with the suggestive legend, "Not to be Carried in the Front Line Trenches. "

By the 15th of March, every one knew the day of departure was very near, and the Colonel generously granted passes for farewell visits. Parents, wives, and sweethearts flocked to camp for a last talk with the one particular boy, only to learn from that individual in tones void of any emotion that the Regiment might not go for months. But he really knew. And the otherwise suppressed feelings had to find vent in frolicsome parades and demonstrations.

March brought news of the great German drive and, though less definitely, a thousand rumors of our own early entrance on the stage of the world drama. Captain Gaylord packed the regimental warehouses with material and equipment. Supply Sergeants worked day and night issuing "Equipment C" to platoon leaders, and one inspection followed closely upon another. Marking baggage, packing, roster-making, and sending in of reports never ceased. Piles of boxes and crates, marked with blue stripes and the Statue of Liberty, bore the significant if indefinite address: A. E. F. At last with the first days of April, came the long expected orders: everything must be packed in thirty-six hours, and the Regiment must be held ready to leave at any moment.

5

One pauses for a retrospective glance at the men who then commanded the companies. Let us in fancy wait a moment by the Regimental Headquarters' door as they file into the Colonel's sanctum to take their seats upon the "Mourners' Bench," at one of those nightly meetings when the day's work was reviewed, criticism favorable or unfavorable bestowed, and instruction for the next day outlined.

Here they come! Harvey, short, dark, energetic. Whittlesey, tall, lank, serious, bespectacled. He listens judicially or talks quietly in the same level tones which he will never lose in the face of danger and despair. There is Mills, powerful of frame and deep of voice, full of jest, the very figure of an ideal soldier. Here is McMurtry, bustling, breezy, and busy, yet full of his own humorous ways. "What's the dope, Breck?" he is asking. And how shall one describe Breckinridge? A personality at once odd, laughing, kindly, and capable, that so well knows how to tie men's hearts to him. Whatever his answer, it probably ends with the familiar and vehement asservation "as sure as God -made little green apples." Fahnestock, slender, dark, and graceful. Sturgis, Frothingham, Gaylord, Harrington, Forsyth, Whitehouse, Sterling, Crook. What cleancut, soldierly-looking men they all are! And last Brooks. None among them all is better to look upon than Bell Brooks with his fair hair and clear blue eyes. Like Mills, he too is to give his life in France within a few months. The door closes behind him, and the Captains pass on.

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Perhaps General Bell remembered Carlyle's saying: "Show me how a man sings, and I will tell you how he fights." At any rate he was of the opinion that a singing army would be a victorious one. And so the order went forth early that the men should sing while marching to and from drill. For myself nothing so vividly brings back the Upton days, or indeed the later days in France, as do the songs then popular,

"The tunes that mean so much to you alone Common tunes that make you choke and blow your nose, Vulgar tunes that bring the laugh that brings the groan-I can rip your very heartstrings out with those."

Here are some of them:

Good Bye, Broadway. Hello France!

We're ten million strong.

Good-bye brothers, sisters, mothers,

Now we won't be long! "

(For me that means the cool emptiness and the clean piney smell of the new barracks in the earliest September days before the arrival of the Draft.)

"I may be gone for a long, long time"

(The same, and the voice of one gallant friend who sang these words constantly-and then, to his bitter regret, instead of being gone for a long, long time, never went at all.)

" Keep your head down, you dirty Hun

(The closing in of a dark November day. The rain lash-ing at the orderly room window. In the mess-hall, a crowd shouting out the words around the piano.)

"Liberty Bell, it's time to ring again, ring again"

(Orderly swing of marching men, whose feet are thumping on the road towards drill at Smith's Field. The voices of a platoon in rhythmic chorus, singing in the sun-flooded autumn morning.)

Over there! Over there!

Send the word, send the word-"

The hour had many such, ranging from the jerky rag-time of the Darktown Strutters' Ball to the heavy sentiment of Just a Baby's Prayer at Twilight. (In extenuation of the sentimentality let it be remembered that a recruit drilling hard all day in the open air can healthily digest a dose of sentimentality, which would wreck the constitutions of five indoor intellectuals.) But when all is said, one song alone, neither ragtime nor sentimental, best voiced our Division:

Oh, the army, the army, the democratic army!

They clothe you and they feed you

Because the army needs you. Hash for breakfast, Beans for dinner, stew for supper-time,

Thirty dollars every month, deducting twenty-nine.

Oh, the army, the army, the democratic army,

The Jews, and the Wops, and the Dutch and Irish Cops, They're all in the army now! "

CHAPTER II

The Crossing

STRAIGHT through the night of April 5th, men toiled making the final arrangements for departure. Up to almost the last hour, transfers from and additions to,. the companies, with the entailed paper work, went on in orderly rooms and at Regimental Headquarters. Then, in the dark, the companies lined up for the last time before Upton's barracks, which had been finally policed, and were now left empty of the life which had filled them for seven months. For the last time in that place each company was called to attention and marched off down " 5th Avenue." Singing gaily, they proceeded to the station. Here waited two companies which Captain Lindley had received from Captain Osborne of the Depot Brigade to supply the places of any possible deserters. There proved, however, no necessity to use a single individual from these companies; the Regiment left without the loss of one man. In the early daylight the train was boarded for one last trip to Long Island City. Crowds lined the ferry slip, scanning the ranks of khaki-clad men with the hope of obtaining a last word with some friend or relative. joking with the crowd, the voyagers boarded the ferry boats and, supplied with welcome cans of Red Cross coffee, sailed in the morning sunlight down the river and around the Battery to dock at North River piers.

The review at Upton before embarkment

The transports lay at the docks ready to depart. Loading did not take long. In two hours the transports Lap-land, Cretic, and Justicia, with the 1 St, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions respectively, started down the river. No one was permitted on deck, and so the last view of the New York skyline was at best bounded by the limits of a porthole. In spite of the jealous secrecy, which guarded our departure, it is possible that some general suspicion may have been aroused. At any rate, the windows of lower New York were alive with fluttering handkerchiefs, and the whistles of all passing boats added their shrill good wishes. And high overhead in the sun of early spring the Statue of Liberty looked down on the ships carrying thousands of men each of whose equipment bore her stamped image. How many crimes-how many blunders worse than crimes-are committed in her name! Yet, however faulty our purpose and our preparation, it was not altogether either crime or blunder which was sending these thousands so widely differing in race, fortune, and desires on one common journey for one common end.

With New York behind them, the men turned their attention to making themselves comfortable and inspecting the vessels. Each had been handed a ticket with his berth number and his place at mess. Those so unfortunate as to be in the hold cheerfully admitted that they were S. 0. L., while the Sergeants who were lucky enough to draw staterooms listened sympathetically to them. On the Cretic, Major Budd discovered from the ship's officers that the Cretic's accommodations limited to 1500 men, would have to be stretched to take care of the 2032 assigned to his command. The extremely overcrowded conditions were cheerfully borne, although running each meal in three shifts was a distinct hardship on the soldiers. Life belts, distributed to all, were carried on the person throughout the entire trip. Like many other objects of military equipment, they were never put to the use for which they were designed.

The first night aboard was for many as unique an experience as the first night in camp. No lights were permitted to show after dark, and smoking on deck was prohibited. April 7th dawned with calm seas and bracing air. Indeed throughout the whole trip the weather was unusually good for the season of the year. The decks were thronged by those who eagerly sought fresh air after the poor ventilation below. The mess, now under British control, contrasted with the Upton diet. Meals eaten in the stuffy atmosphere of the hold were none too appetizing.

On the afternoon of the 8th we anchored in Halifax Harbor, to remain twenty-four hours taking on coal and water, and awaiting the remainder of the convoy. Among the ships joining us was H. M. S. Queen Victoria with Australian troops already sixty-eight days at sea. In the harbor opportunity was seized to practice the life boat drill. Boats were lowered, and men went down the ropes in succession to row merrily about the bay, just at sunset of the 9th a great sounding of whistles warned all to stand by; anchors were weighed; and the transports swung into line. Led by the U. S. scout cruiser St. Louis, flying the American flag, nine huge gray ships, grotesquely camouflaged, steamed proudly out to sea, flanked by British and American battleships and craft of every description. From a British battleship was heard its band playing in succession Over There and, The Star Spangled Banner. A little further on a U. S. Marine Band burst with characteristic national tempo into There'll Be A Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight.

Behind, in contrast to all this music and movement stood the charred ruins left by the explosion which Q razed Halifax a few months earlier, and still further back, the bleak snow-covered hills. But in front-when the breakwater had been passed and the boats had turned their noses sharply to the east-in front of us lay "Over There," the yet unseen and unknown land of which at that hour it was customary to sing in humorous paraphrase:

"And we won't come back

When it's over over there."

The S.S. Cretic, with a capacity of 1500 men, transported the 2000 of the 2nd Battalion

2

The voyage was uneventful. Guard duty, performed day and night, and a constant watch for submarines broke the monotony. Although the submarines never appeared on the field of vision, they formed the chief topic of conversation and became the subject of many a practical joke. One corporal is reported to have posted his guard on a pitch black night and admonished them to keep a sharp lookout for black buoys. Despite their vigilance none was reported. A bonafide bounty of one hundred pounds was offered to anyone sighting a submarine, but in spite of many thrills from floating barrels and boxes, fortunately it was never won.

Boat drill was held twice daily under the strictest discipline. Orders were issued to shoot any man who violated rules in case the extreme emergency should arise. The sound of the bugle might call for an emergency drill at any moment-it sounded particularly inconveniently for any officer who happened to be enjoying the luxury of a bath-and immediately hundreds of men would scramble above decks and rush hurriedly up and down companionways, each to find his appointed post and there answer to his name. To each was assigned a definite duty to perform in order to facilitate the prompt and orderly lowering of the lifeboats. Though the lessons which they taught were never applied, the drills served both as diversion and discipline.

In addition to the boat drills the chief diversion was that of music and concerts. On the Cretic, Captain Mills unearthed a badly mutilated piano from the depths of the hold and with it did much to relieve the monotony. The sight of this handsome officer in hip boots flushing the decks with a hose will never be forgotten by his devoted men. On Sunday morning, Father Halligan held Mass aboard the Lapland. An altar was erected on the lower stern deck. Here in the brilliant sunlight knelt hundreds of khaki-clad men while the Padre, clad in his bright vestments, performed his offices, and the candle flames swayed back and forth in the gentle sea airs.

A few selections from the 2nd Battalion diary will serve to recall the voyage:

APRIL 15TH. Reported presence of enemy submarine. Smoke and cloud bombs dropped overboard from several ships forming a clouded screen across the rear path of the convoy. Battle cruiser St. Louis performing a wide detour to the north sped back under cover of the smoke and cloud screen but with no report of enemy sub.

APRIL 16TH. Merchant vessel intercepted, advises that armed convoy is on its way to meet us.

APRIL 17TH. Eleventh day out from N. Y. Eighth day from Halifax. Clear and calm. Cruiser St. Louis has turned back. Left during night. 5 P.m.-Convoy of eight British torpedo boat destroyers meet us and accompany us forth-with.

APRIL 18TH. Wireless report of French merchantman torpedoed, 50 miles to the Southwest.

Thus for ten days the convoy plowed its way across the Atlantic with the confidence-inspiring St. Louis ever in the fore. The relative positions of the vessels were constantly changing, and the men filled in idle moments by counting the varying numbers of groups, or noting the suddenly shifted direction which any vessel might at a moment adopt. Gun drill was held aboard each ship daily. On the eleventh day, the ever-vigilant submarine watch observed small specks on the horizon ahead. A fleet of submarines of course! The rumor spread fast and every rail was crowded. On the bridge sailors were signaling, and lights flashed the International Code. As the specks grew larger, some one with glasses announced that they flew the Union Jack, and an audible breath of relief escaped from, the crowd when the approaching craft were recognized as British destroyers.

A more inspiring sight cannot be imagined than these small vessels darting first in one direction and then another. The moderate sea then running tossed them up and down like bits of cork, and frequently swept them from bow to stern. In spite of this they were ever on the alert, quartering back and forth like bird dogs, with such an evident nose for danger as to give the onlooker a very comfortable sense of confidence during the rest of the journey through the submarine zone.

Land was sighted on the 19th, as the convoy passed the south coast of Ireland. Needless to say many a wistful glance was cast toward those green shores where not a few of the 3o8th had been born. But soon the Cliffs of Wales loomed up, the guardian destroyers dropped off, and anchor was lowered in the River Mersey at Liverpool. An English mist obscured most of the landscape, but through it rows of neat dwellings and green lawns could be dimly discerned. The following morning the vessels docked at Liverpool, and soon hob-nailed boots were planted again on terra firma.

CHAPTER III

With the British

I

MANY supposed that the Regiment would spend five weeks in England training at Winchester, but at Liverpool orders were received to proceed immediately to France. Great was the speculation which ensued, and rumor raged as intensely as during the last weeks at Upton. A short march through the streets of Liverpool, with a brief glimpse here and there of unfamiliar advertisements on the hoardings, of a strange. variety of tram cars, or of a helmeted policeman, and then the companies lined up beside the waiting trains. Here also lined up stood Australian troops, big fellows straight and easy in their carriage, with looped-nup hats and informal manners, which put us on good terms at once. Soon however we left them, and with the cheerful slogan "Dover and Over" boarded our trains.

The unfamiliar English compartment trains called forth much humorous comment, which diminished, however when it was discovered that the cars were heatless and all but lightless. Speed nevertheless they had, and only fleeting glimpses were possible of the beautiful English country, its fields and hedgerows now verdant with early April. At Rugby a halt was made for refreshments, and the scarcity of food in England became evident. A cup, of weak, sugarless tea and a fish sandwich provided poor satisfaction for a healthy doughboy 's appetite.

In the late afternoon we passed around the outskirts of London. Our identity was easily recognized by the many small American flags waved from the car windows. in answer to these, the population of girls, old women, and boys crowded into their small back yards and gave us fervent acclamation. One gesture in particular prevailed, the sweeping of the arms, and hands in the direction in which we were going, and which eloquently expressed the unspoken words: " Hurry on before it is too late." The sight of these people into whose souls the iron had entered for almost four years of war was very touching.

Arrival at Dover was late. In an ominous darkness due to the frequent air raids, and in a silence which seemed a necessary part of the precaution, men detrained, gathered together their equipment, and marched across railway tracks and through the narrow winding streets of the darkened town, hobnails resounding on the stone pavements with a hollow ring. The hill leading to the camp on the cliffs above the town would have been a severe test for a hardened hiker, not to mention men who had not had time to lose their sea legs. A weary and footsore lot of soldiers turned in that night to enjoy the comforts of the "Rest Camp."

Sunday, April 21st, proved a beautiful day. The gulls flying high above, the glint of the waters of the Channel far below, the keen salt winds, the quaint town at the foot of the chalk cliffs, English soldiers marching to church to the quick step of a band, all these left indelible impressions. A part of the Regiment crossed that day, and a part on the next. As our troops marched away to the docks, the populace turned out en masse to see the "bloomin' Yanks," the first Americans to pass through England in considerable numbers and the first members of any National Army Division. The pier at Dover was a temporary hospital as a number of boats, carrying British wounded and gassed, arrived on the morning of the 21st. Naturally the impression made on the officers and men of the 308th was a vivid one. No time was lost in boarding the small craft which constantly bore the wounded back to " blighty " and the troops to France. Two destroyers from the famous Dover Patrol guarded each transport while a great dirigible flew protectingly ahead.

In less than an hour Calais was reached, its sandy shores and red-roofed houses sparkling in the sunlight. Gathered on the quay, curiously watching the arrival of the Americans were soldiers of all the Allied nations. Not the least conspicuous were the Chinese coolies, resplendent in heterogeneous uniforms of every conceivable pattern. Later we found a large camp of these Orientals, who did much of the labor behind the lines, situated near our own. Signs in Chinese characters were frequent. Cheerfully grinning coolies would approach the Yankees and confide the assurance, "Melicans tres bon," to be rewarded with a much coveted American cigarette, which they proudly showed to envious comrades.

In France at last! As the Regiment marched through Calais the fact that we had now stepped upon the stage of the Great Drama became evident. An air raid had taken place the night before, and several buildings lay in ruins to prove the nearness of the enemy. But we had not come as sightseers and there was little time for observation before we were hurried to the Calais Rest Camp. On the very next day the familiar Springfields were exchanged for British Enfield rifles and gas masks, and steel helmets were distributed.

"Why British rifles? "

"The Boche have broken through and the 77th is to be thrown into the gap at once."

Many such questions and answers were repeated in that dark hour of the Allies' cause which followed the last successful German drive, and which was to precede the dawn of Allied victory.

With the British in Flanders. A "Tommy" instructor in the bayonet

It was on the first night at the Calais Rest Camp when, after a good meal, the men had turned in to sleep soundly on the board floors of the marquees that they were awakened about 10 o'clock by the howl and whine of a great siren. The Americans at once rushed out to see the fun. Immediately the penciled rays of huge hidden searchlights played here and there across the sky like long fingers feeling for the approaching planes. From far overhead came the characteristic fluctuating drone which later became so familiar as the warning of an enemy machine. Then the hoarse barking of the Archies; sputtering of machine guns; and bright flares bursting overhead. In defiance of all this, the insistent drone of the planes grew louder and louder. The searching rays flashed back and forth, for an instant catching a plane and converging upon it, then losing it again. Above all the noise sounded the deep and unmistakable detonation of a bomb which had elsewhere descended. Almost as suddenly as it had begun the noise ceased, and the lights went out. In an hour it was all over, and the rest of the night left for a discussion of the first air raid.

2

Leaving the camp behind, the Regiment entrained during the next two days for Audruicq, the Division Railhead, midway between Calais and St. Omer. Now was obtained the first sight of the gray-clad Germans-prisoners working like the coolies quietly along the railway. At the railhead, battalions were separated into companies and marched to the towns in which they were to be billeted. Division Headquarters had been placed at Eper-lecques. Regimental Headquarters were established in the beautiful Chateau Cocove near Zutkerque, the remainder of the Regiment being scattered in the towns Of Helbrucq, Bayenghem, Nortleulinghem, Nortkerque, Recques, and Grasse Payle.

Machine Gun lessons under the British

Each of these little Flemish towns possessed its square, its estaminet, and its church. From the latter constantly soup-led the bells, sometimes somewhat harsh and jangled but rarely without plaintive sweetness. There was the inevitable churchyard with its graves marked with wax immortelles under glass covers. The cure, venerable, benign, and courteous, proved an excellent object upon whom to try one's French. The peasants, for the most part little children and old men and women, spoke a patois that would have presented difficulties for better French scholars than were to be found in the 308th. Nevertheless one learned somehow of sons and husbands and fathers from each family fighting at the front or already killed, and on Sundays and Saints' Days the black dresses and crape veils of the women bore further mute yet eloquent testimony. Moreover now for the first time came the sound of the guns at the front-a far off muffled, ominous sound like the slamming of great subterranean doors. In spite of spring blossoms, peaceful fields of green, and the poplar-lined roads of Northern France, leading from one little red-roofed town to an-other, the Real Thing was drawing nearer. And in the wistful long-drawn twilights of early summer, these white roads stretched dimly away into a future of wildly-surmised adventure, while the bells chimed softly from far-off steeples, and the billets smelled strongly near at hand, and men thought thoughts alone, or foregathered in estaminets to drink red wine and sing " Mademoiselle from Armenti6res, parlez-vous! "

The men were billeted in barns where straw took the place of the spring cots of Upton. Washing facilities of a French barnyard are restricted, and the constant intrusion of poultry and rats and the imminence of the manure pile proved unattractive features. All was borne with fine good nature. The British ration caused considerable dissatisfaction. Tea, jam (apple or plum), and cheese appeared with wearisome regularity at every meal; hardtack seemed a poor exchange for the good and generously supplied bread of the American ration. Local estaminets became very popular. Here one could obtain a meal of pommes de terre, oeufs, coffee and bread for a few francs. Soon, however, the shrewd peasant discovered the large pay and the small thriftiness of the American soldier, and prices soared proportionately,

Training which had been suspended perforce during our travels was resumed as soon as the troops were in billets. Under the tutelage of the British 39th Division, American methods were largely abandoned. Somewhat later those who attended British schools of instruction heard such unfamiliar commands as "About me, in two ranks, fall in!", which sounded very strange in ears accustomed to the I. D. R. Greater power was now given to the N. C. O.'s, and they amply justified the wisdom of a policy in which the drilling was for the most part done by them while the officers exercised general supervision. Two or more men would be selected from each platoon to receive instruction from the British in the Lewis automatic rifle, the Enfield rifle, bayonet and hand grenades. These men would later become themselves instructors to the platoon gathered in a circle about them. Some days were devoted to shooting on miniature ranges with cartridges of reduced charge. Lectures for both men and officers were delivered by British officers, some of whom had been in the war from the start.

The British and American officers fraternized in the actual meaning of the word. With the men the relations were less cordial for a number of reasons. Chief among these possibly was the already mentioned British ration. If, as Napoleon said, an army moves upon its stomach, it was but natural that our troops should wish to move upon their own stomachs-and stand upon their own legs. Another reason was the large number of Irish among us. It was hardly to be expected that the lads who had on their way over cast wistful glances towards the old country would be enthusiastic over English methods and English instructors. When, however, one considers the striking differences of tradition and experience belonging to the two armies, the relations between the two were on the whole remarkably friendly.

Along with the new rations and equipment a number of new expressions became adopted: "Carry on!", " cheerio! ", " wind up, " " blighty, " " washout, " "bloody, " "the Show." Also one learned to designate the enemy either as " Jerry " or by the impersonal but always understood "he." A random but vivid memory recalls some long distance shelling in a little town near Sombrin, and the tones of intense bitterness with which a Tommy, working on the road, straightened his back to remark, "E's a bloody barstard! That's what 'e is!"

It is interesting to see how our troops looked to others. That acute observer, Sir Philip Gibbs, has written:

Physically they were splendid-those boys of the 27th and

77th Divisions whom we saw first of all. They were taller," than any of our regiments, apart from the Guards, and they had a fine easy swing of body as they came marching along., They were better dressed than our Tommies, whose rough khaki was rather shapeless. There was a dandy cut about this American uniform, and their cloth was of good quality, so that, arriving fresh, they looked wonderfully spruce and neat compared with our weather-worn, battle-battered lads.

And again:

I was struck by the exceptionally high level of individual intelligence among the rank and file, and by the general gravity among them. The American private soldier seemed to me less repressed by discipline than our men. He had more original points of view, expressed himself with more independence of thought, and had a greater sense of his own personal value and dignity.'

Not all these observations agree with those of the present writer. Perhaps it was because the British troops we saw were in a back area, but to him they seemed to have much more swank and swagger and their uniforms to be far neater than those of our men. The British salute was particularly a marvel of ceremonial and click. The " gravity" is a matter of opinion. "Every land has its laugh." Certainly there passed cheerful evenings at the Officers' Club at Calais and in many estaminets when gravity seemed the least noticeable characteristic of either nation. Sir Philip is, however, probably right in regard to the non-repression by discipline and the independence of thought. It is to be questioned whether time was not lost in attempting to impose certain forms of British discipline on our men whose genius, from the whole nature of their civilization, was more akin to the less formal and more elastic methods of the French.

Mention has been made of the schools of instruction. The Commanding Officers of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions attended a profitable two weeks' course for Field Officers at the British 2nd Army Central School at Wis-ques, Colonel Gilbert Hamilton of the Grenadier Guards, Commandant. Here, as at other schools for musketry, automatic rifle and bayonet instruction, it was impressive to note how English neatness, comfort, and good form had invaded an alien territory. Every officer got his bath in the morning, a thing for which many of the American officers had often longed in vain. The difference between a batman and a striker was characteristic. Indeed the servant problem, so well solved in English life and so perplexing in America, was unexpectedly reflected in the Army, as were so many contrasting problems of the two civilizations. The standing to drink the healths of King and of President at an Officers' Mess was only one of a hundred things which made us feel that we were younger brothers in an older and more orderly house than our own. Perhaps nothing so touched the imaginations of some of us as the bagpipes. Whether, as at the mess of the Highland Light Infantry, they were played marching around the table when the port was served, or whether as elsewhere we marched behind them to the rifle range, to hear them was a thrilling experience. Such moments did not suggest mud, poison gas, and high explosives, but rather "the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war," touched in more innocent times by the light of romance itself.

But certain selected officers and noncommissioned officers now had the chance to see actual modern war. In small groups, dubbed "Cook's Tours," they visited the British front for brief but very instructive trips of observation. One of them, Lieutenant Knight, returned slightly wounded. The prestige enjoyed by these men and the fusillade of questions to which they were subjected may be imagined. They seemed chiefly impressed by the vast amount of shelling and the relatively small results, as well as the great importance of the gas mask

Those officers and men who visited the Canadian felt very much at home, the atmosphere being not unlike that of one of our best National Guard Divisions. With these troops opportunity was afforded to watch raids, and in some cases to participate in them and take prisoners. The Battalion Officers received a most valuable lesson in going through the Relief by a battalion in the support line of a battalion in the front line. Those officers who visited the Guards were much impressed with the discipline and smartness of that organization in most trying circumstances.

3

Once established with the British, Brigadier Evan M. Johnson, who brought the Division overseas, returned to his former command of the 154th Brigade, Major General George B. Duncan succeeding him as Division Commander, in the chateau at Eperlecques. Motorcycle couriers speeding with messages from town to town now became a usual sight. A few officers who had never straddled leather before were struggling daily to learn to ride the splendid mounts received from the British. The Colonel looked as happy as only a cavalry man can who finds himself again in the saddle. Astride a spirited white charger, he was continually riding over the wide regimental area.

The transportation equipment received from the British was different from anything ever used by the American army, and replaced our escort wagons, mules, and field ranges with limbers, caissons, horses both riding and draft, and rolling kitchens. The excellent condition of all these, after four years of service, was remarkable. Captain Popham, the Divisional Red Cross Officer, having no Red Cross work at Headquarters, moved over to the Regiment and was made Regimental Transport Officer, an office till then unheard of in our forces. His fine work, based on thorough knowledge and love of horses, was made evident at a horse and transport show held near Sombrin. The Inspector General of the Army, who happened to be present, expressed high praise.

On May 13th, the 154th Brigade consisting of the 308th and its sister Regiment the 307th, started from their Eperlecques training area, north of St. Omer, to proceed to a new area nearer the front and west of Arras. The rest of the Division remained behind in the original training area. This marked the end of our first phase of training with the British. When the 77th Division arrived as the first draft division during the dark days of April, it was used as a hurried reinforcement of the badly broken English forces with the idea that it might help if the Germans broke through. But the German offensive did not continue, and other National Army divisions arrived. So far no definite decision had been made as to the disposal of American troops. Both French and English needed men and would have been glad to incorporate our troops with their own. Indeed it was with this idea in view that the 154th Brigade was now to be shipped to the Arras front, and the 77th Division to be temporarily broken up. A little later it will be seen how all units of the Division came very near losing their identity and being absorbed with the British.

The 308th entrained at Audruicq. At Doullens a trainload of the Regiment experienced an organized air raid on that city. The train crews made a hasty retreat to a few nearby dugouts, but there was nothing for the troops to do but to remain in the unprotected cars. Fortunately there were no casualties, most of the bombs landing near the hospital, which was a considerable distance from the railroad.

This trip was for most of the Regiment an introduction to that traveling in France of which so much was to follow. Now for the first time men crowded themselves and their equipment into the small French box cars marked "Hommes 40-Chevaux 8," and began a slow and interminable journey. The officers fared more comfortably in passenger coaches, but it was not luxurious travel for anyone. Nevertheless it was not without fun and interest for all in spite of cramped quarters and meager rations. At Mondicourt in silence and intense darkness, relieved here and there by an electric torch, men woke late in the night to detrain stiff and weary. The muffled muttering from the front had now grown louder, and when we marched from the station and lined up in the road outside the town, one could see the low clouds-it was a warm wettish night with a sprinkle of rain-lit constantly with flickering artillery fire and with Very lights, bright colored stars which rose lazily on the horizon and hung there a few moments spreading a baleful glare. There far off in the night was The Thing Itself which we had step by step so long been nearing.

The hike which followed was long and bitter. At the head of some of the troops marched British drums and fifes, playing gay tunes in odd contrast to the anguish of weary men staggering on with blistered feet under their rifles and eighty-pound packs. Yet even while the men cursed the music, it helped them. Many, however, had to be left by the way in spite of the threats and exhortations of their officers. The pluck and endurance shown on this and many later hikes was worthy of all praise.

At last at early dawn the assigned billets in the different small towns, some ten kilometers from the front line, were reached. On this occasion-the only one of such known to the present writer-hot tea and rum was issued as the worn-out troops arrived. It was unspeakably elcome. The 2nd Battalion got theirs at Mondicourt Pas, and a Highland band drawn up in a circle played while the men drank tea and ate bread and jam.

The 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions were respectively quartered in Sombrin, Warluzel, and La Bazique Farm. The new training area was inferior to the old and some-what handicapped for space. That the new sector was a more active one became obvious. The 308th was now actually a part of the British defense scheme. It was attached to the 2nd British Division and had become temporarily a part of the same. An American Regiment corresponded to a British Brigade, but instead of the 308th acting as a unit, its three Battalions were each attached to a separate British Brigade, and thus the identities of American Brigade and Regiment were temporarily lost no less than the identity of the Division itself.

Training was resumed largely along the English methods with a grateful lack of interference from their higher command. At this time the 2nd Battalion underwent the rather unique distinction of being inspected by the Inspector-Generals of both the B. E. F. and A. E. F., Generals Lawrence and Brewster. The activity of the sector and its nearness to the front were evidenced by shelling from the long-range guns which searched out the busy Arras road and the adjacent towns, causing the Regiment's first casualties, Private Stanley Belen, killed, and Private George Schiesser, wounded, both of Company I, at La Bazique Farm on May 21st. Regimental General Orders NO. 2 recorded this fact and expressed the sympathy of the Regiment to Belen's family.

Now many men had the unforgetable experience of being under shellfire for the first time. Whenever it might occur and whatever experiences might follow, it is safe to say no one forgot that first crashing detonation, at once so sharp and loud, and the great geyser of earth and d6bris which spouted up into a gigantic mushroom of smoke and then drifted slowly off, while a man always asked himself: "Where will the next come?" At night the air raids, which had already begun in our earlier position, became more numerous. The French populace rushed into such abris and cellars as were available. The Americans generally waited where they were with a fatalism which indicated no lack of interest in the outcome.

On June 4th, came the order for the 2nd British Division to leave its support position and take over the front line just south of Arras. In simple form these directions were received at the 308th Regimental Headquarters. Captain Whittlesey, then Operations Officer, drew up the orders for the different Battalions, giving the information as to place, time, and manner of relief of the front line troops. When this order reached the Battalions, they learned that they were to be broken up and lose their identity as such.

Even the companies were to be taken from their captains. The platoons of the companies were to be attached to British companies, and thus the platoons only were to preserve their identity.

Everything was ready to accomplish the disposal of the American troops just described, when only a little more than twenty-four hours before the relief, everything was countermanded. So close did the 308th come to being merged into the British Army, when, in the sudden dramatic manner described, its identity was saved by the memorable and history-making decision of General Pershing to use American troops under American command.

And so on the afternoon of June 6th, with the order to go into the front line under British command suddenly rescinded, the Brigades started hiking in another direction. Lewis guns had been returned, Enfields re-exchanged for the original Springfields, when with a final "Cheerio" to our British friends, we left them behind.

Good-by-eel Don't cry-ee!

Wipe the fear, baby dear, from your eye-ee!

Though it's hard to part, I know,

I'll be tickled to death to go.

Don't cry-ee! Don't sigh-ee!

There's a silver lining in the sky-ee!

Bon soir, Old Thing! Cheerio! Chin, chin!

Na pooh:" Toodledy-oo-Good-by-ee!

CHAPTER IV

The Lorraine Front

I

MORE hard hiking, and then the Battalions entrained by night at Longpre, Hangest, and Pont Remy respectively. Although the yards at Longpre had been severely bombarded the night before, the Regiment was spared an attack. There followed an endless trip of three days, which began by slowly carrying us westward. All sorts of speculation were rife as to the destination. To Italy! To Chateau-Thierry, where it was rumored the Germans had broken through in their drive to Paris! (And where in reality they had been stopped at this time by the French and our own 2nd Division.) To Russia! Perhaps the only destination not seriously suggested was Hoboken.

By day and night the little freight cars marked "Hommes 40-Chevaux 8," rumbled and bumped slowly along, stopping at times for a brief stay while the men filed by to fill canteens with coffee. The Regiment was traveling, two sections to the Battalion, and the ordres de transport were issued to the train commander at various points en route. This route took the Regiment through battered Amiens, then southwest to Forges-les-Eaoux, then southeast on a broad swing around Paris, touching its environs at Versailles, through Toul and Nancy, until the final ordres de transport were handed to the train commanders bearing the final destinations- Charmes, Chatel, and Thaon, small rail stations in the neighborhood of Epinal. Then by degrees all learned that we were going in on the Lorraine front.

For some reason, irritating and unexplainable to the doughboy, these three detraining points were a full day's march from billeting or camping areas. Some sections detrained stiff and sleepy in the chilly dawn to find a march of twenty kilometers ahead of them. At last the 1st Battalion got itself comfortably sheltered under tents in the beautiful park of the chateau of Girecourt, Major Budd's 2nd Battalion under canvas and in billets in Fontenay, and Major Chinner's 3rd Battalion and Regimental Headquarters, with Headquarters Company, at St. Helene.

The Regiment was for a time at rest. Rolling kitchens began again to function. Tiresome travel, reserve rations, and grueling marchings had come to an end. After two months of dirty barns, bombing raids, long-range artillery fire, with the roar of the big guns often in one's ears, and at night the horizon blinking with the constant heat-lightning above the front; after those months of chilly discomfort and hard training on the Arras front, the Regiment had apparently entered a land of peace and summer. Once more British rations had given way to honest American white bread, beef, bacon, and potatoes. There was no drill schedule. Reveille was moved half an hour forward, and the men devoted themselves to getting clean.

2

The major part of the 77th Division was now reunited, and billeted in various towns surrounding Division Headquarters at Rambervillers. While under command of our own officers, we were not yet free from tutelage. Under supervision of the 61st French Division we were to relieve the 42nd-the Rainbow-Division in the line.

The 308th, going into the line, was preceded by reconnaissance, and as the battalions went in in numerical order the first trip of inspection was made by the Major and Captains of the 1st Battalion with their First Lieu-tenants. Such a trip,- whether taken then or a little later when all went forward, forms a memory never to be forgotten. Now at last, for the first time, most of us reached the long anticipated and long approached front line. After a ride of several hours in trucks through Baccarat, to which Division Headquarters had moved; through Neuf Maisons, later Headquarters of both 308th and 154th Brigade; over red sandstone roads, through beautiful pine forests, the party reached the little town of Badonviller, where it descended.

Two things stick in the writer's memory. The road on the hill west of Neuf Maisons, camouflaged with dirty yellow cloth and with the ominous and significant sign suspended above it, "Zone Dangereuse "; this and the meeting during a short stop at the town with certain members of the 42nd Division, who were strolling about in what, considering the situation, seemed a strangely unconcerned manner.

Badonviller before the war had been an important little manufacturing city; it made pottery, as Baccarat made glass, and after Baccarat, was the most important town of the Department of Meurthes-et-Moselle. The German invasion Of 1914 had wrecked it and swept past. When the Germans fell back after the battle of the Marne, Badonviller rested on the French line, and four years of shell-fire had accomplished what the enemy could not finish in his first rush. In the streets, barricades constructed of wattling, with a filling of cement leaving loop-holes for rifles, recalled where the French had resisted the invader in hand-to-hand street fighting. At the time of the 308th's arrival the town boasted a single citizen, who was later gassed and evacuated. Some half dozen houses still stood, and in one of these, a big square two story structure of red limestone set at the rear of a court-yard, formerly home and wholesale house of a wine mer-chant, was Headquarters of the 3rd Battalion, 168th Infantry, which our 1st Battalion relieved.

Badonviller occupied the extreme left of our sector, which from there extended towards the east and south about three miles. The whole front line trench system was connected in the rear by a road, and for the most part sufficiently protected from observation by forests that served as cover in the daytime for small parties. An American platoon or string of ration carts, however, always caught the eye of the observer in a German balloon and drew a few bursts of shrapnel. For some unexplained reason, French ration wagons went unmolested.

The regimental sector was divided into three sub-sectors: Chamois, on the left, rolling meadowland strongly suggestive of Illinois prairie; Village Negre, in the middle, breaking into wooded hills and valleys; and Chasseur, on the right, yet more wooded and hilly, where the actual foothills of the Vosges range began. The trench system constituted an elaborate maze, running haphazard up and down hill and across gullies; now in the woods and now in open land. At intervals occurred little groups of dugouts built with pine logs and square blocks of red stone into the sides of the hills. Many of these were ornamented with rustic woodwork, done with a truly French sense of decoration.

To Major Nelson, on his arrival, occurred an incident which is worth relating. A few days earlier some American artillery had dropped a few shells into the opposite town of Bremenil. There existed a sort of gentleman's agreement that Headquarters towns should not be shelled. And so the enemy replied by shelling and gassing Badon-viller. This happened to begin when the two Battalion Commanders and Staff were sitting down to mess. Mess was finished to the last detail-and this Iowa outfit lived well in the front line; not an officer left the table until the gas alarm was screeching in the courtyard. Shells were bursting in the street, and a battered building adjoining Headquarters had been set on fire and was blazing. The bombardment kept up till 10:30 that night and began again at 3 in the morning to last two hours. A noisy reception to what had been described as "a quiet rest sector " !

On the 17th of June, the entire Regiment began its thirty-eight kilometer march to the front. The 1st Battalion leading reached Ker Avor, a French rest camp, at 2 o'clock of a rainy, muddy, pitch-black night. The next day the Battalion slept and rested in the rustic Chautauqua-like collection of artistic huts set in the center of a magnificent pine forest. The next night the Regiment marched in by half platoons to relieve the Rainbow battalion. An interesting feature of the march to the front was the meeting at night with the troops coming out, and particularly memorable that with the 69th New York. Father Duffy vividly describes the occasion:

Yesterday was New York "Old Home Day" on the roads of Lorraine. We marched out from Baccarat on our hunt for new trouble, and met on the way the 77th Division, all National Army troops from New York City. It was a wonderful encounter. As the two columns passed each other on the road in the bright moonlight there were songs of New York, friendly greetings and badinage, sometimes good-humored, sometimes with a sting in it. "We're going up to finish the job that you fellows couldn't do ... .. Look out for the Heinies or you'll be eating sauerkraut in a prison camp before the month is out ... .. The Germans will find out what American soldiers are like when we get a crack at them." "What are you givin' us," shouted Mike Donaldson: "we was over here killin' Dutchmen before they pulled your names out of the hat." "Well, thank God," came the response, "we did not get drunk to join the army."

More often it would be somebody going along the lines shouting "Anybody there from Greenwich Village?" or "Any of you guys from Tremont?" And no matter what part of New York was chosen the answer was almost sure to be "Yes." Sometimes a man went the whole line calling for some one man: "Is John Kelly there?" the answer from our side being invariably, "Which of them do you want?" One young fellow in the 77th kept calling for his brother who was with us. Finally he found him and the two lads ran at each other burdened with their heavy packs, grabbed each other awkwardly and just punched each other and swore for lack of other words until officers ordered them into ranks, and they parted perhaps not to meet again. At intervals both columns would break into song, the favorite being on the order of:

East side, West side, All around the town, The lots sang " ring-a-rosie, "London Bridge is falling down." Boys and girls together,

Me and Mamie O'Rourke,

We tripped the lightfantastic

On the sidewalks of New York.

The last notes I heard as the tail of the dusty column swung around a bend in the road were "Herald Square, Anywhere, New York Town, take me there." Good lads, God bless them, I hope their wish comes true.

Fortunately the weather had cleared, which made the further advance more comfortable. Doubly fortunate, the enemy apparently suspected nothing of what was going on. The front was as silent as the usual midnight at Upton. The French artillery, which had earlier relieved the artillery of the 42nd Division and was to support the combined Franco-American line (the 77th Division's own artillery still being in training), put down a three-hour bombardment in the first part of the evening, with the double purpose of covering the relief and of repaying the ungentlemanly shelling of Badonviller. According to one story, which is said to have become current in the A. E. F., members of the 42nd Division picked up the day before the relief one of the German paper propaganda balloons which bore the following message: "Good-bye 42nd! We're sorry to see you go! Welcome 77th I We'll give you Hell! " A good story, but if the balloon was picked up, it was never shown to any officer of our own Regiment.

At 9 o'clock, Captain Harvey's runner arrived at Battalion Headquarters with the laconic message-Company A in position. It was possible to conduct the relief of the Chasseur sector practically by daylight owing to its being heavily wooded and approached by well sheltered roads. About 11 o'clock Captain Breckinridge's runner announced B in position in the trenches at Village Negre; about midnight, Captain Fahnestock, obliged to proceed with the greatest caution in the open treeless Chamois sector, reported C in position and the relief complete.

At last! The first of the National Army is actually in the line, holding its own small section of the five hundred odd miles of Western Front. At last! Here is the place toward which every moment of the last nine months has been step by step leading us. And whether his eyes rested upon the walls of a room in Battalion Headquarters, or the walls of a dugout a little further front, or whether they peered from a still more advanced strong point, reached by the maze of trenches and facing some dimly -seen field or woods, wherever he might be, there came into each man's heart something which might be translated into words thus: "At last! This is the Real Thing. May I play a man's part in it."

And so the 308th went into the front line on the night of June 21-22.

3

To one visiting the trench system of the sector for the first time, it appeared a maze at once intricate and with-out plan. Nevertheless the scheme by which the French placed the different groups of soldiers in the front line was in itself simple enough. This scheme, identical in each of the three sub-sectors, divided the front line into three parallel lines. First came the P. C. (Poste de Commandement) in which the Captain of the Company occupying the sub-sector had his quarters. Next going forward were two P. A.'s (Points dAppui) each garrisoned by a platoon half French and half American. These P. A.'s were strong positions of firing trenches, support trenches, and dugouts, forming the main line of resistance. Finally, at the extreme front, from six hundred to a thousand yards beyond the P. A.'s, were four G. C.'s (Groupes de Combat) each garrisoned by a platoon, two by American platoons and two by French. These G. C.'s were miniature strong points, practically square, with firing trenches, support trenches, and communicating trenches. The G. C.'s were connected with the P. A.'s by long communicating trenches, most of them carefully revetted with wattling and floored with duck board.

However complicated it may sound in description, the theory of the scheme was simplicity itself. The P. C. was a tree trunk which branched into two P. A.'s, and each of these P. A.'s branched in turn into two G. C.'s. Each of the three sub-sectors was such a branching tree. In consequence, the entire Badonviller sector included three P. C.'s (from right to left-Chasseur, Village Negre, and Chamois); in advance of these, six P. A.'s (numbered from. right to left, 1 to 6); and at the extreme front, twelve G. C.'s (numbered from right to left, 1 to 12). By this arrangement, P. A. No. 1 supported G. C.'s Nos. 1 and 2; and so on until on the extreme left, P. A. 6 supported G. C.'s 11 and 12. The Points d'Appuis all had French names as well as numbers, but no one memorized them as the numbers were so much more convenient.

According to the original scheme of defense, each P. C. was garrisoned by an American and a French platoon with an American and French Company Commander in joint command; each P. A. was garrisoned by a mixed platoon of French and Americans with two platoon commanders. G. C.'s 1 and 2 were held by platoons from Company A; 3 and 4 by French platoons; 5 and 6 by platoons from C; and finally 11 and 12, considered the most vulnerable positions of the line, by the French. Company D and a French Company were in support in the town of Badonviller. All the positions so far mentioned were of course part of the real front line (the so-called Green Line). The real support (on the so-called Red Line) was the 2nd Battalion camped at Ker Avor, but ready at the first alarm to spread out into the reserve line of trenches running through the woods there. The real reserve (on the Blue Line) was the 3rd Battalion in the town of Bertri-champs.

On the night of June 23rd, a change in the scheme of defense saved one American platoon and cost the French the whole of another. The original garrisoning of the G. C.'s put the Americans in liaison with the French 8th Army on the right of the front line, and put the French in liaison with the front of the American 307th on the left. Therefore on this night the posts were shifted, the French taking the odd numbers and the Americans the even. This substituted a French platoon for the American platoon in G. C. 9. The French platoon was wiped out that very night.

In the Chamois sector, a slight variation from the scheme of defense in the rest of the line was made with G. C. 12, held by Lieutenant Sheridan's platoon at the extreme left of the regimental front. Since this position was clearly untenable at night, the platoon was withdrawn to the ruins of the big pottery factory on the edge of Badonviller, leaving one squad in G. C. 12. The French in 11 were likewise withdrawn at nightfall, but G. C. 10 was held by Lieutenant Flood's platoon with the orders to keep the position by night and day to the last man. The French in G. C. 9 had similar orders. In support were Lieutenant Cullen's platoon in P. A. 5 and. Lieu-tenant Schenck's in P. A. 6, and with each of these in accordance with the plan already described a French platoon as well. Lieutenant Schenck, acting temporarily as Gas Officer, was not with his men, but his work in organizing the gas defenses doubtless proved helpful that night. The platoon of C Company was under command of Corporal Martin F. Tuite who later headed a platoon in the Pocket. Captain Fahnestock, with Lieutenant Blackwell second in command, was in command of the sub-sector.

Meanwhile Battalion Headquarters had been established in the so-called "Pink Chateau" which contained a telephone switchboard, and was a two story stucco residence painted a startling pink. There was a good reason for this choice; the Pink chateau had never been hit. Some legend bequeathed by the town's departed inhabitants told of its owner being in league with the enemy, and of a dog, trained by him to carry information, captured with a message to the Germans tied to his collar. The Kaiser's own mandate was supposed to protect the Pink chateau. How much faith this legend deserved will appear later.

On the day after the relief, Captain Crook brought up his Machine Gun Company and established his Headquarters at Village Negre, while Captain Condon, Regimental Surgeon, set up an aid station in a gas protected cellar in Badonviller. Another such station was under Lieutenant Morgan at Village Negre, and the third under Lieutenant Cooley at Chasseur.

The events of the night must be told in the light of subsequent knowledge. Whether the balloon story was true or not, the Germans knew that some new Division was in, and prepared a royal reception. Special artillery was brought up, and gas shell projectors installed for a big gas attack. A battalion of Sturm Truppen, or "Storm Troops," was employed to stiffen the 35th Landwehr Division already on the Division's front. The attack planned was apparently more ambitious than a local raid, as was learned from prisoners who returned from German prison camps after the Armistice. At least six bombing airplanes had been brought into the show. Other planes with machine guns were to circle above the trenches. Several companies of flamethrowers were also assigned to the attack, but, though the 307th lost some men from these, they apparently never got close enough to get into action against the 308th.

Of all this preparation the Regiment was totally unconscious. For two days reigned the quiet of a summer Sunday in the country, only broken occasionally when some distant German 77 or I55 took a ranging shot on the French batteries carefully and securely screened in the thick timber north of Ker Avor.

"Bonne guerre, ici, " remarked Captain Poli to Captain Fahnestock as they made the evening rounds of the Chamois line.

From Mont Kemmel to Albert the British were holding on desperately, looking forward to the renewal of the great German drive. At Chateau-Thierry the French were gripping hard, fearful for Paris in case of another blow like that of May. But this was the rest sector of Lorraine. "Bonne guerre, icil"

4

At exactly 3 o'clock on the morning of June 24th, the storm broke. It did not begin with a pattering of shells, an interlude gradually working up to the fortissimo of drumfire. It began all at once-as if at one moment an organist had pulled out all the stops, pressed down all the keys, and stepped hard on all the pedals. The sound recalled that of the whistles and explosions at midnight of New Year's Eve, a background of steady roar supplied by the discharge of far off guns, punctuated with the sharp and broken reports of shells exploding near at hand.

In Badonviller, battered walls began to tumble; soon the streets were blocked with debris; shells of all calibres up to I55's were bursting at almost minute intervals; and as about every third carried gas the town was soon reeking with mustard fumes. The choice of the Pink Chateau as Battalion Headquarters was obviously not unknown to the enemy. Five direct hits were registered on the building and grounds, and throughout the bombardment two airplanes circled over the chateau and peppered it with machine gun fire. It is to be remembered that here was situated the telephone exchange, by which

the entire trench system, French Headquarters, Regimental Headquarters at Neuf Maisons, and Division Headquarters at Baccarat, were all connected.

The exchange in the Pink chateau was placed in a half cellar and thus fairly well protected from gas, but the necessity of constantly opening the blanketed doors for those going in and out soon filled it with fumes. The Battalion Staff worked in gas masks, the telephone operator taking off his mask long enough to shout messages into the phone. Secrecy was at an end. The enemy knew what was going on better than we did. Now Major Nelson began to learn that nothing is quite so helpless as a battalion commander during an attack on a trench position, unless it be his own superiors farther back. He has made his dispositions out in front and they will have to stand. If attacked he cannot get out to change them. His duty it is to sit tight at Battalion Headquarters where he can be found, to try to keep his line of communications open, and to be ready to send help to any section of the front that calls for it.

One by one the wires began to go out. First died the one to French Headquarters, and soon only two were left, one forward to an observing post in Chamois, and the other back to Regimental Headquarters. The operator in Chamois stuck to his post throughout, and as daylight dawned, reported no attack in that sub-sector. The message went through to Regimental Headquarters and then this line died. Major Nelson turned to two men of the Signal Platoon and commanded them to go out and repair the line.

"Out there?" asked one of them quizzically.

"Certainly out there. The Infantry is out there, isn't it? The Signal Platoon ought to have as much guts as the Infantry."

" Come on, Bill, it's us for the fresh air," said the lineman. They adjusted their gas masks, gripped their tool kits, and disappeared behind the gas blanketed door. They had the line fixed by the time the show was over, when it proved of great help in getting up additional medical assistance.

Shortly after daylight, the only remaining telephone line, that to the Chamois outpost, died and an impenetrable curtain of ignorance descended over the happenings at the front, while every one wondered ceaselessly as to the fate of the three companies out there. About 5 o'clock the storm ended as suddenly as it began. A silence followed almost depressing in quality after the infernal racket. The ruins of Badonviller were smoking and white dust clouds hung over the piles of d6bris. Streets were piled with stone and mortar interspersed with puddles of yellow mustard gas mixture.

At last a C Company runner staggers into Battalion Headquarters. He is white-faced, mud-covered, and his uniform is torn. He reports that everybody is killed.

'Trenches all gone. Men all gone. Everything all gone. "

What had really happened at the front?

Of the three sub-sectors, that of Chasseur had received no punishment whatever. But Village Negre, cut transversely by a deep gulley, was an ideal place upon which to deliver a gas attack, and this the Germans carried out in a very thorough manner. The road, Captain Breckinridge's P. C., and the two P. A.'s were peppered with nine inch gas shells. One of these landed directly on B Company's rolling kitchen and blew it to pieces. The accuracy of the fire was very noticeable, and the communication trenches received a number of hits. As many members of B Company then had opportunity to observe, the sound of a gas shell has a peculiar quality accompanied by a sort of gurgling and hissing in flight and exploding with a softer detonation than that of the high explosives. Two men of B Company were killed outright by bursting shells, and many others suffered from gas. " Thirty-eight of these required treatment and one died. The French in the same sector are said to have lost more than one hundred. Although this was our first experience, our gas discipline was apparently the superior.

But it was in the Chamois sector that the most important events had happened. In addition to the bombardment there were attacks made on G. C.'s 9, 10, and 11. The French platoon in 9 was, as already stated, virtually wiped out.

At G. C. 10 the platoon which had never been under fire before went through a terrific hammering. At one corner a two hundred and fifty pound air bomb made a direct hit, and the trench became a gaping shell crater twelve feet across and fifteen feet deep. No better platoon than Lieutenant Flood's could have been picked on which first to try the effect of battle upon our conscript army. It was about the most cosmopolitan platoon of the most cosmopolitan company that came out of the melting pot of New York. It comprised Irish, Italians, East Side Jews, Russians, Scandinavians, and even a few native Americans, but they all acted as one would wish Americans to act in such a crisis. At Camp Upton, this had been one of the best drilled platoons in the 308th, proving a close contender for the Regimental trophy won by an E Company platoon. Now upon another kind of drill ground it was to show the effect of that drilling.

When the barrage lifted, Flood gave the command to man the firing trench. Instantly riflemen and chauchat teams took their places still wearing gas masks. The wearing of the masks was a mistake but in accordance with French orders in the sector, and in spite of this handicap they met the advancing Germans with concentrated rifle fire. The attacking force on G. C. 10 was estimated from 150 to 200. If this is correct, a conservative estimate would show the Americans outnumbered three to one. While rifles and chauchats were clearing the front, the enemy filtered in from the sides of the battered positions so that the Americans were attacked on three sides at once. The fight became a hand-to-hand affair: German potato mashers against American bay-onets in the shell holes and battered trenches. Flood encouraged his men in just the way that any one who had watched him working with them for the last nine months, might know he would do. After he had shot two Germans and lay wounded on the ground, he continued this splendid encouragement until from loss of blood he grew unconscious. By that time the platoon was overpowered by numbers and the fight for G. C. 10 was lost. But there had been no surrender. With fifty percent of the platoon lying on the ground-seventeen of whom had seen their first and last fight-the struggle still went on.

When the platoon ceased to be a fighting unit, the Germans rounded up twenty prisoners and went back to their own lines. That these prisoners did not go without a fight the bayoneted body of Corporal J. J. Sullivan, found later in the road toward the German trenches, was mute witness. The next morning our scouts found the body of but one German in front of G. C. 16. Sergeant Wagner, who with a badly shattered leg had crawled back the three quarter mile of communicating trench, as well as the five unwounded survivors of the platoon, all asserted that many of the attacking force had been killed. It was not until after the Armistice, when Corporal Nasser came back from a prison camp at Strassburg, that the truth was known. The German losses in the attack on G. C. 10 exceeded the entire strength of Flood's platoon. The enemy had concealed them by carrying off his dead and wounded.

Here is Flood's own account of the matter:

Early on the morning of the 24th, I decided that as everything was going along so nicely, I would shave. Sergeant John Herold and myself were on duty at night. While Sergeants Wagner and Maroney took charge during a few hours, I slept during the day. I had finished my shave and made a round of the sector inspecting the men in their "stand to" positions and was sitting in the dugout gazing into the candle light, when I was suddenly almost thrown to the floor by the terrific bombardment that started. Not stopping to think, I immediately gave the gas signal and rushed out of the dugout into our trench system. The din was something terrific and the ground was being rapidly chewed up, so much so, that when I collected my wits, and started back to get the Sergeants together, I could make very little headway. Luckily, however, I ran across Sergeant Frank Wagner, and my orderly, Private William Dietrich, and the three of us proceeded to go up and down the line. Most of us by this time had gotten over our first shock, and I ordered the men to lie low in their positions, with a man standing every few yards to watch for the approach of the enemy.

As far as I could make out then, and what I have heard since tends to confirm it, the German barrage was laid to my right and left with the third side of it directly on our position. After what seemed an age, but what was I suppose about ten minutes, the side of the barrage that was directly on our position seemed to move back toward where you and Company B were stationed. So far, through the dusk, we could see only vague forms moving in No Man's Land, but the sky was getting clearer every minute.

Wagner, Dietrich, and myself were plowing through the now half demolished trenches, when in making the turn in one, we came across about a dozen of the enemy in single file, advancing down an unused trench that ran into No Man's Land and which had been barricaded. I aimed my pistol and fired twice; two of them dropped but the others immediately let fly their grenades. I jumped back behind the turn in the trench, and yelled to Wagner and Dietrich, but one of the grenades hit the wall of the trench behind me, and dropped between my feet. I saw it and jumped, but as I did so, it exploded and that put me out of it. Wagner and Dietrich were both badly wounded by the same grenade, and as I opened my eyes, I saw Wagner gradually coming to. Private Cossen was also wounded near us at the time. Two of the Germans proceeded to take everything we had in our Pockets, and one of them spoke in German to Cossen telling him that the Medical Corps would be up to help soon. He was saying something else, when Racco Rocco, a young Italian who could hardly speak a word of English, made his appearance around the turn of the trench, and immediately charged with his bayonet. He was stopped by a grenade, which exploded directly between his feet, wounding him so seriously that he died shortly after in the hospital.

After that the fighting kept on for sometime around us. In fact it had become quite bright, when at some signal all of the Germans who were in our line suddenly left. During all this time, two German aeroplanes were sweeping back and forth over us, and when their infantry had left, came much lower and kept up a continual machine gun fire along the line.

By this time, those around me who had been unconscious, began to revive. Sergeant Wagner had an ugly gash in his neck under the ear, and a large piece of grenade in his knee. Both wounds were bleeding profusely, and he was the color of this paper, but he insisted on dragging himself back in search of assistance for the rest of us. For this he was awarded the D. S. C.

Other men who distinguished themselves were: Sergeant Maroney, badly wounded, awarded D. S. C.; Sergeant Herold, died of wounds; Corporal Patrick Hendricks, the coolest man of all, worked his automatic rifle as if he were practicing on the range, D. S. C.; Corporal George McKee, died of wounds-, Corporal McBride, fought until knocked unconscious, taken prisoner, died of wounds in Germany; Privates Hanrahan and George Rothenberg both killed; Private Jopson wounded and afterwards returned to line, and was blinded by gas; Privates John L. Sullivan and Patrick J. Sullivan, both of them wonderful soldiers and both killed that morning."

6

A word in connection with the Badonviller raid may be added even at the risk of giving it overmuch attention. In extenuation let it be pleaded that this was the first time the men of the National Army had come under fire, a test than which there could have been none of greater import in the outcome of the World War.

Lieutenant Sheridan's platoon, as already mentioned, had drawn back from G. C. 12 to the pottery the night before, leaving only six men in the post. When the barrage started Sheridan took his platoon forward to bring help to the six. Right through the barrage the platoon went; the faithful Sergeant at the head of the column and the Lieutenant's own wild, cheery Irish self bringing up the rear to encourage the faint of heart. All got safely through the barrage and found the six at the post likewise unharmed. There they awaited an attack, but none was made on G. C. 12. Lieutenant Cullen, who had likewise turned back to the pottery under orders with part of his platoon, also started forward at the same time as Sheridan, and got his men safely through the barrage to the support position.

Comparative quiet now again settled over the Badonviller sector. A platoon of Company D now replaced Flood's at G. C. 10, after helping to carry back the wounded. Colonel Averill and Major Nelson came up, and the wounded were cared for on all hands. The one figure which most strikingly dominated the whole strange scene was that of Captain Condon. Hatless, his sleeves rolled up, and his arms red to the elbows, he worked feverishly to save the life of every man in whom any life was left. The sun shone brightly and the birds sang, but though it was June, many of the leaves were like those of a late October landscape, having been turned sickly yellow by the gas. The Major, losing faith in the village legend of the Pink chateau's safety, now moved to the "Swiss chalet." This was nearer French Headquarters, and the broken telephone wires had taught the necessity of closer liaison.

Past the Swiss chalet that afternoon moved a little cortege with Father Halligan, the first battle dead of the 308th being borne to the pretty little French cemetery at Village Negre. The enemy had for the most part been quiet during the afternoon, with only an intermittent shell now and then in the direction of Ker Avor. Suddenly there was a nearer and more menacing sound, and the white smoke of a burst of shrapnel appeared over Village Negre, followed by another and another, nearer and nearer to the little burying ground. The funeral party had been seen from the German sausage balloon; though to give the enemy his due, he could not have known its nature. A platoon of pioneers digging the emplacement for a heavy gun would have looked the same to the observer in the sausage.

Seated that evening before a cheery fire in the Swiss chalet, the Padre vented his pardonable indignation on the foe.

I thought it was a salute [he said] and then I looked around and I was alone in the cemetery. The burial squad had left. Then I heard another big noise overhead and something spattered all around me and cut the leaves off the bushes. I decided it was not a salute. Shrapnel, you say it was? What should I know of shrapnel. It wasn't taught in the College of Rome.

And how did you get out, Father?

I didn't. I just tumbled into the grave and laid there till it was over, thinking the while that an open grave is small comfort for a man of the church with those despicable villains shooting at him from overhead.

7

One result of the German attack of June 23rd was the adoption of a new system on the front line by which the foremost line of defense was held by scattered outposts, containing two or three men each and known as "petits postes." The entire front was, according to the new arrangement, split into two sub-sectors instead of three, called respectively Chamois and Chasseur; Village Negre was eliminated. By this scheme, where three American companies had originally been in the front line, there were now only two; one with Headquarters in Badonviller and the other with its P. C. in Chasseur. On June 28th, the 2nd Battalion relieved the 1st in the front line with E and H ahead. Battalion Headquarters were moved back to Pexonne, where Major Budd occupied "Sampson I," and the French Commander moved to the Chateau, known over the telephone as "Hayes."

There are few events which deserve record during the five weeks in which the Regiment remained on the Lorraine front subsequent to the attack described. On the night of July ist, a German patrol cut the wire in front of one of E Company's petits postes, and attempted to creep into our lines. It was driven off by the members of the post, one of whom was slightly wounded; in the morning a quantity of flares and hand grenades were found left behind. A few days later Lieutenant Griffiths, then Battalion Scout and Intelligence Officer, together with Corporal Tuin of G Company, afterwards killed, was visiting P. P. 12 in what had been the old Village Negre sector, when they came upon two German scouts in camouflaged suits attempting a daylight patrol, and killed or wounded one of these. An enemy attack was confidently awaited on the eve Of July 4th. At 12:45 A.M., the French batteries opened a terrific barrage which lasted with great intensity for half an hour. At the end of that time the French Commander sent confident word to Major Budd: "Les Boches ne viendront pas." Sure enough, quiet ensued and there was no raid. On the 5th, G and F Companies relieved E and H, which went back to the Battalion support positions now held at Pexonne. On the 10th, the 2nd Battalion was relieved on the front line by the 3rd under Major Chinner; the former moving back into reserve at Bertrichamps, and the 1st Battalion, now under command of Captain Whittlesey, taking the support position at Ker Avor. Finally on July 19th, the 1st Battalion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, returned to the front line to remain there until August 1st, when the 77th was relieved by the 37th National Guard Division of Ohio, and the 1st Battalion had its place taken by a battalion of the 145th Infantry.

On July 11th, the 2nd Battalion then at Bertrichamps, enjoyed band concerts, Y. M. C. A. shows, and a short programme by Miss Elsie Janis herself. Passes were issued for Baccarat to the number of fifty a day, and there was a fine chance for bathing in the river Meurthe-and also facilities for dental treatment. On the 13th, started the first of a series of ball games which took place in the afternoon after the morning's drill, and in anticipation of Bastille Day perhaps, an exhibition of pyrotechnic signalling. It was at this time that special orders arrived, commissioning successful candidates who had attended the Third Officers' Training School at Upton. These non-commissioned officers, now commissioned, proved a great loss to the Regiment. Most of the new lieutenants went to the 1st and 2nd Divisions, where they made fine records.

It was while the 2nd Battalion was in support at Ker Avor, that Captain Mills of Company G was accidentally killed by the explosion of a rifle grenade. Thus died one of the most beloved leaders in the whole Regiment, and the possessor of one of the most vivid personalities.

Captain Philip 0. Mills bad inherited a love for France from a French mother and a natural military ability from his father, General Samuel Mills. In 1916 he volunteered in the Norton Unit and served for seven months as an ambulance driver for the French Army. He had decided to join the Foreign Legion when America entered the War, and he returned to the United States to attend the First Plattsburg Training Camp, from which he received the commission of Captain. At Camp Upton he was placed in command of G Company with which he remained until his death. As a leader of men, Mills was unsurpassed. He was keenly anxious to get into action, and among his happiest moments were those when he took two Sergeants with him to the British front line. The Colonel of the English Battalion asked Mills to make a report on the conditions of the line, and was so impressed by this report that he wrote to Colonel Averill testifying to Mills' worth and to his own envy of any officer who commanded him. Mills would have been glad to change the quiet Baccarat sector into a general offensive, and after close study of maps and terrain, conceived the plan of making a quick thrust and capturing a hill in front of his position which dominated our line. He did not have the opportunity to make this adventurous attack, nor unfortunately to make any attack at all. His death came while, according to his custom, he was instructing all the men of his company in all the weapons of an infantryman. Instruction was as usual under the direct supervision of Mills himself. The French rifle grenade had been received for the first time, and as he was the only one familiar with the new weapon, he personally arranged for the firing. The first two grenades functioned properly, but the third was defective and exploded in the tromblon. Two men were wounded and Mills killed.

A side of Mills, not known to all, was his sympathy and love for his men. In Camp Upton, one of his men received a telegram, begging him to come to New York at once as his mother was dying. There were no trains that night and there was a bad storm. Starting at 11 in the evening, Captain Mills in his own car drove this man to New York, left him at him home, and returned to camp in time for reveille. Many a man in Company G can testify to his timely help in financial trouble. Many felt that Mill's reckless courage would not allow him to come back. True to the ideals of his soldier father, he laid down his life for his own country and for the beloved France of his mother.

Mention may be made here of the striking characteristics of the French poilu whom we now had opportunity to observe, and who proved so amusingly different from the English Tommy whom we had noted a little earlier. Nothing more unpretentious than the small figure in his faded horizon blue uniform can be imagined. Perhaps the most noticeable feature of the French soldier's daily life, both officer and man, was the lack of all haste. There was no excitement, no long series of detailed orders with instructions and memoranda so familiar to ourselves. Four years of realistic war had worn off all non-essentials (if they had previously existed) and only the fundamental was left, namely common sense. This, coupled with entire seriousness of purpose where the War was concerned, marked the dominating characteristic of the French soldier. The same simplicity marked the high command; each Headquarters seemed rather a kindly family affair than a center of one of the greatest of war machines. The General Staff was seldom seen. The French Corps to which we were attached had, we were told, but five officers on the Staff and of these the senior was a Colonel. There was little interference from above. When orders had been given, the Officers of the line were left to carry them out without constant supervision or interference.

The absence of the typewriter helped to simplify matters in the army of these practical allies, since nearly all orders had to be drawn up carefully in longhand, and as there were but few clerks, the paper work was naturally minimized. Another feature of the French Army was the substitution of decorations for promotions. Typical of the best in his army was Captain Rene Memmv who joined the 308th at Neuf Maisons as liaison officer with the French. He endeared himself to all his American associates by his cheerfulness, his willingness to work, and the charm of his character. The real desire of this soldier of Fortune was that when he had ceased to serve his country in the field, he could return to a home with his children in Gascony and there raise bees.

In the meantime, the French had withdrawn from this front on July 16th. American batteries had likewise relieved the French artillery, and now for the first time there was complete American control over this pleasant sector. For it was, as sectors go, a pleasant one a rather sleepy old lion who showed his deadly teeth but once, and at other times afforded fine instruction for unpracticed hunters in the field of war.

At the front there were frequent patrols into No Man's Land, and in the rear positions, constant drill. There was fairly constant shelling of the back areas (the growling, as it were, of the old beast in his sleep) but the events of the night of June 23rd were never repeated. No one, however, knew whether they might not be repeated at any moment, and thus anticipation was kept alive. For each man, who in turn went forward from the comparative comfort and safety of the reserve line to the almost equally comfortable and safe position of the support, and finally from this to the front line itself, for each the interest and novelty of that strange region never grew old.

The intricacies of the trench system, its walls and parapets held in place by firm, neatly woven brushwood revetting; the deep secure dugouts, some capable of holding a platoon or more of men and with the blankets at the entrance to keep out gas; the gas alarms, consisting of empty shells hanging from a support or of klaxon horns; the carefully labeled French signs: "Boyau Centrale, Cave-20 Hommes, " " Abri en cas de bombardement the shell holes torn and gaping; the machine gun and chauchat emplacements; the printed propaganda shot from rifle grenades or carried in small red German balloons; the Very pistols, rockets, and flares; the hand grenades always at hand;-and last but not least, No Man's Land itself, sometimes a dismal-looking stretch of wire-sown field or shattered woods, sometimes an innocent-appearing sylvan vista, but always the region where men peered silently ahead or else spoke in whispers -all of these things were just as you had read of them, and yet all somehow so different.

CHAPTER V

The Vesle

THE usual soldier in the A. E. F. knew little of the War beyond his immediate surroundings. Even when not in danger, his life was a constantly busy and exacting one. For these reasons it is probable that the dates of June 1st and July 18th, if remembered at all by the individual member of the 308th Infantry, will be remembered in connection with some personal experience in Flanders and Lorraine rather than with the stand of the Americans at Chateau-Thierry and the subsequent blow delivered by Americans and French which struck the west side of the Crown Prince's salient then threatening Paris. Yet some news of these larger happenings did reach us. In the little second-story room of Regimental Headquarters facing the quiet town square of Neuf Maisons, Colonel Averill assembled such of the officers as could be reached and announced the good news, adding: "Gentlemen, this is the beginning of the end. The Boche is through! " An unsubstantiated but credible report declares the Colonel to have received the news with a characteristic introductory expression, adding, "I knew all along our boys would give them Hell!"

Such news did doubtless exercise a certain effect on the Regiment's morale. As we marched back from the foothills of the Vosges, through the shattered little Lorraine villages, we could know if we stopped to think, which usually we did not have time to do-that our part in the big drama was advancing rapidly. The prologue had been the training with the British, the first act, the Lorraine sector. Now arose the inevitable speculations, accompanying movement from one area to another, as to the scene on which the curtain would next rise.

Near Rozelieures, with its twelfth century church, close beneath which clustered the usual red roofs, the 3rd Battalion enjoyed some training in open order formations. Here the men that understood French heard from the lips of the village fathers how Napoleon had won a bloody battle in the streets in defense of the famous Trouee de Charmes. And here too arrived mail from home.

On this march from the Vosges each battalion again had its own transport, and the entraining at Charmes on August 7th was accomplished in record time. The first sealed orders given to the regimental or battalion officers in command of trains showed Hesdin near Montdidier as the detraining point, but the general skepticism prevailing is well reflected in Major Chinner's diary of this date: "Having heard of these camouflaged orders before, we are not betting any too freely on that being our destination." As a matter of fact, it was upon arrival at La Ferte Gaucher, in the Marne country about forty miles east of Paris and twenty south of Chateau-Thierry, that train commanders received, on the afternoon of the 8th, Divisional Orders to detrain and march their commands to the area near Jouy sur Morin, where Regimental and Brigade Headquarters had been already established. At La Ferte Gaucher some of the Regiment saw for the first time a hospital train loaded with American wounded. British and French hospital trains we all had seen before. We did not know that in eight days many of us would be returning ourselves from the Vesle to the hospital trains at Chateau-Thierry; nor did we know that even while we were detraining the English, Canadians, and Australians were breaking through between Albert and Nareuil. It was August 8, 1918, which was to be later described by General Ludendorff as "the black day of the German army in the history of the War."

2

Next day equipment was checked up. Officers of the Regimental and Battalion Staffs and Company Commanders were ordered to Brigade Headquarters at Jouy where General Johnson gave instructions on open warfare in general and the correct methods of suppressing enemy machine gun nests in particular. The men found the rest very welcome after more than a week of travel, but as usual it was soon over. Between 2 and 3 o'clock on the hot afternoon of the 10th, the whole Regiment took busses near Jouy to begin a memorable journey toward the front. Each one of the long column of light blue carnions held 16 men and their packs and was driven by a skillful brown Annamite driver. The road lay through beautiful and historic country that had been fought over again and again in the history of France. Crossing the Petit Morin, it traversed the area where the British had retreated during the first battle of the Marne. At this little river the Highland Light Infantryl with whom our 2nd Battalion was brigaded in Flanders' had four years earlier struggled desperately to help check the first great German drive of 194.

At Chezy the camions crossed the Marne and followed the right bank of the river to Chateau-Thierry. Here two months earlier had fought our own 2nd and 3rd Divisions. On all sides appeared evidences of the high water mark left by the recently ebbed tide of the Crown Prince's army; and just as high water leaves its mark along a wall, so the sides of the houses showed the line where the machine gun bullets had played. The town was still full of German signs of various military character with the names of the streets in German. From Chateau-Thierry we started north. In addition to the shattered buildings, the shell holes, some of huge dimension, were particularly impressive. And the dust. No one will probably dispute the entry in one diary: "This ride will be long remembered because of the great quantities of dust which each member of the Division consumed."

Early in the evening the Regiment debussed near the little city of Fere-en-Tardenois, which like everything seen that day had been heavily shelled. Then a march to the woods west of the town where all hands were soon asleep.

According to Major Chinner's diary: "The woods in which we moved late at night were found to be full of dead horses and some Huns. " Proportions differed doubtless in different parts of the woods. Many other evidences of the recent German occupation were at hand. In a house in Fere-en-Tardenois the writer picked up a copy of a recent issue of "Fliegende Blatter" and, on a field near our encampment, a spotless sheet of one of Beethoven's symphonies. A stray newspaper recounted instances of brutal cruelty shown by American officers. About the fields unexploded gas shells lay in dangerous profusion. Elsewhere were quantities of regularly stacked shells which the enemy had not had time to carry away. On the fringe of the woods lay skillfully built pits for the light German machine guns that had cost our troops so many lives. Large stores of bottled mineral water proved a welcome find.

On August 11th, battalion practice in open order formations provided some admirable training, although this was for some of us unfortunately the first and only Occasion of the kind. On the same day a reconnaissance Of the position to be taken by the Regiment in the Dole Woods, about four kilometers to the north, was made by General Johnson, Colonel Averill, Major Budd, and an officer from each company of the 2nd Battalion. Next morning at dawn 2nd Battalion Headquarters with E and F Companies marched to this new position in the Dole woods. G and H following later arrived at. 5:30 P.m. As the transport was still en route from Jouy sur .Morin the Battalion had no wagons, but fortunately through Battalion Adjutant Lieutenant Kidde's efforts several were borrowed from a detachment of French troops nearby.

At 6:30 P.m., August 12th, Major Budd received from Major Richardson, Division Machine Gun Officer, a copy of the Division Order to the Commanding General, 154th Brigade (Time 3:30 P.m., Division Headquarters) instructing him to report to the Commanding General, I53rd Brigade, and to move his Battalion to Ville Savoye, some seven kilometers ahead by 10 o'clock that night. The Battalion had just settled down according to platoon positions, packs had been unrolled, and suppers started, when the unexpected order arrived in the Dole woods. Major Budd and the four Company Commanders, McMurtry, Kiefer, Bush and Kane, at once started in General Wittemneyer's car to report to him at Chery Chartreuve. The general designated Colonel Winnia of the 305th Infantry to guide the officers on foot over the five kilometers of road, which led through Mont St. Martin to Ville Savoye. The officers accordingly preceded the 2nd Battalion which was left in command of Lieutenant Griffiths. Considerable gas lurked in and about Mont St. Martin, a timely warning, if the visitors had known it, of what was to come later. Lieutenant Bush's bad knee compelled him to stop, but in the gathering dusk the Battalion Commander and the other three Company Commanders descended for the first time that steep and memorable slope which led to the little town of Ville Savoye, invariably called by the members of the 308th " Villa-Savoy. "

Now for the first time they saw from the slope above the town the valley of the Vesle stretching to east and west, and now they made observation of the commanding heights to the north held by the Germans and for some time prepared by them as their first strong line of resistance in case of a withdrawal. There still lay unburied dead of the 4th Division Infantry both in the path above Ville Savoye and in the town itself-grim witnesses who being dead yet spoke of the difficulties of the position.

The officers with some difficulty located the units of the 305th to be relieved, and then awaited the arrival of their companies. Meanwhile the shelling with high explosives and gas of Ville Savoye and of the cross roads at Chery Chartreuve and Mont St. Martin began about 8:30 P.m. At 10 P.m. appeared the head of the Battalion in single file, at five paces interval, with Lieutenant Griffiths and the Battalion scouts in the lead. Shelling continued until about 11:30 P.m., and it was some time after that before the 2nd Battalion finally settled for the night in positions on the support line.

This support position on the Red Line (later we learned how appropriate was the color!) was destined to become distressingly familiar to members of the Regiment during the next two weeks. Although this line was about two and a half kilometers from the front positions north of the Vesle, it was subjected like the town of Ville Savoye itself to constant and accurate shelling. It is true that the funk holes once reached afforded a protection from high explosive shells other than direct hits; but besides the possibility of a direct hit, there was also the constant menace of gas. Meanwhile the company kitchens were brought up and placed in positions which seemed comparatively safe. The danger from the smoke of the kitchens was made as small as possible, and the hot meals proved of great comfort in the introduction to this very active sector.

The 2nd Battalion suffered a number of casualties in taking up its first position. Others followed. The American batteries stationed behind the infantry continued firing day and night. Late on the afternoon of the 13th, the enemy fire became particularly heavy and accurate. A battery just behind Company H was silenced by a direct hit. On the following day the reconnaissance, made by the Battalion Commander and other Battalion Officers, was complimented by receiving the individual attention of several of the enemy's 77's. On this night came the order for our 2nd Battalion to relieve the 3rd Battalion of the 305th Infantry at the front, two companies, E and F, to take the position north of the Vesle River and two companies, G and H, to be held south of the river in support. Heavy shelling covered Mont St. Martin, and as the terrain from this point forward was without any shelter whatever, the result was very bad. Those troops which did succeed in reaching the neighborhood of Ville Savoye found the town and the whole of the river valley drenched with gas so that it was necessary for all to put on masks. The fact that some of the 305th guides had difficulty in finding their way caused additional trouble.

The Battalion Commanders of the 305th Infantry decided to leave their battalions in position as the whole of the relief had not been completed. Two companies effected the relief that night and the other two, together with Company D of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion, on the following night, August 15th. At this time the enemy subjected the 2nd Battalion to an even more severe gas bombardment than that of the three previous nights. The gas casualties proved less severe in companies E and F, on the railroad and north of the railroad across the river, than in the support companies, G and H near Ville Savoye. Battalion Headquarters in the town and H Company just south of it suffered most severely. It was necessary to move the Headquarters three times on account of the gas concentration.

3

The designated position, calling for two companies north of the Vesle and two companies near Ville Savoye, was taken over by the 2nd Battalion from two battalions of the 305th Infantry, and by them in turn from a Regiment of the 4th Division. From a military standpoint, the situation was a difficult and unusual one. One platoon of G Company was on the railroad to the south of Chateau du Diable and a liaison patrol of F at the Tannery near Fismes. Captain McMurtry with E Company along the railroad cut, and Lieutenant Kiefer with F Company at the ChAteau du Diable and in the woods nearby, had to resist enemy attacks from the north and east. The Germans held a strong machine gun position at the crossing of the railroad and the Soissons-Rheims road. Thus they were able to enfilade most of the railroad track with machine gun fire from both the east and the west. Enemy machine guns in Bazoches, west -of the 308th's sector, also commanded our positions while his artillery held excellent positions on the more elevated north side of the Vesle River. The stream itself was full of barbed wire and at all points known at the time unfordable. A heavy log with a hand rail allowing one man to cross at a time was used.

The orders received by the 308th on taking the position stated that it was "to hold the bridge head," but there was no road leading to a bridge nor any bridge or the remnants of any. Finding then that but two companies were on the far side of an unfordable stream; finding no bridge head to hold as ordered; and believing the losses of the leading battalion unnecessary, Colonel Averill reported these facts, requesting a rectification of the line as the position had at that time become purely a defensive or holding one.

Colonel Averill. was now relieved on August 17th from command of the Regiment and transferred to the 3rd Division, not to rejoin us till after the Armistice. The justice and wisdom of this action, which, as in other similar cases at the time, was taken without allowing the victim the satisfaction of an investigation, is to be questioned. He was succeeded by Colonel A. F. Prescott.

An unfortunate and apparently entirely erroneous impression existed at Division and Brigade Headquarters, and therefore probably at Corps and Army Headquarters, that the American line in question ran from the Chateau du Diable eastward along the Soissons-Rheims highway to the point where this highway crossed the railroad. There is no evidence that this line was ever held for an appreciable time by American troops. It is a matter of record, however, that the 305th Infantry took over the exact position held by the 4th Division Regiment which they relieved, and that the 2nd Battalion of our Regiment took over the exact ground held by the 1st and 3rd Battalions of the 305th Infantry.

It should be recorded here that during the gruelling days just described when the 2nd Battalion took over and held this first position on the Vesle, Major Budd and every officer and man in the Battalion received all possible help and support from Colonel Averill, Captain Lindley, the Regimental Adjutant, and Captain Whittlesey, the Operations Officer. The splendid spirit of the Regiment was further cemented by this strong cooperation.

The company which had suffered most severely, both advancing to its new position and subsequently holding it, was H. Of the 196 men estimated in the Company at the beginning of August there were by the night of the 15th just six left, including First Sergeant Raffo. All the rest had been evacuated as gas or wound casualties, or were lying helpless in the aid station as a result of gas. Lieutenant Kane's eyes, like those of many others, gradually closed until in the afternoon he could not see at all. (Not a necessarily painful symptom, but from the military point of view, a most inconvenient one.)

On the morning of August 16th, Major Budd, badly gassed, was sent back under protestation by order of the Regimental Surgeon, and Captain McMurtry took command of the 2nd Battalion. The Battalion Headquarters suffered very severely. The single street of the ruined village ran down the exposed slope, a direct target for enemy fire. The men of the rapidly dwindling handful of runners, scouts, and signal detachment who remained did gallant service volunteering to carry canteens to the town pump in the village square and there fill them and bring them back. Direct fire covered every inch of that perilous journey. Nor should the ambulance drivers be forgotten who made the trip down the slope to the dressing station in the square and back up again, carrying the gassed and wounded. Lieutenant Griffiths was badly gassed and almost blind, but continued to handle the message center at Battalion Headquarters. The gas concentration became so impossible that Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, arriving in Ville Savoye on the afternoon of August 16th, ordered the Battalion Headquarters moved from the cellar in the village to the hillside above.

L Company, sent forward on the evening of the 16th to take the place of G, took up a position on the hillside near Battalion Headquarters, about 11:00 P.M. At 3: 00 A.M. this position received a severe shelling. A single explosion killed Lieutenant Gard and mortally wounded Lieutenant Case, of L Company. The following morning, August 17th, there was a pause in the shelling of Ville Savoye and the gas clouds lifted. 2nd Battalion Headquarters was moved back into the cellar at the edge of the town. About 2:00 P.M. the town was treated to a severe shelling, and again the gas clouds covered everything. One bright spot in the chronicle of those dark days is the capture of our first German prisoner by Lieutenant MacDougall, who had succeeded to the command of Company E, at the railroad cut, and who tells the story this way:

It was while holding this position (in the railroad cut across the Vesle River) on August 17th, at 8 P.m. that I, personally, captured the first prisoner credited to the Division. (The 307th claim this distinction erroneously. They claim to have captured the first prisoner of war on August 18th during their attack on Bazoches.) I recall this incident very well. I have the blonde German youth's cigarette case as a souvenir of the occasion. My men, ninety-six was all I had, were standing to," because of the fact that they were so few in numbers it was necessary to place them about twenty feet apart. About 8 o'clock and just at dusk I was attracted to the level of the railroad cut by a rustling in the bushes out in front. Catching a glimpse of a crouching form, and with no time to draw my pistol I grabbed and pulled a very much-terrorized Boche down the side of the cut to the railroad tracks below, assisted by Sergeant Powers. The Division's first prisoner was taken and proved to be the leader of a combat patrol of eight men, some of the number carrying tanks of liquid fire. They retreated when they heard the startling cry of their leader. I recall his wanting to know when he would be shot. After being assured he had twenty minutes to live, he attempted to bribe us by giving valuable information concerning the enemy positions as far as he knew. After stripping him of his gun and equipment, including four hand grenades of the " potato masher " type, one of which he was in the act of getting ready to throw when caught, he was sent to the rear in charge of Sergeant Powers who turned him over to Regimental Headquarters where his story checked up favorably against the Regimental intelligence report.

On the night of August 18th, the 2nd Battalion, commanded by Captain McMurtry, was relieved by the 3rd Battalion, commanded by Major Chinner, and F and E relinquished their positions north of the river to I and K respectively. M was divided with part on the wooded crest northeast of Villesavoye and part in the Tannery. L Company, as already stated, had relieved G two days earlier. It was just before the relief of F Company that Lieutenant Griffiths with a patrol of six men from L, was ordered to get information of the unit on our right, with the parting words of comfort, "Stay until you get it, even if you never come back. " Griffiths did get it and did come back. And for getting it, he also got the D. S. C.

Meanwhile, the 1st Battalion had been having its own troubles on the Red Line to which, like the 2nd, it had marched on the 14th from the woods near Mareuil-en--Dole. Captain Breckinridge commanded the Battalion, the Company Commanders being Captain Harvey, Lieutenant Miles, Captain Fahnestock, and Captain Brooks of A, B, C, and D respectively. The position was taken under shell fire with two casualties in Company B, and fairly constant shelling followed during the next five days. After a mustard gas attack, Lieutenant Morse and forty-eight men were evacuated from B. Captain Fahnestock was sent back with a shrapnel wound in the arm. Direct hits on funk holes accounted for other casualties. On the evening of the 21St, the Battalion Commander and Company Commanders went forward to make reconnaissance, prior to the relief of the 3rd Battalion by the 1st. A runner guided these officers to the new location of Battalion Headquarters, a cave on the road to Ville Savoye. While standing for a few minutes at the entrance to the cave, at about 10 P.m., the group came under direct shell fire. Captain Brooks, Lieutenant Lederle, Adjutant of the 3rd Battalion, Lieutenant Lusk, Gas Officer of the 3rd Battalion, and Lieutenant Graham, Liaison Officer for the Artillery, with two enlisted men, names unknown, were all killed instantly. Lieutenants Adams and Blackwell were wounded, the former severely, and other officers badly shaken up. This event interfered with the reconnaissance, which should have been made to expedite the relief of the 3rd Battalion. It was later in the same evening that the Tannery was completely taken over without casualties by Company M's outpost on the extreme right. This occurred coincidentally with the attack on Bazoches by the 306th Infantry on our left.

It was on this same day of many losses that the Battalion Intelligence Officer at the front tried to get Regimental Headquarters at Chery Chartreuve in order to ask for additional runners.

" Just a minute please," answered Captain Lindley in a low voice. "Call up again; I can't talk to you now. "

A direct hit by a combination high explosive and gas shell had just registered on the Regimental P. C. Pass-ing through the ceiling, it had burst in the office rigged up for the Operations and Intelligence Staff. Corporal Harry A. Goodman, of Brooklyn, a lawyer and formerly employed in the State Department in Washington, was seated at the typewriter on which he had worked so faithfully ever since the days at Upton, and was finishing a field order which had just been dictated to him by Captain Whittlesey. A piece of shrapnel struck him in the groin, almost severing his leg from the trunk. No one knew he was wounded until he was seen crawling along on hands and knees to the dugout in which the telephone switchboard was located; he was rushed to the 307th Field Hospital at Fere-en-Tardenois, but died there immediately. Corporal Rose and two runners from the 37th Division, and Lieutenant Wood, Signal Officer, and Lieutenant Fisher, Munitions Officer, as well as Sergeant-Major Murray, all suffered from gas and shock. Lieutenant Fisher was at the time waiting for the order from Division Headquarters to send him back to the United States as an instructor. Fortunately he was out of the hospital again and in a few days on his way to the port of debarkation.

On a similar though less fatal occasion a few days earlier, the shell-torn house in which the Regimental Band was billeted, also received a hit, and several of the men were wounded though none very severely. It was then that a sudden call on the telephone at Regimental Headquarters announced that "the whole band was lost."

"What?" inquired the Adjutant.

"Yes, every damned instrument has been smashed and Several men wounded! What shall I do? "

For once the ever ready Adjutant was unable to find a satisfactory answer. The idea of replacing a complete set of military band instruments at that place and time had a humorous suggestion absent from most of the experiences of the period.

Severe as were the losses of the 308th on the 21st of August, those of the next day were to prove even heavier. After the shelling in which Captain Brooks and the others were killed, there was comparative quiet until about 3: 30 A.M. Then about dawn came a particularly severe barrage of high explosives without gas, followed in about twenty minutes by attacks on Companies I and K in their positions north of the river. Fierce fighting at close quarters followed immediately for the men in I. The solitary German who got through K Company's fire of rifles, chauchats, and hand grenades, was killed by Private Spinella, who, it is said, first used the butt of his own chauchat and then finished with the enemy's bayonet. Company I, as was later learned from prisoners, was attacked by four companies of Baden troops accompanied by a detachment of pioneers with flame-throwers. These flamenwerfer did considerable damage, though it is supposed that all belonging to this command were killed by the men of I Company with the exception of those who were burned to death by their own hands through getting the nozzles of their machines entangled in the heavy underbrush of the swamp.

4

The engagement on August 22nd of Company I, under Captain Harrington, and of Company K, under Captain Frothingham, in their positions beyond the Vesle was one of the severest experienced by the 308th Infantry.

The following vivid account of Company I's engagement is furnished by Lieutenant Langstaff of the 4th platoon:

The fight grew hotter especially in our rear, I called in Sergeant Riley's post, because it was too far away to control. I sent runners to Lieutenant Fowler, only one of whom returned with news that he was safe and putting up a hard fight on his front. Men straggled in from the 3rd platoon and reported that it had been split by the enemy in overwhelming numbers and had fallen back on the 4th and 2nd platoons. Lieutenant Galligan joined Lieutenant Fowler.

Many a brave deed was done that day. Acting Corporal Stein, a New York ladies' hat manufacturer, saved his platoon at one time by rushing out alone to an extreme flank with a chauchat and putting out of commission a Boche machine gun that was about to enfilade Lieutenant Fowler's line. Private Bologna, a New York bootblack, covered the retirement of Sergeant Riley's post, turning and firing his chauchat from his shoulder, mowing down a file of Germans pursuing his detail along a narrow pathway. Private Comarelli, a day laborer, insisted on keeping up fire from the path over my dugout, although four little red spots on his buttocks showed that a machine gun bullet had threaded its way in and out of him four times. Only rough handling could get him up to have his wounds dressed. My own striker, Private Arzano, a candy maker at home, was sent out with Private Ward to find men of the 3rd who were crying out down in the valley somewhere. An enemy machine gun did for Danny Ward, splendid fellow that he was, and caught Arzano three times in the right shoulder. As soon as he reported back, I ordered his wound dressed for fear of infection of the joint. He would have none of it till he had killed a couple of Huns. When it was dressed he refused to leave me. Sergeants Carter and Riley did wonderful work tearing about encouraging their men and engineering a coup whereby we annihilated a platoon of Boches marching over an open field in platoon front formation, with rifles slung.

Then word came that the first platoon with Lieutenant Morey had been overwhelmed and captured. Smiling little Connell had been overlooked under the dirt of a caved-in trench and wire, and scrambled out later, and made a record sprint from his pursuers to Company Headquarters. So much for our poor right flank. Word came from Captain Frothingham (of K) that he was retiring to the Vesle to prevent the Germans from cutting him off. So much for our left flank. We could hear firing in our rear, as well as in our midst. So much for our rear.

Captain Harrington repeatedly called on Battalion Headquarters, but as I said before, Battalion Headquarters and Company L were too far away to be of much service to us in our predicament. There seemed no help for it but to fight our way back to the Vesle, and keep our enemies in front of us only.

In the meantime, Company K was also vigorously engaged. Although the liquid fire was used less upon it, one jet penetrated the shelter which housed Company Headquarters. Private Van Duzer, who was on liaison duty, received severe burns about the face and body. To quote from an account by Sergeant Arthur Robb:

Van Duzer's life was saved by Private Rosenthal of I Company, who threw him into a pool of water, but Van Duzer's thoughts were not of his own life.

Without helmet or gas mask, hatless and coatless, his face already blistering from the flame, he made his way through the woods to K Company's Headquarters to tell Captain Frothingham that I Company, though badly cut up, was still holding the line. He was barely able to deliver the message and Captain Frothingham. ordered instant first aid, despite the fact that his own posts had suffered heavily during the barrage. Wound in endless thicknesses of gauze, Van Duzer started back through the woods toward the aid station in Villesavoye, but was gone only a moment when he came back breathless:

"Captain," he gasped, "there's a dozen Dutchmen in the woods back of you!"

"We'll get them," was the laconic reply, and the words were scarcely spoken before Lieutenant Robinson and four men crossed the tracks and climbed the bank into the woods, without waiting for orders. Van Duzer ran with them and indicated where the Germans had been.

Private Henry Lang, who was one of the party, speaks German and raised his voice in a call to surrender, which was answered by the appearance of a young Boche who wanted to know whether he would be killed. He was assured that Americans don't kill prisoners, and disclosed the fact that several of his comrade were in the woods. They were found and marched to the railroad track in their favorite "Kamerad" attitude, led by a sergeant-major, who disclosed the fact that the attack had been made by a battalion, with orders to drive the American outposts beyond the Vesle River before 4: 45 A.M. It was a regular raiding party, equipped with light machine guns, hand grenades and flame-throwers. All the prisoners had been told that capture by the Americans meant instant death, and in their gratitude at being spared, they turned out their pockets, furnishing an abundance of souvenirs, among which was a large package of British cigarettes.

Reinforcements arrived from Company L about this time, after a nerve-wracking trip through Ville Savoye in which two men were injured by shell fire, and the prisoners were sent back to Headquarters and the wounded evacuated.

Sergeant Reusse, one of the few remaining noncommissioned officers of Company K, was killed during the barrage. He was the only man hit in his section of the line, but the platoons on the right and left, as well as the platoon from Company C of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion, suffered severe losses, several men being mortally wounded. About thirty of the seventy-nine effectives of Company K were evacuated with more or less serious hurts.

Later in the day both Companies I and K were again suddenly enfiladed from the flanks. They then fell back to the river bank some one hundred and fifty yards in the rear. About eight o'clock Company A under Captain Harvey took over the sector of both I and K. I and K then withdrew to the ravine near Ville Savoye and awaited orders.

5

Meanwhile, back in the support line, came news that the 3rd Battalion companies at the front had been forced back across the Vesle. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon Captain Breckinridge reported at Division Headquarters, according to orders, where General Johnson outlined a plan of bombing attack along the railroad. Captain Breckinridge drew attention to the fact that his Battalion had only about four hundred effectives left, that they had been under continuous and severe shell fire for a period of eight days, had suffered heavy casualties from gas and sickness, were without hand grenades or rifle grenades, and with no signal apparatus or pyrotechnics; further that half of the officers had been lost through death, wounds, transfer or sickness. He suggested that an attack in the nature described should in his opinion be made by at least a thousand fresh men. Captain Breckinridge then went to Brigade Headquarters, where he received a telephone message saying that the orders had been changed and that he should wait at Brigade Headquarters until 6 o'clock, when Colonel Houghton, Division Machine Gun Officer, would meet him to go over the situation as changed. At that hour Colonel Houghton outlined the new plan of attack. This was to take place at midnight.

Captain Breckinridge got back to the support position between 9 and 10 P.m. and called the officers of the Battalion together. Their instructions were outlined and they were directed to mobilize their companies and start for Ville Savoye, picking up on the way certain guides at the old German hangars, west of Mont St. Martin. About ii o'clock a telephone message from Lieutenant-Colonel Smith countermanded all previous orders and said nothing was to be done until the receipt of further ones. The companies then stood fast until I A.M. (of the 23rd) when word was received that the original orders of the previous afternoon were reinstated and that the Battalion Commander would proceed to operate under them. The lack of hand grenades and other equipment was again pointed out, and Captain Breckinridge explained that his Battalion was disposed over two kilometers of front, and that it would be impossible in his opinion to give the orders to company officers, mobilize the troops, march them three or four kilometers, and dispose them again over so wide a front while making attack over unknown terrain in less than five hours time. The orders were however issued, Colonel Prescott agreeing to attempt to delay the barrage for one hour, that is from 3:17 to 4:17 A.M.

Desperate efforts were made to keep up with this new schedule. Inevitable confusion and delay, however, accompanied the moving out. The scouts had to be returned to their companies because there was no Scout Officer to look after them. It was after 3:30 when the advance companies reached the crossroads in the fields south of the hangars. Lieutenant Lewis, Adjutant of the 1st Battalion, crawled into a ditch and wriggling under a foot bridge, used an opportune telephone station to notify Regimental Headquarters that it would be absolutely impossible to make the attack on scheduled time.

"Tell Breckinridge to do the best he can," telephoned back Colonel Smith. And that was what theist Battalion did-the best that any troops could do in the chaotic circumstances.

The experience of the writer, as Commander of Company B, may be taken as more or less typical of the general perplexities and difficulties of the situation-the sort of thing which taught the innocent novice that war was a business no less messy than murderous. According to the orders, one platoon of the company was to attack across the Vesle at the Tannery as soon as the barrage lifted. On receipt of the order I sent this platoon off under Lieutenant Ginter. A little later came another order delaying the barrage one-hour. Immediately I sent runners forward to catch Ginter and notify him of the change. They returned having failed to reach him. I proceeded in person to the front, leaving the company under command of Lieutenant Sewall. It was now my fear that Ginter would make his attack at the earlier hour and therefore without help from either barrage or other attacking forces. I finally reached him near the front and found to my great relief that he had not yet started. He, on his part, apologized for the fact that he had lost some of his platoon in the darkness, and thus had not been able to advance at the scheduled time. I told him of the changed hour of attack, and then re-turned to the rest of B Company. As a matter of fact when Ginter did attack at the postponed hour, he did so with neither barrage support nor support from the other companies, since these had not yet arrived at the front.

It was an hour before the rest of the attack that Ginter carried out his orders. With the half of the platoon, which remained with him, he plunged into the Vesle and made his way across. In the mist on the other bank they saw some figures. Supposing these to be members of Company C engaged in the attack, they called out to them. A volley of fire was the answer. Ginter with a detachment of ten men had run right into a superior number of the enemy and though they fought as best they could with rifles and chauchats, which had suffered in the crossing of the river, they were soon dispersed, being either captured, wounded or killed. Sergeant Kimball and several others were lost in this attack. It was not till three months later that while lying in the hospital in Paris I chanced to see in the newspaper that Ginter was still living. He and four of the men had been captured and taken to a German prison camp. 11 Some forty-five men in all had made the attack with Ginter and of these only six apparently survived. Private Sugarman, after lying wounded between the lines for five days, finally worked his way back to the Americans.

To return now to the other companies. One platoon of C Company, under Lieutenant Schenck, became confused in the darkness while making its way through Ville Savoye to attack across the Vesle and then if possible to extend up the railroad track to the east, and connect with B Company at the Tannery. A detachment from this platoon took refuge in the cellar of the ruined church, while the Sergeant in command tried vainly to get in touch with some one from the company. Lieutenant Sheridan, however, took two platoons from C Company and decided to carry out his orders regardless of whether the rest of the company was in position to attack. With the assistance of Captain Harvey and the A Company men, who had been sent forward the day before to rein-force the 3rd Battalion, Sheridan went ahead. He is said to have turned and to have remarked in characteristic fashion to some one near him, "Well, I expect this is going to be a real Irish Wake." He fought his way nearly to the railroad track and then fell mortally wounded by machine gun bullets to die a few hours later. The losses of the attacking party now became so heavy that Captain Harvey again retired to the south side of the river. D Company under Lieutenant Knight, although late in arriving at the scene of the attack, had managed to keep all four platoons together, and in broad daylight, more than two hours after the barrage had started across the valley, began its advance toward the objective on the extreme left of the attacking line.

Captain Breckinridge established his Battalion P. C. on the slope south of Ville Savoye. At 8: 30 A.M., orders came from Colonel Prescott putting Major Chinner in command of the operation. Lieutenant-Colonel Smith came up to the P. C. to take supervision of the entire outpost zone, including both battalions. Major Chinner and Captain Breckinridge then went down to the river to direct the attack personally. There were many casualties from machine gun fire and whizzbang barrages, which raked the marshes along the river. Fighting continued all day. By nightfall practically all of the ground had been regained and our outpost line was nearly back in its original position. More than one hundred casualties had been cared for in the dressing station at the cave. Carrying the wounded to this point under direct observation from the enemy provided a difficult task, and it was while acting as stretcher bearers that several of the finest soldiers in the Battalion were wounded. Lieutenant Feldman, Medical Officer in charge at the cave, was much handicapped by lack of bandages and dressings. After dark, ambulances ran up from Mont St. Martin to fetch the severely wounded.

During the night, the line was pushed still further across the railroad. Combat troops were stationed in the direction of the crossroads, and also in the direction of Chateau du Diable and the northerly and westerly borders of the woods in which the Chateau was situated. The left flank was sharply refused and combat groups were established, commanding the railroad and railroad cut. Through the next two days, the 24th and 25th, the position was held while the troops along the river were subjected to constant surveillance from German aeroplanes and to heavy shell fire. The Battalion P. C. caught some terrific barrages which brought casualties among the runners and signal men. Details for ammunition had of course to cross the open fields to Mont St. Martin. Emergency rations were brought up on the afternoon of the 24th and rushed down to the companies at the forward outpost line. The combination of coffee and canned heat was comforting. Father Halligan and a detail of three men succeeded after several attempts in getting the bodies of Captain Brooks and the others away from the mouth of the cave, and buried them in the side of the hill.

Officers of the 2nd Battalion, 307th Infantry, made a reconnaissance on the 25th, and that night this Battalion marched forward from the Red Line to relieve us. Just as this was being done, an artillery barrage on the slope where the Battalion P. C. was situated, caused the death of three officers and several men of the incoming troops.

At the same time there occurred a heavy thunder shower, and in certain cases, men confused by the claps of thunder and flashes of lightning failed to take cover when shells burst near them.

The 1st Battalion now marched back to the Bois de Pissotte. The command was just beginning to enjoy its first freedom from shell fire, in two weeks, and had devoted some three or four hours to washing and sleeping, when by Regimental Order, it was moved out at an hour's notice to bivouac in the woods near Sergy.

In the preceding pages of this chapter, the attempt has been made to give in comparatively bare narrative form the succession of events, which befell the 308th Infantry while dug in on the Vesle Sector from the 12th to the 25th of August. I do not think that the facts of the situation and the moral to be derived from it could be better stated than in these words of Captain Lewis:

From a tactical point of view, the campaign fought on the Vesle suffers from comparison with the Chateau-Thierry advance which began in July, with the subsequent advance to the Aisne which removed our troops from the valley of the Vesle on September 4th, and with the gigantic operation of driving the Germans from the Forest of Argonne during the four weeks which followed September 26th., Operations along the Vesle from August 4th to Labor Day were not coordinated in the steady forward progress of an offensive; neither is it correct to say that our troops were on the defensive during this period. . . .

As boxers with hands tied behind their backs, absorbing punishment from the fists of their opponents, the battalions on the Vesle had to take over and hold by mere force of physical occupancy positions taken from the Germans, when the Chateau-Thierry drive lost its initial momentum and came to a standstill in the face of determined opposition. They could neither advance nor fall back to improve their positions. The orders were to stick right there. And they obeyed orders and stuck. To anyone who is at all familiar with military fundamentals, it is evident that such a predicament constitutes the most severe and nerve-wracking test for recruit divi-sions made up of troops freshly arrived from the so-called quiet sectors.

Herein is the significance of the Vesle. It brought raw troops up to a full stop as they cracked their helmets against the real thing-modem warfare. Its waters figuratively seethed in a great test tube from which untried troops were cast forth three weeks later, a bit dazed and exhausted, but with their mettle tempered and their morale strengthened. The fibre of the heroic American stuff which stood the final acid test in the Argonne was toughened by subjection to terrible stress on the Vesle. For the first time, weary officers and men realized the relationship between making good and what the British Sergeant-Major in the bayonet class had called "guts." For the first time they were impressed with the violence of artillery warfare with its high explosive shells and its gas shells so effective in rendering a command ineffective, For the first time it was brought home to puzzled minds under mud-stained helmets that fighting the Huns, instead of mean-ing what Tommy Atkins always called a " Push, "-an advance which carried one forward almost automatically in the splen-did impetus of attack,-might mean, and in more instances did mean, existing for days and nights like human prairie dogs; groveling in funk holes which threatened to cave in from the concussion of each recurring shell burst; suffering casualties and being cruelly punished by an unseen enemy five miles away. . . .

On the map it (the Vesle River) is a narrow, crinkly double line, less impressive than the broad black line with red dots to mark the national highway north of it. On the ground . . . it is a muddy, snake-like stream- with varying depth . . . winding slowly a tortuous course through a country that had been wooded before the combined destruction poured forth from Allied and Teuton artillery reduced the trees to sterile gaunt trunks devoid of foliage. In the memory of the men who lived as rabbits in the huge warren which the slopes south of its valley concealed, the Vesle means something more than a river. There they underwent their baptism of fire.

They approached its banks as recruit divisions. A month later these same troops were chosen as veteran divisions to participate in the drive through the Argonne. They had arrived. At the very time of discouragement when they feared that they were being shattered as fighting units, they were, although they did not guess it, finding themselves.'

For those who were present in the period described the actual conditions will be supplied by memory; for others who have not had the experience of similar campaigns, it would be difficult to reproduce them. If Lorraine was a sleepy old lion, who only rarely woke to stretch his claws, the Vesle was some sort of a monster hell-cat which scarcely for a moment ceased to spit and scratch, and whose very breath was death. Hidden in its marshy den, choked with wire and heavy with the stench of the bodies of its earlier victims, the still unburied horses and men, this monster lay at bay; and even the satisfaction of attacking it was denied. It deserved the name universally and affectionately bestowed by the members of the 308th: The Hell Hole of the Vesle.

Perhaps the most significant feature, and certainly one of the most trying, was the shelling. One never knew when this might begin. Other things being equal, it was most likely to occur when the danger from it was greatest, as on the occasion of making reliefs. Once in a funk hole, all danger was removed except that of a direct hit, but there were a number of these, when, of course, the shallow hole in the ground afforded no protection whatever. Ration parties like reliefs suffered particularly from the storm of death which might at any moment burst from a perfectly quiet sky. On the front line the whizzbangs were much in evidence with their particularly loud and shattering detonations. At times troops or individuals became the target for direct fire from 77's, an experience calculated to make the victim feel especially helpless. Incidentally, I imagine that most individuals found shelling much harder to bear when alone than in company with others.

In the shelling both high explosives and gas were employed, but the latter claimed the more victims. Indeed the ever increasing menace and presence of gas was in a way more hateful than the high explosive itself. The gas employed in the barrage of June 22nd, at Badonviller, was mostly chlorine and phosgene, the latter a vile and sweetish stench. On the Vesle, we began also to learn the smell as of rare, ripe onions which distinguished mustard gas. Characteristic of the latter was its comparatively slow action. Men who were unaware that they had been exposed might hours later develop severe burns. Against mustard gas masks, except for the protection of eyes and lungs, were of course useless. Walking through the woods, one might at any moment sniff the presence of this invisible and sinister thing, since little pools of it remained for days in cool damp spots. In the actual valley of the Vesle it lay like an unseen but deadly lake of death, beneath which the silent dwellings of the wretched little town of Ville Savoye stood constantly submerged.

A particularly depressing feature was the smell of the unburied bodies of horses and men, the latter for the most part, former members of the 4th Division. A pleasanter heritage from the same source came in the large amount of discarded equipment and supplies at the front. The tins containing coffee proved particularly welcome. The bodies mentioned attracted innumerable flies, which would settle on anything to eat and collect in vast numbers in the larger funk-holes, cellars, and caves. When disturbed the sound of their buzzing became remarkable. There was considerable dysentery, though, so far as I know, not of a virulent type. The water was doubtless accountable for this, and the flies helped to spread it. The sense of weakness and general wretchedness always produced by this complaint was not accentuated by the constant presence of danger for one's self and one's fellows. To watch the daily tragedy purged the beholder with pity and terror as well as with dysentery. A very real trial for many of the officers lay in their sense of heavy responsibility. The lives of men constantly de-pended on their judgment, and their judgment was necessarily so often faulty. The disposal of a platoon in one position instead of another more wisely chosen a few hundred yards away might result in the loss of numerous lives. And even if you went back wounded to safer regions, this heavy sense of responsibility was not left behind; for in your dreams it was still with you- only more confused, importunate, and unappeased than when you had felt it in waking hours.

In the conditions described, men lived on day after day in a life which for the most part curiously combined exposure to danger with enforced inactivity, for No Man's Land, the unknown country beyond the Vesle, could not be patroled as in Lorraine. Therefore it assumed a still more mysterious and sinister character. One watched the signals which constantly went up by night and vaguely wondered what they meant. Generally the familiar old three green stars dropped slowly down, but at times all sorts of new ones, portentous and vari-colored flares and rockets, went popping along the horizon. At other times, the ominous glare of great unknown fires7-supposedly enemy ammunition dumps set on fire by our own artillery or purposely destroyed before retirement-brightened the whole sky.

The constant warning at all times was " Don't expose yourself," and thus long periods were spent doing nothing at all, lying the while in the funk-holes of white clay (which got into everything including your hair) waiting for something to happen. With relief expected, the time of its arrival became the one inevitable subject of conversation. Hope deferred made the heartsick. When men, long exposed to such a period of strain, fought as did the 3rd Battalion later near the Aisne, it meant real staying power. Conditions on the Vesle were bad, but not bad enough to break the spirit of officers and men of the 308th.

7

The last two sections of this chapter will be devoted to the time which elapsed before the Division left the Vesle Sector, and in which the advance was made toward the Aisne River. A brief respite came to the Regiment ,at the end of August, when a few days were passed in rest positions back in the Bois de Pisotte and in the Bois d' Anicet near Sergy. Yet even this too was a busy time, filled with much issue of equipment, drill and trench digging. At this time only eleven line officers were left for duty. On August 29th, the 2nd Battalion was sent forward to the support position on the Old Red Line, in the woods south of Mont St. Martin. Business was as usual; that conditions continued much the same was evidenced by the fact that the kitchen of Company B soon received an almost direct hit, and that during a particularly severe barrage on the morning of the 2nd, another direct hit killed three privates of that company, Asselle, Frost, and Weiner. The three bodies blown out of the funk-hole were scarcely recognizable.

Nevertheless, there was something new in the air besides shells and gas, and that was increasing rumors of the enemy's withdrawal. The 2nd Battalion meanwhile took the front line and the 1st the support position, and then, after more hard shelling on September 3rd, the news came at last that the Germans were actually in retreat! American observation balloons were out in number to observe the event, and soon Captain Harrington, now in command of the 3rd Battalion back on the Blue Line, had received orders to follow in pursuit at once. Late in the afternoon of the 4th, the troops halted in the Bois de Faux on the St. Thibaut-Bazoches road to receive an issue of iron rations and ammunition. Toward evening, the Battalion passed through Ville Savoye and thence across the swamps and the Vesle River, and so through the old position on the railroad track.- All was silent now. Crossing what had so long been the mysterious and deadly No Man's Land, the troops saw ample evidence of the fight of August 22nd. Right up the hills on the north side of the Vesle from which the German batteries had so long been firing, they went without opposition.

Darkness fell and the companies were ordered to dig in, some of them on the old battleground itself. These orders had scarcely been carried out before word came to fall in again on the Soissons-Rheims road. Here packs were abandoned and the Battalion set out in skirmish formation in a blinding thunderstorm. Still without opposition, they marched all night, resting at dawn for two hours. After a short distance had been covered, the sound of shelling was heard toward the right in the direction of Blanzy-les-Fismes. The barbed wire entanglements of the old German support lines were now reached, and the troops continued on the road connecting Blanzy with Fismes. Leaving this, they crossed the railroad until they reached the brink of a steep valley. Here the Battalion, formed in two waves with companies L and M in front, followed by I and K, and with Battalion Headquarters between the line, and proceeded down the cliff. The first wave, slipping and clambering slowly from rock to rock, had reached the bottom and had begun the upward ascent when they were met with fire from unseen machine guns. In the words of one observer present, "the first line began to fade." Sergeant Rappolt of M Company was killed, and there were a number of other casualties. It was a rough and disorganizing experience. Those who were not hit dropped to the ground, and the second wave which had not yet finished the descent, was ordered back to the top of the slope to be joined immediately by the first. A number of men were lost as prisoners following this repulse. Soon two German aeroplanes appeared, and their red flares were promptly acknowledged by the enemy artillery, which poured an intense fire into the ranks of the Battalion, now holding a position on the sunken road and on the railroad which had been crossed a short time before. For several hours this artillery fire, of all sizes, as well as the fire from the machine gun nests, prevented any forward movement. Rations, however, were brought from Blanzy and Companies L and M, after being fed and reorganized, were sent forward to attack, leaving I and K in support positions. Meanwhile a personal reconnaissance by Major McNeill, now commanding the Battalion, Lieutenant Robinson, and one of the sergeants proved that the enemy had withdrawn from Serval. The enemy artillery had by this time ceased, and the troops on the left and right of the 3rd Battalion had begun to advance. The 307th Infantry on the right was engaged with the enemy south of Merval; the 306th on the left, south of Barbonval.

The 3rd Battalion now pushed through the gap which had been located in the enemy's line, and followed the trail running north from Serval through the wooded draw. "Lieutenants McDougall and Robinson led the advance party in the darkness. The men were so tired that when we had to halt for a few minutes to reconnoiter the road, more than half would fall asleep and had to be kicked to awaken them." On reaching the broad road running into Merval, the enemy's flares and Very lights first showed his presence, and kept the terrain so well illuminated that the troops could advance only about five yards at a time. Despite precaution, the troops were observed, and a number of casualties resulted from the shelling which followed. At Serval bombing planes tried to locate the column, but only succeeded in setting the village on fire. After a few minutes halt to deceive the aviators, the advance began again, only to meet machine gun fire which held it up for an hour or two while the Germans again withdrew.

Finally the Battalion, after leaving a pair of relay runners at each road fork, reached its objective on the Red Line, and Lieutenant Robinson was sent back with the news to Regimental Headquarters. The men were moved into the shelter of the woods, outposts established, and the rest allowed to go to sleep. At this time the enemy was on all sides of the Battalion, but unaware of the fact. A reconnaissance was made of the town of

Villers-en-Prayeres still in the hands of the Germans.

This was about 2 A.M., at which time "the artillery fire was so heavy from both sides that the whole sky seemed filled with screaming projectiles, all passing far above us." At dawn the Battalion occupied a wooded hill called la

Butte de Bourmont and prepared for defense; the 308th Infantry was the only regiment which had then reached

its objective on the Red Line, now about eight kilometers beyond the Vesle.

8

On the Butte de Bourmont the 3rd Battalion was destined to remain for ten memorable and trying days. It was under fire on nearly three sides. For two or three days the food and water situation was critical, and at first the men drank from puddles and had practically nothing to eat. There was considerable diarrhea in more or less severe form. However things improved greatly under the energetic handling of Captain James A. Roosevelt, recently appointed Regimental Supply Officer, who like Captain Frank Weld, now Regimental Adjutant, was an old friend of many officers of the Regiment. Captain Roosevelt came up personally to find out what was needed and pushed forward supplies and kitchen. Probably American griddle cakes and German front line trenches never came closer together than at the Butte. During this period there was constant sniping from the Germans, and from this cause alone not less than twenty men were lost. The I53rd Brigade attacking on our left were the first troops to come abreast of us. After severe fighting they gained a footing in the southern edge of Villers-en-Prayeres. The 307th Infantry, attacking in conjunction with the French on the right, captured Merval and advanced to the vicinity of St. Pierre farm about September 8th.

At dusk of the 8th, the 307th at our right was ordered to take Revillon, and the 3rd Battalion of the 3o8th to advance in unison and cover their left flank. At the appointed hour Company L, under Lieutenant Burns on the right, and Company I, under Lieutenant Taylor on the left, advanced. K was in support and M in reserve on the Butte de Bourmont. Lieutenant McDougall led a combat patrol covering the left flank. The advance of the companies drew the concentrated fire of the enemy machine guns before it had progressed two hundred yards.

The men kept a good line and apparently it was a surprise to the enemy for not a shot was fired except from one lone tree, in which a sniper was posted. He is now resting in peace. It was rapidly getting dark and after crossing two lines of enemy wire, our first wave suddenly disappeared in a trench which proved to be the enemy front line. Flares were coming up in all directions and machine guns were firing over our heads.

Hearing that a prisoner had been taken, Lieutenant Taylor went to investigate, taking with him Sergeant Quinn and Private Wolf. "The trench was about three feet deep and two feet wide. The German was sitting in the bottom with his captor standing over him with a fixed bayonet." Through the aid of a man who could speak German, Lieutenant Taylor inquired how many machine guns were out in front. Just as the German was about to reply there came a blinding explosion, and then Taylor saw nothing for a little while. Sergeant Quinn, nearby, observed everything by the light of an enemy flare. A comrade of the prisoner had come up a communicating trench, leading back to the support line. When he heard the prisoner questioned, he placed a hand grenade in the latter's lap and pulled the string. The prisoner was severely wounded and the interpreter lost part of his foot. "Lieutenant Taylor who was leaning over the prisoner was hit near the temple by a small fragment of the zinc covering of the bomb, but it was trifling. " At any rate, the man who ought to have known best says so. He refused medical attention and kept the field, supervising the consolidation of the position. Sergeant Quinn saw the German who had come up the support trench now attempting to return the same way, and shot him with his automatic. The prisoner later proved to be a Prussian Guard machine gunner.

Meanwhile Lieutenant Burns, with the aid of a wire cutting detachment of the Pioneer Platoon, advanced to a position near the St. Pierre farm road. Lieutenant McDougall's patrol had run into a machine gun nest, which was enfilading our left. Most of the crew was killed and the gun silenced. Since, however, the advance of the troops on the right had not sufficiently warranted the occupation of the positions taken, the companies were, after suffering several casualties, withdrawn back to their position on the Butte de Bourmont by Regimental Order. Next morning the operations for the attack on Revillon were to be repeated. The Germans, however, now showed themselves on the alert and observed the movements of our men, under cover of the woods on the east side of the Butte. They put down a heavy artillery fire of one pounders and Austrian 88's. Among the casualties resulting was the death of Lieutenant Gallagan, which left Company H with no officer. No advance was made this day.

Before Captains Miles and Breckinridge took command of Companies M and I respectively on the 11th, there was no captain attached to the Battalion. Companies I, K, L, and M were respectively commanded.by Lieutenant Taylor, Sergeant Robb, Lieutenant Burns, and Lieutenant Angier. Most of the time there was not more than one officer to a company. Major McNeill writes:

Many thrilling incidents occurred during this period. The enemy artillery, machine guns, and snipers were active and our patrols operated constantly in No Man's Land. A runner whose name I do not recall was sent by me with a message to the Battalion of the 307th Infantry on our right. He ran into a German patrol and was surprised and captured. Remembering instructions received during training, he swallowed the message. While being taken to the rear by his captors there came a lucky moment when only one guard was with him. The American knocked him down with his fist, finished him with his own rifle, and made his way back to the Battalion Headquarters.

An event which did much to raise flagging spirits at the Butte de Bourmont was the capture of two prisoners by a patrol of Lieutenant Conn. The General had requested that the Battalion should obtain information in this way. On the night of the 11th, Major McNeill called for volunteers to lead patrols. Three of the Company Commanders volunteered and took out patrols. Lieutenant Conn's party included Sergeant Quinn, Private Wolf, and two other privates of Company I whose names are unfortunately lost.

This is how Conn tells it:

My patrol was sent out on the extreme left flank of our position, that being the flank with which I was most familiar. Major McNeill even told us to supply ourselves with hard tack, in order not to be without food, in case we were obliged to spend the following day within the German lines. This detail did not appeal to me very much. After advancing to a point which we knew to be in front of our outposts, we all went flat on our stomachs, and began a long and arduous crawl towards the German lines. I knew that not very far ahead of us, we would find a shallow trench, which showed on our maps, and this was my objective. Needless to say owing to the delay caused by our manner of travel, we constantly thought that we were considerably more in advance of our lines than was actually the case, and to our imagination every blade of grass and small bush assumed gigantic proportions. We finally reached the trench, however, which was about knee deep, and from there on our advance was considerably more rapid. This trench was laid out in a zig-zag line, and our method of procedure was to advance cautiously to a comer, peer carefully around it, and then proceed to the next corner. Barbed wire entanglements crossed this trench in two places, but did not descend into it, so that we were able to crawl under it without much trouble. After five or six centuries elapsed, we were rewarded with the sound of voices, and upon reaching the next corner, I saw two sentries with their hands in their pockets, talking about home and mother. I motioned to the men with me to come up, and whispered to them that Sergeant Quinn, who was immediately behind me, and I would each grab a man, that the two following men would follow us and help to hold the prisoners, while the fifth man was to keep his eye on the German lines to warn us of any attack from that quarter. The prisoners put up a very mild resistance, but were inclined to talk, which was not very helpful; I succeeded in silencing the most talkative one by putting the muzzle of my automatic in his mouth and saying "Come on," which he probably thought was "Kommen." We then jumped out of the trench and started for Battalion Headquarters, making a bee-line for Butte de Bourmont, which stood up very prominently on the horizon.

We. had forgotten all about the two belts of barbed wire we had been. obliged to crawl under while in the trench. I remember that I was holding one of the prisoners with my left hand and my automatic in my right hand. The prisoner had just been telling me about his wife and three children in Ger-many, and as I was replying that I had a wife and six children in America, we bumped into the first belt of wire, causing my gun to go off accidentally, which frightened the prisoners very successfully. Of course things had long since ceased to be quiet in the German lines, and we received a shower of rifle grenades, Very lights, and rifle fire. As each light would go up, the prisoners (being very well trained) would start to lie down, but as we had no time to lose, we requested them to keep moving. Some of the rifle shots were too close for comfort, and we were all amused afterwards at the Germans calling their own men pigs for shooting at us. Whereas the trip out had consumed all of two hours, the return trip was accomplished in about ten minutes, proving to us that we had not gone so far after all.

On September 14th, came the final attempt by troops of the 77th Division to advance the line on the right and to take Revillon. At dawn our machine gun barrage screamed overhead with peculiar and prolonged intensity. Then all day long the Battalion lay in the quarry to the east of the Butte or in the marshy woods (le Marais Minard) still further beyond-a day of prolonged waiting marked by enemy shelling and sniping that brought several casualties. At last, late in the afternoon, M Company of the 308th and C of the 30th went forward from the woods into the open, and since they had nothing with which to cut the wire, stepped over it. Captain Miles was severely wounded. Lieutenant Angier was killed, as well as Sergeant Leonard and among the men Brigge-man , Scott, Gladstone, and Beligon. There were also a number of wounded. Revillon remained untaken about a half a kilometer to the north, but we did take a little eighteen inch deep trench by the side of the sunken St. Pierre-Revillon road, as well as three machine guns. To have had the opportunity to lead men who, after such a long and trying experience at the front, were ready to advance so gallantly across wire and under fire into an entirely coverless open, was indeed a privilege for which any man might be grateful as long as he lived. Sergeant Norwat (later killed in the Argonne) particularly distinguished himself in this attack. Observing a concealed machine gun, which caused heavy loss to the advancing line, he went ahead of the company with a chauchat and single-handed silenced the gun, and captured the gunner. To Norwat now passed the command of M Company which was left without officers.

Lieutenant McDougall now came up and took command of the left flank, which was very much exposed to enfilade fire from enemy machine guns. Lieutenant Taylor commanded the middle sector and Lieutenant Miller of the 307th the right flank. All through the 15th the position was heavily shelled, "and no man could move from that straight-jacket trench. We had no shovels so could not dig deeper." Late in the afternoon an Italian officer arrived to look over the position preparatory to bringing relief that night. Lieutenant Taylor was ordered back to Battalion Headquarters to make the relief. A little later just after dark the Germans made a carefully planned counter attack following an artillery barrage. Although Lieutenant McDougall, armed with a chauchat rifle, checked the attack for a time on the left and killed the German Commander, nevertheless the Americans were forced out of the trenches. Lieutenant Miller of the 307th Infantry was killed in this attack, although his body was never found. Finally the position was 'again retaken by the Americans who rallied under Sergeant Norwat, drove out the Germans for the last time, and took the machine guns which they left.

At 2 A.M. on the morning of the 16th, troops of the Italian Infantry of the 8th Division, the Brescia Brigade of Garibaldi's Division, completed the relief. The Battalion spent the 16th in position on the Butte de Bourmont under a heavy barrage which had been drawn down by the appearance of the Italians. At 7:30 P.M. of the same day the men started back. The Battalion diary observes: "Marched all night. Lorries, which had been promised, did not arrive. Men very tired and weak from lack of food and nervous tension undergone in the line. Hiked twenty-four kilos to St. Giles where men went to sleep 4 A.M. of the 17th." Then the march started again after three hours sleep, and Vezilly was reached at 10 o'clock that morning.

At Vezilly men got their long delayed opportunity for cleaning up by washing in the streams. Now, too, there was a chance to eat without the accompaniment of shell fire, and to draw much needed equipment. Again at 8 o'clock that evening, the Battalion started in the rain by motor busses to reach Noirlieu at 10 on the morning of the 18th. Here the troops were billeted, and spent the next day cleaning up and resting. At 2 A.M., on the 20th, began a march of twenty-two kilos, which ended near Verrieres, where they bivouacked all day in the Argonne woods. At evening, another march-but only of three hours this time-brought them at 10:30 to Florent.

By generally similar routes of travel-that of the 2nd Battalion leading through Chalons, Bar-le-Duc, Chemin-Ordinare, and St. Menehould-the other battalions reached Florent. It was from this city that after two days, the whole Regiment went forward to the front line, of the Argonne.

CHAPTER V1

The Argonne

I

REFERENCE has been made to the individual soldier's ignorance of the War beyond his immediate observation. Nevertheless the army was an enormous and elaborate piece of machinery in which even the humblest private was a cog-wheel fitted to some larger unit than himself, in turn fitted to a still larger unit, and so on, with the result that each part of the vast machine was related to all the rest. Therefore it is possible to look at any military operation, such as that of the Argonne-Meuse Offensive, from a number of points of view. This action, lasting from September 26th to November 11th, might thus be regarded as a part of the vast operations along the whole Western Front. Then proceeding downward in order of importance of the component parts, one great individual wheel would be the American Forces as a whole. Then in turn, one could proceed to the 1st American Army which constituted the attacking force on the Argonne-Meuse Front, then in turn to the 1st Corps, and to the 77th Division, which made a part of this Corps, and so on down through brigade, regiment, battalion, company, platoon, and squad to the individual private.

First then, what was the situation of the Western Front as a whole at the time that the 308th Infantry marched back from the sector described in the last chapter? By the beginning of September, General Foch had decided that the great-unified attack by the forces of the Allies and the United States should begin. In the north, this was to be made by the British; in the center, by the French; and to the south an American army was for the first time to attack as an independent unit on a large sector. In this great attack upon the Hindenburg Line, which was to end the War, it was the part of General Pershing, after the reduction of the St. Mihiel salient on September 12th, to push north towards Sedan and to cut the German communications, the railroad line running southeast from Maubeuge to Metz. At the time of the attack, the American army consisted of three army corps, each containing three divisions. The 1st Army Corps, on the left of the American Forces, contained in order from left to right the 77th, 28th, and 35th Divisions. To the left of the 77th were the French under General Gouraud. Finally the position of the 308th, at the beginning of the attack on September 26th, was next to the French, that is to say, on the extreme left of all the American forces.

An historian of the War has thus pictured the situation on the Western Front: "Actually Foch will use Pershing for his right hand and Haig for his left, while Petain's force will furnish the kick, the savate permissible in French boxing." Since the 77th was given the honor of holding the left flank of the American Forces, and the 308th held the left flank of the 77th, we might consider the Regiment as the thumb of Foch's right hand-under-standing of course the hand held back up and clenched into a fighting fist.

The same authority speaks of the Argonne-Meuse advance as follows:

No battle area on the Western Front is more difficult to describe than the Argonne-Meuse sector. The Argonne itself, with its densely wooded regions, recalls vividly the circumstances of the Wilderness campaign in the Civil War, and the country over which the New York division advanced would have awakened many memories in the minds of the veterans of Grant and Lee. The area between the Aire and the Meuse, with its high and wooded hills and its deep and marshy valleys, bounded on the east by the Meuse, strikingly recalls that country where Gates's army first halted, then broke and captured Burgoyne's army in the campaign which led to the surrender at Saratoga. And in this region between the Aire and the Meuse there is much which recalls the woods and hills of eastern Massachusetts and the points of cover from which the "Minute Men" assailed the British Redcoats on their retreat from Concord and Lexington on April 19, 1775.

In advancing from south to north, Pershing's army moved through a corridor rather more than twenty miles wide at the start and narrowing as the Meuse inclined westward to a point which was exactly at Donchery, where, in the Chateau de Bellevue, Napoleon III capitulated in 1870 after the disaster at Sedan. In this corridor the American difficulties were these: from the west they were assailed by a flank fire delivered by the Germans from the heights and forests of the Argonne which were impregnable to direct attack; a similar fire was delivered from the east, from the heights of the Meuse on the right bank of that stream; in front they were faced by an enemy posted in an indescribable tangle of wooded hills, marshy bottoms, and deep ravines.

The last words quoted will probably strike some of those who fought in the forest as scarcely doing sufficient justice to the difficulty of the terrain. It was rather a jungle than a forest, with heavy undergrowth, high coarse snake grass, deep ravines, and old trenches and wire everywhere. Rainsford's picture is admirable:

A bleak, cruel country of white clay and rock and blasted skeletons of trees, gashed into innumerable trenches, and seared with rusted acres of wire, rising steeply into claw-like ridges and descending into haunted ravines, white as leprosy in the midst of that green forest, a country that had died long ago, and in pain.

So much for the general situation when the time approached for our Regiment to play its part in the greatest battle in which Americans have ever participated.

After the relief in the Vesle Sector in the middle of September, there was, of course, much talk of possible orders to a rest area. This time the rumor certainly seemed justified. With the exception of ten days required for the journey by train and camion from Lorraine to the Vesle, the 308th had been continually in the front line from June 20th until September 15th. Casualties and illness had played havoc with the daily strength reports. Now the Personnel Adjutant had an opportunity to check up numbers without the interruption of shellfire. He found that the Regiment needed twelve hundred and fifty enlisted replacements, and that many of the companies were reduced to one commissioned officer. The men who remained were considerably tired out, and more than ready to believe the rest area rumors. These, however, were to be rudely dashed, when the Regiment was ordered to the woody slopes between St. Menehould and the southern edge of the Argonne Forest.

2

Since the present writer was to take no part in the events which follow, and is obliged to rest entirely upon the testimony of others, he has decided to employ in this part of the history considerable quotation from some informal notes later furnished him by Lieutenant Colonel Whittlesey. No apology seems needed for the personal tone used, though it must of course be understood that the notes were written with no thought that they would be published as they stand.

When you were wounded [his notes begin] I was in charge of the Brigade Reserve about three kilos south of you. We were on the reverse slope of a hill south of Blanzy. The Reserve was the 1st Battalion and a detachment of machine guns, (305th, I think) plus our own machine gun company. First, we were ordered to relieve the 3rd Battalion, but after making the reconnaissance for the relief with the Captains- Whiting, Lewis, Schenck, Knight,-we were held for an attack, which it was expected we would take part in along the plateau east of Revillon, commanding the Aisne. We moved our position northeast on the high land along the road leading to Merval. There we were grouped with the 307th-a battalion under Blagden-but we only stayed there a day or two, and before the attack came off our Division was ordered out for the concentration of the Argonne.

The 308th was ordered to march out and camp at a spot 15 kilos or so south of Fismes-named Vezilly, I think. We were supposed to start about midnight when the relief was complete. But during the afternoon, two Italian battalions sent up officers and they squabbled with each other as to which was going to make the relief. I hurried off to Regimental Headquarters of the 307th, (our own Headquarters had gone south) to get the news straightened out; but to my horror, when it came night up pops both of the Wop battalions, -and such a milling around in the dark! So finally I sent off my battalion and kept a dozen men (runners, etc.,) with me-stuck one Italian battalion in place, and spent the rest of the night trying to lodge the other. It was a pretty discouraged Wop commander, when we finally had to go away.'

So along about 5 A.M., these dozen runners and I started off on our hike south of twenty kilos or so. The Germans were shelling Fismes in a desultory way as we passed through. All I remember of it is the flimsy plank bridge-two planks wide-across the Vesle in the center of the town, and an estaminet with the roof knocked off, but a good sign saying "Open for Business." My brother who drove a camion for the French, the summer before, used to drive through Fismes -which was well in the rear then-and says he remembers this good inn and its wine. Their trucks used to go across Villers le-Prayeres (the Aisne) where you were, and up to the Chemin des Dames.

South of Fismes we came to a balloon station, then cool woods, and we slept for a couple of hours. Then up-and it was hot as hell on the road-and we kept on hiking over those endless hills through that hot day till about mid-afternoon, when we found the 308th.

It was in a fine rolling meadow country near a tiny town and we had the bliss of getting up pup tents and really sleeping like Christians, and getting clean. . . .

Dear old Lieutenant Colonel Smith had bought a lot of grape marmalade at his own risk, which he was selling to the men at cost. So there were some bright spots.

We were there maybe a day-perhaps two-then at night they stuck us in busses-aimed God knows where. Kept on going all night-lovely moonlight. I remember passing through Epernay at three or four A.M. and how beautiful the city looked with its high walls and gardens behind. Also there was a Frenchman that could get hot coffee off the radiator of his camion-which helped. It was fixed so you drew it off through a rubber tube-pretty fine.

The trip was mostly along those gorgeous Roman roads-planes and poplars. It was day when we debussed. Each Battalion was in a separate village, about 15 kilos south of St. Menehould (just south of where we were to start in the Argonne). My recollection-which is bad-is that our towns were Epense, Dampierre, and Dommartin., Anyhow it was one day of fair peace. Bob Hass got rabbits for dinner in one house,-and duck in another. The woman of the, house who gave us the good duck dinner said the Germans had been through the village in the first year of the war, and had been very quiet and decent.

Ken Budd joined us that day' back from the hospital. It was a jolt to him to see what - had been doing to every one's spirits. But good old Lieutenant Colonel Smith was easing off things as usual. . . .

Then just as every one got to bed-having been in busses all the night before-there came the usual order to get them all up again and hike to a place on the edge of the forest four or five kilos south of St. Menehould. It was drizzling rain with the roads up to your ankles in mud-for we weren't permitted the highway. So we hiked all night, very tired, and got into the edge of the wood a little after day. They were nasty wet woods, but we could get up the pup tents, and it wasn't so bad. . . . It must have been Sunday, for I remember the Padre and our Episcopal chaplain had services in a pleasant hollow.

Maybe we were a day or two days there. Then we had a night hike north to Florent, and believe me it was a hike. Tremendous number of stragglers from some of the other regiments. All night we were passing the French coming out, lazying along in groups of three or four in their sensible way, while we had to keep the column closed up in our prison formality.

You know all about Florent-it was later Division Headquarters-how the presence of the Americans in the area was supposed to be unknown to the Boche-so that neither officer nor man could set foot in the streets by day-and this a good 10 kilos behind the line! So the men were packed in barns like sardines, and had to pay Frenchmen to bring them water and soup and cigarettes. Every one pretty ugly. . . . We battalion commanders had to go to the jug at night and account for each of our victims.

They made me do a reconnaissance of our jumping off place in the line. They gave us French helmets and overcoats-Whiting, Schenck, Lewis and me-and we hiked the ten kilos north to the trenches. You should have seen the Frenchmen laugh when we passed-for, all the overcoats were the same size-and on Ed Lewis and me they did not look just alike-that was fun anyhow. And you should have seen the place the French were holding! At Harazee: it was on the north slope up from a little river. We went down the long decline to the bottom of the valley, and across the river through just the tiniest remains of a town that looked as though it had been destroyed in the middle ages. The trench system seemed as though it was a relic from some earlier war. One French company was holding what a regiment had held three years before. Stabilized warfare they called it. And there were whole systems of mossy caved-in trenches, with wonderful plank construction dugouts that made my mouth water. But we never got a chance at them in the end. Every man could have had an apartment to himself.

After the reconnaissance we hiked at night to a camp2 in the woods about half way up to the trenches. Here there were barracks and it wasn't so bad [Whittlesey's notes conclude on this phase], except that to keep us busy-now the men had their first chance to stretch-they made us dig at some silly trenches, that never would or could see war.

3

On the afternoon of September 25th, Field Officers and Company Commanders of the 77th Division learned what was about to happen. Assembled at the Division Headquarters dugout in the Bois des Petits Batis, north of Croix Gentin, they heard General Alexander outline the plan for the advance which was to be I shared with all the allied troops "from Switzerland to the North Sea." It was explained that the success depended upon the leadership of the officers-that the valor of the men was unquestioned. Yet on the last two days before the attack, the 308th Infantry received about twelve hundred and fifty replacements. Their lack of training was as unquestioned as their valor. They were fine material -largely Westerners of the 40th or 41st Divisions from Iowa, Idaho, Arizona, and California-but entirely un-broke to the matter of war. Some had been less than a month in France; some had been in the service about forty days, most of which they had spent in travel. Company I, which may be regarded as typical, had only about seventy men left after the Vesle, and it received one hundred and ten of these replacements.

Many of the new men had no reserve rations and there was no way to get them. Men took the jump-off into the Argonne battle who did not know how to use a hand grenade or to work the magazines of their rifles.

And they issued us bombs [says Whittlesey], and at the last second, after dark of the night when we were to pull out-with no candles available and every one set to go- they tried to issue some new-fangled rifle grenade affair -very complicated with a tail.

And there was also issued Training Memorandum No. 1, dated September 21st; "Questions For A Battalion Commander To Ask Himself Prior To Taking Over And While Occupying A Portion Of The Front Line." There were only thirty-three of these questions-but one of them had six subdivisions. They were of a soul-searching nature, suggestive of an almost morbidly meticulous introspection. Somehow they sounded a little like Thomas A Kempis-though perhaps without all of the common sense which is the mark of the genuine mystic. Perhaps some of these questions may have been rather grimly recalled a week later,-such for example as No. 23: "What is the condition of the enemy wire and of our own wire? In connection with our own wire are the routes of egress known to all for use in patrolling, etc.?" There was a similar devotional manual for the lower in rank: "Questions A Platoon Leader Should Ask Himself On Taking Over A Trench And At Frequent Intervals Thereafter." It was apparently supposed that the troops would be in action for only a: day or two, and in accordance with the Divisional Orders, all shelter halfs, blankets, overcoats, and rain coats were bundled up and left behind.

As the twilight of the 25th deepened, orders reached the 1st and 2nd Battalions to move from their rest positions in the woods which they had been holding for the last two days, to the caves along the road at La Harazee, and thence to the take-off in the trenches to the north. The woods were horribly muddy. Three machine gun men are said to have broken their legs slipping off the duck board in the darkness. Finally the troops hiked by road to the front line trenches and got placed there by 3 or 4 A.M. In the bitter cold of the morning of the 26th, they waited for the barrage which was to precede their advance. At 2.30 A.M. it began, participated in by more than 2,400 pieces of artillery along the whole American front. It is said that the actual weight of ammunition fired to clear the Argonne was greater than that used by the Union forces during the entire Civil War.

The barrage lasted for three hours, then increased to an intense preparatory bombardment for twenty-five minutes. At 5.30 the jump-off was made. All four Regiments of the Division were in the front line. As already mentioned, the 308th was at the extreme left. Company E of the 307th was on our right and the 38th French Corps on our left. A combat liaison group, composed of members of the 38th French Corps and of members of the 368th (Negro) Infantry, 92nd Division, should have been in operation here, but failed to keep up. This unit did not start until 3 P.m. and did not advance after the first day. The 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions of the 308th advanced in the first, second, and third lines respectively, the Battalion Commanders being Majors Whittlesey, Budd, and McNeill. Companies A and D of the 1st Battalion were in advance on the right and left respectively with their 1st and 3rd Platoons ahead. Companies B and C followed in support. The 2nd Battalion was ordered to follow the 1st at a distance of from 300 to 500 yards, "being careful not to mingle with the first line." Captain Breckinridge commanded the 3rd Battalion, which was Brigade Reserve. Two platoons of Company I were assigned for liaison with the 307th on the right and two with the 368th and French on the left.

4

One participant has described the start:

At 5.45 the Major said, "Let's go!" He boosted the lieutenant to the parapet and was in turn pulled up by hand to take his perch on the edge of the weirdest panorama of mist and mystery that mortal imagination could conjure up. No Man's Land, which should have beckoned straight into the heart of the Argonne, was shrouded in a thick, white fog. It seemed to close in from all sides on that little infantry company, isolating it entirely from the colossal Allied advance, and nullifying, in one chilly breath, all the carefully planned instructions in regard to liaison, the vital necessity of keeping in touch.

Beyond and through the fog the flashes of bursting shells flickered. The ear was confused by the muffled echoes of friendly artillery. The eye was confused by the haze, which kept from vision all objects more than 100 feet away and curiously distorted the few stumps and posts that clung to the side of the slope at their feet. It was almost as though the infantry was asked to go over the top blindfolded. Even more depressing than the lack of vision, however, was that dank breath of the Argonne, saturated, until by dawn the atmosphere had passed mellowness, with the odor of stagnant, muddy pools, hiding beneath treacherous carpets of tangled wire grass and bringing to the nostrils of the new crusaders a reminder of the awful slaughter which had left another carpet on this mutilated soil in those historic days when a barrier of horizon-blue poilus had hurled back the Crown Prince's army.

A dark blotch down below the steep slope on which the major and the lieutenant stood proved to be an abandoned French trench thirty feet deep, filled with coils of rusty wire and spanned by a single log, all that remained of a foot-bridge. Reconnoitering to the right and left failed to reveal any other means of advance.

Thus this particular battalion headquarters went into action, the major, his adjutant and some fifty runners and signalmen swaying uncertainly, like tight-rope walkers, as they cautiously crept across this one log, to disappear in the mists of the unknown beyond out there. Company B followed even more slowly, platoon by platoon and squad by squad. The log began to shrink, chipped by the gougings of many hob-nails. It became an increasingly difficult feat to hold a chauchat rifle in one hand, a can of "monkey meat" reserve rations in the other, and to feel one's perilous way across this only visible connection between the jumping-off place and the battle itself.

According to the artillery plan, the rolling barrage of 75's, beginning at 5:55, was to advance every five minutes in 100 meter bounds. Hence, during the forty-five minutes that one infantry company was making the first fifty meters in the Argonne Drive, the protection of supporting artillery jumped ahead nearly 1000 meters.

This phase of the attack did not worry the lieutenant, however. He had seen neither the barrage schedule nor the field order and he had other things to think about. Once across that initial obstacle, he had assembled his company and assisted the platoon leaders in taking up the designated formation, two platoons in front and two in support, each in platoon column so the men might keep in touch. After starting them off by compass bearing, he had sent runners out to find the major. These runners disappeared in the mist, which had swallowed battalion headquarters.

First one platoon and then another lost contact with the company, although the advance was made at snail's pace with frequent verification of direction by the compass. A few trench mortar shells from the enemy fell in the ravine on the shoulder of which Company B was crawling. There were no other evidences of opposition. But everywhere were signs of disintegration.

The fog persisted even when attacked by the first rays of the sun. Shouts arose through the mist.

"Hello-who axe you?" some sergeant hailed from the bottom of the ravine.

"Company B," answered one platoon working about in circles on the slope.

"Where in hell is C Company?" inquired another detachment, floundering through the scrub brush to the left. No one answered-no one knew where he himself was, to say nothing of volunteering information to others.

Three hours after the major had boosted him over the top, the lieutenant in command of B Company had advanced a kilometer with two platoons intact. The other two were lost and the major was lost. Runners sent out to locate them had not returned.

Two shapes loomed up ahead through the mist.

"Halt! Who's there?" the lieutenant shouted.

"Colonel Smith," came the reply. "Where's the major?"

The lieutenant colonel and the regimental intelligence officer had been sent forward by the regimental commander to find out whether the battalion had jumped off on the zero hour. No messages from the major had reached regimental headquarters, although it later developed he had started several of them down the runner lane, hastily organized during the night.

" I found one of your platoons crawling around up ahead there and I told the sergeant to put them in a trench and try to find you," the lieutenant colonel said. His wrapped puttees were in shreds and miniature red rivulets on his shins showed he had traveled rough-shod over wire entanglements and brambles to catch up with the first line of the attack. He and the captain and their bulging map cases disappeared as they retraced their steps toward the north.

Regaining contact with his third platoon, the lieutenant consulted his compass and started off again. In another hour he bumped into C Company, also lost in a trench, which seemed to be the German first line on the extreme left of the regimental sector. B Company did a left, face and went due west for half an hour, and then turned north again.

From the faltering procession of stretcher bearers, evacuating wounded slowly down a long communication trench, the lieutenant learned that the major and two companies had halted two kilometers ahead. He soon joined them. Battalion headquarters had been established in a concrete dug-out in a German third line trench, within 400 yards of the corps objective indicated for the first day. This blue-penciled objective line, incidentally, drawn several days before at Corps Headquarters without accurate knowledge of the terrain, ran right through a plot of swampy marshland, incapable of organization for defense against a counter-attack. The major had pulled his two advance companies back a short distance, therefore, and ordered them to dig in while he endeavored to get in touch with the regimental P. C.

5

During the advance of the first day, the conditions of which have just been described, the 1st and 2nd Battalions crossed a number of trench systems, running east and west, and indicat3d on the maps furnished by the names Ludwig, Magdebourg, Suede, Kronprinz, and Cimeti6re. On the right, Companies A and D finally reached the so-called Karl or Karlplatz trench, a splendid system of defense. There had been little resistance, but the wire clippers were in constant use on account of the tangled barbed wire spread everywhere through the thick underbrush, and causing very slow going.

After taking the Karlplatz trench and reorganizing, the forward companies mentioned advanced for about three hundred yards. Now in the afternoon the enemy for the first time gave determined resistance south of Moulin de Momme Mort, about a mile southeast of Binarville. In Company A, Lieutenant Patterson, Sergeants Walsh and Foote, with five others, were killed, and twenty-three were wounded. D also suffered casualties. However, these losses were small compared with later ones, and the successfully made objective and the quiet of most of the afternoon, broken only by fifteen minutes of fire at sundown, were to contrast very favorably with the days to follow. The 1st Battalion Headquarters was located in the elaborate German concrete pavilion and dugout on the Karlplatz trench that was later to become Regimental Headquarters.

Efforts to re-establish liaison between the 1st and 2nd Battalion during this evening and night were unavailing. The 2nd Battalion at 5.30 P.M. with Companies E, F, and G, as well as D Company, established itself in the Courlande trench to the west of the 1st Battalion. This old German trench was some ten feet in depth with occasional large and deep dugouts. At 4 P.M. word was received that the 368th Infantry, on our left, had been withdrawn, and that therefore the left flank was to be guarded. As a matter of fact, the flank had really been exposed since 8.30 A.M., the time that the 2nd Battalion was last in liaison with the patrol of the 368th. Meanwhile patrols from F Company, sent forward to reconnoiter in the heavy undergrowth before dark, suffered casualties from enemy machine guns within 45 yards of our position. During the night the German 77's endeavored to shell the position heavily, but the shells landed fairly well over the mark.

The first day's attack covered about one and a quarter kilometers, reaching the Corps objective, the marshland north of the German third line trenches. Although the order for advance had directed the 2nd Battalion to follow the first, it had been found impossible to keep them from intermingling. After this they co-operated in leading the advance. This was made necessary by the width of the Regimental Sector. The plan of a single battalion attacking with a two company front and maintaining liaison with units far to the right and left had already appeared as obviously unworkable to the Battalion Commanders before they started the advance of the 26th.

Some companies passed the night in the trenches; others dug in. For all it was rainy, cold, and uncomfortable, with little food and no overcoats or blankets. "But we found mineral water in bottles in the German dugouts,"

comments the philosophical Whittlesey, "so it might have been worse." Anyway the objective had been made, and a few prisoners had been taken.

At 1 P.m., next day, the 27th, advance was renewed. The terrain now proved more woody, and the enemy was soon encountered. Stokes Mortars, chauchats, bombs, and rifles were all employed to dislodge the enemy machine gun nests. That the Stokes Mortars proved useful this day was evidenced on the next when "several Stokes shell craters were found, and near them several German helmets covered with blood, and the ground nearby spattered with blood." Moreover, the Stokes fire materially reduced and silenced that of the enemy. About a hundred and fifty yards north of the Karlplatz trench the 1st Battalion met with sharp resistance, and it was then that it proved necessary for the 2nd Battalion to go into the front line. Losses on both sides were considerable. The action in the afternoon was a severe test on some of the four hundred new men attached to each battalion two days earlier. This action proved the splendid fighting qualities of the Regiment. "When darkness fell the enemy had been pushed back three hundred yards or more. Companies A, C, F, and H, with the Headquarters of both Battalions, had pushed forward to a position in the dense woods south of Moulin de l'Homme Mort. D and G, with a part of E, advanced to a position on the extreme right. B, attempting to follow A, went forward with H. It sounds confused, and it was. Direction and liaison were becoming increasingly difficult, and losses increased proportionately. In A Company, for example, there were on this second day of the advance twelve killed, eighteen wounded, and four missing, so that this company which had made the jump-off with two hundred and five, was now reduced to one officer and one hundred and forty-four men.

Meanwhile, Colonel Prescott had been relieved. At 4 o'clock in the hottest part of the afternoon's action, Major Budd had received word from him to come and take command of the Regiment, but before he could reach the Regimental P. C. in the Karlplatz trench, Lieutenant Colonel Smith had arrived and took command.

Advance on the second day was for about eight hundred meters. At 4.30 P.M., orders were issued to dig in. The two Battalion Headquarters were established close together, the companies digging in in such a way as to refuse possible attacks from the northeast and northwest as well as the north. Memoranda of one Company Commander describe the night passed in an old trench with part of Company A, a wounded man who could not be evacuated until dawn, and a "tall Boche prisoner." " M- and I sat on muddy stairs of an old German dugout, trying to keep warm by smoking cigarettes. A weird night."

According to an order from General Johnson, renewed attack was called for at 5:30 A.M. on the 28th, the third day of advance. In one company at least this order was not received until 7 o'clock. In others, perhaps later. And while some units were advancing and others preparing to do so, the first ration detail since the jump-off, two days earlier, caught up.

"Cold cabbage, beef, and bread," report the chronicles of Company E. "Bacon, butter, bread, and a one pound cannon barrage from the Germans, which wounds Corporal Spahr," records the commanding officer of B. The movement involved in feeding the men had been observed by the enemy, and brought down what those concerned will always remember as the famous "Cruller Barrage." To be shelled on your first opportunity at a square meal after two days of semi-starvation was apparently supposed to have its humorous aspects.

At first, the day's advance brought little resistance, the Germans having largely withdrawn in the night. By 1 p.m. both Battalion Headquarters were established on the narrow gauge railway, at a point where the latter after running north turns to the northeast, about two kilometers north of the Karlplatz trench. In the afternoon, the 1st Battalion again met stiff opposition, this time not only from machine guns and rifle fire, but also from the very -unpopular trench mortars, which hurled the very troublesome Minnenwerfers. Here the advancing Battalions were held up until nearly 2 o'clock. The woods of the previous day had been so thick as to prevent the use of the One-Pounders. The yet denser woods of the 28th likewise prevented the use of our Stokes Mortars and even our hand grenades.

Among many casualties, including some of our best N. C. O.'s, were Lieutenant Thaanum, acting Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, who had joined the Regiment a few days before, and Lieutenant Whiting, the only officer left in Company A, who was severely wounded and died later. "Clint " Whiting was the sort who can never be forgotten by his associates. I Company A this day lost two killed, eleven wounded, and one missing.

The Battalion Commanders with Lieutenant McKeogh, Whittlesey's Adjutant, were the only battalion officers now left, and there were not sufficient company officers to lead the eight companies. The help of some of the officer material lost in the earlier sectors would have been now of enormous advantage. No praise, however, can be too high for the splendid work of our non-commissioned officers in the Argonne. Their qualities of leadership and personal bravery were outstanding.

Because it was typical of what was happening to many other units at this time and later in the Argonne Forest, may be briefly noted some of the experiences of B Company on this date. The previous day's details of runners and Stokes ammunition carriers have left only two fighting platoons to start with. When the advance begins, the Company receives orders to follow D on the right with E and G behind.

Just at that moment D is out of touch, and so B is ordered to take the lead on the right. While the men are being lined up in-groups with the Corporals in front to steady them, a great sound of machine gun fire starts ahead. Then the advance begins at the time ordered. Within five minutes Sergeant Monohan, acting officer, has been fatally wounded to die a few weeks later in the hospital. Lockwood, of a chauchat team, and Monsees, in charge of a group, are killed; Sergeant

Quay and three Corporals wounded. Major Budd stops the advance to support it with a platoon of fifty men from E Company. Sergeant Bickard, sent out with a gang to get a particularly venomous machine gun on the left, returns with the report that it has disappeared. Again advance begins slowly. Men cross the road where several had been wounded, proceed down a hollow, and then start up the side of a ravine. Machine gun opens on the right. Chauchat team and squad from E start out to silence it. Runner Halligan, taking message back to Major, sees four Germans, is sniped at and slightly wounded. More squads sent out to reconnoiter right flank.

Meanwhile, Lieutenant Stevens, with another platoon of E, gets jammed into B-and just then enemy machine gun fire opens from the rear. A cry is heard in this direction: "We're flanked!" Sergeant Bickard is hit. Kinkle drops mortally wounded. Stevens swings his chauchat around and opens fire on right flank and rear.

Gradual withdrawal is made from exposed position on side of ravine to the one of shelter along the railroad track, left a little earlier, the Commanding Officer doing what he can to cover the movement with his pistol. After order is restored and men are back in funk holes, the Captain reports to Lieutenant Colonel Smith, and learns that communication is cut off with the companies at the front. A rainy night sets in, in which he shares an overcoat borrowed from a Red Cross man with three other individuals, in relays of half an hour each.

At 5:15 P.M. of the day just described, Major Whittlesey had advanced with Companies A, C, F, and H to a position just north of a little German cemetery and about a kilometer southeast of Binarville. The combined Battalion Headquarters was established on the slope of L'Homme Mort about a hundred yards to the south, and a halt made for the night on account of darkness and rain. Funk holes were dug and the troops placed in the form of a hollow square, Companies C, F, H, and A to the north, cast, south, and west respectively. Runner posts had been left behind and a messenger was sent back giving position. This message, which asks for rations and additional chauchat ammunition, states, "We have suffered considerably from lack of drinking water; the men are very tired but in good spirits." The History of E Company tells in this connection how welcome was the downpour: the men "had been without drinking water for four days, and holding their cups under the dripping leaves or steel helmet, they quenched their awful thirst."

The Whittlesey notes say: "All night rain, and pretty cold in the morning, and the next day, the 29th, our runner posts were broken up in the rear so Ken, and I sent back pigeon messages giving the slope."

Major Budd.

Four of these messages were sent back on the 29th. One of them reads in part:

Our line of communication with the rear still cut at 12:30 P.m. by machine guns. We are going to clean out one of these guns now. From a wounded German officer prisoner, we learned that there is a German Company of 70 men operating in our rear, to close the gap we made yesterday. We can of course clean up this country to the rear, by working our companies over the ground we charged. But we understand our mission is to advance, and to maintain our strength here. It is very slow trying to clean up this rear area from here by small details when this trickling back of machine guns can be used by the enemy. Can line of communication not be kept open from the rear? We have been unable to send back detail for rations and ammunition, both of which we need very badly.

The last message-the bird of which was liberated at 4 P.m. and arrived at the loft at 4:26-tells the same story and mentions how a patrol had seen many Germans, and how valuable maps had been obtained from a German officer killed in scouting.

Again to resume the story as told in the notes:

We reconnoitered east, west, and north, and found Boches each way, and also in the rear. Sergeant Anderson of A Company did an especially fine piece of scouting-went two miles to the southwest and still found Germans." Nothing much happened. We were there two days-the 28th and 29th-ate up what food there was. One of the outposts killed a German Lieutenant and his Sergeant who blundered in on our position, and he had a map that showed an important German trench system about two kilos north that did not appear on our maps. Before he died, the German Lieutenant told us that we would meet real opposition there, which later proved to be true.

The rain, fallen in torrents during the previous night, had half filled the funk holes with mud and water by the morning of the 29th. During this day and the following, desperate efforts were made to re-establish communication by both front and rear troops. The "nothing much happened " of the paragraph just quoted must therefore be taken in a comparative rather than a literal sense. Among those who gave their lives in the attempt to carry messages was Private Quinn of D Company. He was one of a combat patrol under Lieutenant McKeogh sent back a few hundred yards to disperse machine gunners that had cut communications. Arrived at the little cemetery already mentioned, and finding the enemy in unexpected strength, McKeogh sent Quinn north again with a message to Whittlesey that was never delivered. Almost four months later Quinn's body was found in the strange manner described below.

"They didn't give Quinn the D. S. C.," but like many another who fell unnoted in the forest, he well deserved it. Lieutenant McKeogh himself did receive that decoration after making the perilous trip successfully through the German lines to Regimental Headquarters. And so did Private Monson of Company A, and Private Herschkowitz of C. The adventures of these three briefly and inadequately told in their citations make one realize the confused condition of affairs, where units and individuals of the two armies, scattered through the woods, were playing a sort of deadly Prisoners' Base. Another who gave his life at this time furnishes testimony with Quinn that the heroism displayed was confined to neither high nor low rank exclusively.

Lieutenant Colonel Smith was killed on the 29th. It was early in the dreary morning of that day when he appeared, hurrying forward from Regimental Headquarters, to investigate the cut off. He gave the command that all stragglers and detachments lost in the woods should be collected and reorganized, waiting further orders. Colonel Smith was accompanied by Lieutenant Wilhelm and a small detachment, including several runners and men carrying ammunition for the cut off troops. He was proceeding cautiously along a path, which he had been told led straight to Whittlesey's position, and had advanced about fifty yards when he suddenly called out to his men to seek cover. He was immediately wounded in the leg by a machine gun. It became apparent that machine guns placed in the woods some distance from the road, commanded it in both directions. Ordering his men back, this dauntless soldier faced the machine gun alone and returned its fire with his automatic until he fell. He refused first aid treatment, and was again attempting to ascertain the exact location of the nearest nest, when he fell for the last time mortally wounded -a fitting death for one who had so often risked his life for others. A Congressional Medal was posthumously awarded this much loved officer who signally combined high rank with perfect simplicity, and daring courage with kindly consideration for others.

Father Halligan has written of the recovery of Colonel Smith's body:

The enemy knew that they had killed an officer of high rank and as soon as convenient hurried to the body to search it. For better security they carried the body about a hun-dred yards away, across a corduroy road, but they found nothing. The place was the intersecting point of several roads through the forest. With a dozen or more men we scoured this patch of woods, a triangular strip of small dimensions, during two days without success. In the evening of the second day a sergeant, who was with him when he was killed, scouted the woods in the vicinity and discovered the body less than seven-fifty-five yards away from the spot on which he was shot to death. This incident, better than anything else I know, will give some indication of the difficulty of combat in the thick undergrowth of the forest. The spot in which he was found finally was rendezvous for several machine guns, and probably would have remained undiscovered by us but for the painstaking search for the body of a beloved officer.

To return now to the forward units which had been cut off since the night of the 28th, when the Germans taking advantage of the exposed left flank had filtered in with machine guns and small detachments of infantry. After two days dug in in hollow squares, with almost constant rain, and without food, the men were doubtless able to appreciate Captain McMurtry's suggestion, "How would you like to have a good thick rare steak smothered in onions and some French fried potatoes?" It was not until late on the afternoon of the 3oth that Lieutenant Taylor and K Company, guided through the narrow path by Captain Delehanty and Lieutenant Conn, at last got through to the cut off troops. The Germans had, meanwhile, moved out on the morning of the same day. "Starved and no water for three days," Taylor's diary describes the companies, but Whittlesey's notes continue cheerfully:

Lt. Taylor came up with a lot of rations and a big carrying detail. Looked "practically O. K.," as George McMurtry put it. And everybody ate! That night I went back to Rgtl. Advance Hdqrs.-which had been moved forward in the woods. It was the blackest night I've ever seen and I had to be passed on from reserve post to post holding the hand of each successive guide. And I'll never forget going into the Hqrs. dugout and getting warm for the first time, and seeing Frank Weld's genial face. Cocoa, cigars. Then back to the Bn. again, which I found with great difficulty in the darkness. Orders were to advance at daybreak.

So ended the episode of the earlier cut-off of advance troops from September 28th to 30th, which was at first sometimes confused in the public mind with the later cut-off of the so-called Lost Battalion from October 2nd to 7th. Both were due primarily to the same exposed left flank which had resulted from the retirement of the combat liaison unit of the 368th Infantry. Secondarily both cut-offs were the results of the same impossibility of attaining objectives and of simultaneously keeping constant communication with the rear and the right flank on so wide a regimental sector. In the last analysis it was simply a case of " Damn the torpedoes and go ahead! " By this, it is not meant to imply that everything possible was not done to keep touch with the rear and flanks by runner posts and patrols; but if no advance had been made except when such liaison was absolutely assured, then there would have been little or no advance. x The best military interests were served by the action adopted.

Although the torpedoes did later explode in the rear, it was best to have damned them and passed over them.

On September 3oth, Major'Budd left for the General Staff College at Langres where he had been ordered to report on September 24th, and Captain McMurtry I now took command of the 2nd Battalion. Major McNeill, also ordered to the General Staff College, turned over the command of the 3rd Battalion on the 28th to Captain L. M. Scott.

About the 1st of October, French units had taken the place of the 368th Infantry as combat liaison on our left, but they were not up even with our front line. It is said that in order to get ammunition up to the front east of Binarville Captain Roosevelt actually made use of the roads outside the forest in front of the French position.

At 6 A.M. sharp on October 1st, the two forward battalions left their positions at L'Homme Mort to resume their advance through the Argonne Forest. The 1st Battalion, commanded by then Major Charles W. Whittlesey, led with Companies A and C in advance, supported by D and E; the 2nd Battalion, commanded by Captain

George G. McMurtry, followed in support three hundred yards behind.

A reference to the map will show how the broader valley east of L'Homme Mort becomes a comparatively narrow ravine about a kilometer to the north. The troops marched along the heights to the west. About noon they encountered serious opposition from trenches running east and west on the hill, to the west of the ravine. The 2nd Battalion, which had been following in support, immediately closed up and joined with the 1st Battalion. (It was in this ravine that the 3rd Battalion was to encounter such difficulty when it attempted to reach the troops cut off in the Pocket.) Attempt was now made by the Stokes Mortars to dislodge the Germans. But Lieutenant Dobson, who commanded them; was wounded, and the enemy kept their position. Then an attack was made by A Company. Lieutenant Scott, who had taken command that morning, was wounded as well as First Sergeant Bergasse. Later Sergeant Finnegan was killed and Sergeant Anderson took command. At the end of the day this company showed nine killed, twelve wounded and two missing. No officers were left, and only 106 men remained of the 205 with which it had started on September 26th. In consequence of these losses Company A was used as a detachment for the care of the wounded for the next few days, waiting such time as it could be reorg4nized. All advances attempted in the ravine itself were also checked by the heaviest kind of machine gun fire. As its final result this day showed considerable losses and very little progress.

It was the next day, October 2nd, that Major Whittle-seyls troops, the combined 1st and 2nd Battalions, reached the Pocket, situated on the slope, running east and west, just north of the ravine and south of the Binarville-Apre-mont road. The events of October 2nd are fully covered in the chapter on the Lost Battalion which is to follow.

8

The interest which naturally centers about the cut-off troops during the next five days, should not draw attention from the gallant and costly attempts made both by the rear companies of the 308th and by the 307th Infantry to reach their beleaguered comrades. As is constantly the case, the historian must ignore many examples of individual courage. Two, however, may be named, those of Sergeants Norwat and Kaufman.

Now as always the difficulty of maintaining liaison made it very hard for the two regiments and the French on the left all to strike at the same time. On one occasion the troops were led in person by Colonel Cromwell Stacey, and on another by General Evan Johnson, the Brigade Commander. Successive attacks were launched every morning and night of the 5th, 6th, and 7th. That of the last date alone cost the 154th Brigade 78 killed, and 237 wounded. I Some of the attacks lost as much as fifty per cent of those engaged.

A field message from Captain James F. Wagner, Regimental Surgeon, dated October 8th, gives the following figures, which may be regarded as at least approximately correct for the casualties from October 1st to October 6th inclusive: sent to hospital, 682; killed in action, approximately 175; sick in hospital, October 1st to 7th inclusive, 146.

Such field messages as are obtainable from those days suggest the bitter struggle going on, but it is too confused an account to furnish an accurate and detailed picture.

"Strong opposition in front and on flanks, we are up to wire . . . advance seems impossible . . . heavy trench mortars in ravine ahead and machine gun firing from slope on right." . . . "Can advance no further without sacrificing company. My right is held up by wire, two M. G.'s on flank and M. G. in front." . . . "Need ammunition, American and chauchat. Casualties heavy and need stretcher bearers." (The last two quotations are from messages of companies of the 307th.) "Would suggest that more rations be brought up tonight if possible. Also some trombones and V. B.'s. Send some coffee, sugar, and jam or syrup, if you have any. " . . . "We will give them hell from here on the left flank . . . one or two machine guns placed up here could give a

great deal of help."

It is significant of the conditions that three or more second lieutenants were killed before actually reaching the commands to which they had been assigned.

Also significant of the conditions of these confused and troublous days is the number of officers who in turn commanded the 308th Infantry between the last days of September and October 10th. Colonel Prescott was fol-lowed by Lieutenant Colonel Smith on September 27th. After the latter's death, Colonel Stacey took command, and was in turn succeeded for brief periods by Brigadier General Evan Johnson, Captain Breckinridge from October 5th to 8th, Lieutenant Colonel Gordon Johnston, then Chief of the 7th Corps, October 8th, and finally Colonel R. R. Hannay, who took command on October 10th.

It must be understood, of course, that the, Regiment while under the command of several of these officers, consisted of only those companies which were not cut off, that is to say of the 3rd Battalion and of Company D and a part of E. Captain Breckinridge took the 3rd Battalion on October 4th, relieving Captain Scott. The next day when Captain Breckinridge took the Regiment, the battalion command passed to Lieutenant Burns who was immediately wounded.

CHAPTER VII

Major Charles W. Whittlesey

The Lost Battalion

FULL responsibility for sending the detachment, which is known as the Lost Battalion, forward into the position where they were surrounded by the enemy for five days, is acknowledged by Major General Robert Alexander in his official record of the Argonne-Meuse operations of the 77th Division. In The History of the 77th Division, pages 149-152, he writes:

The daily and periodical press has seen fit to refer to Major Whittlesey's Command as "The Lost Battalion," and to speak of its "rescue." In the opinion of the 77th Division neither of these terms is apposite. Major Whittlesey conducted his command to the objective designated for him by the Division Commander, occupied the position assigned to him, and held that position until the remainder of the Division was able to move up to him. He held it with the indomitable determination, which has characterized the work of the American soldier, wherever he has been called to perform a task.

This command was neither "lost" nor "rescued." It suffered heavy losses; it was subjected to fire from both enemy and supposedly friendly artillery; notwithstanding all this, Major Whittlesey and his command held the position to which they had proceeded under my order and were found by me, when I visited them on the very early morning of October 8th, an organized command, in good order and excellent spirits.

The situation on the left of the Division on the morning of the 2nd of October was about as follows: The 1st Battalion, 38th Infantry, under Major Charles W. Whittlesey, was the advance battalion on the left of the Division. The 2nd Battalion, 308th Infantry, commanded by Captain George McMurtry, was in support. The front line of these two battalions was at approximately 294-90-275-95," the leading battalion having been checked by heavy machine gun and trench mortar fire and the support battalion having closed up on it. With these two battalions were sections of machine guns from Companies C and D of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion. The most stubborn resistance of the advance had been encountered on the west of the north and south ravine where a portion of the command (Companies D and F, 308th Infantry) was in position.

Attention is invited to the extremely difficult character of the terrain in front of this command. The north and south ravine running from the Depot des Machines past the Moulin de L'Homme Mort cuts the regimental sub-sector in two. The sides of this ravine are decidedly precipitous and densely covered with brush; in other words, an almost impassable obstacle was interposed between the right and left flanks of the Brigade line-an obstacle which offered perfect cover to machine gun nests and trench mortar emplacements. Furthermore, at this time and in fact at all times during the operations in the forest, the left flank of this Division was completely exposed, there being no friendly troops anywhere near us. Consequently the left flank was obliged to look after its own safety as best it might. This was equally true of the right flank of the Division. But our immediate interest here is with the left flank.

This being the situation, I, early on the morning of the 2nd of October, gave orders for a general advance of the entire Divisional line, giving as the objective the east and west La Viergette-Moulin de Charlevaux road and the railroad paralleling it as shown on the map.

My orders were quite positive and precise- the objective was to be gained without regard to losses and without regard to the exposed condition of the flanks. I considered it most important that this advance should be made and accepted the responsibility and the risk involved in the execution of the orders given.

At 10 A.M. on October 2nd, then, we find the 1st and 2nd Battalion., of the 308th Infantry consolidated under the command f Major Whittlesey in the ravine one kilometer due east of the battered piles of mortar and stone that had once been the town of Binarville. Their advance was held up by machine gun opposition. The chief difficulty was in trying to manage both sides of the ravine at the same time. Companies B and C were supported by Company E on the east side of the ravine; Companies D and F, supported by Companies A, G, and H were on the west side where the principal opposition had been encountered. For the success of the operation, the German line of cleverly concealed machine gun and trench mortar emplacements had to be broken.

The following order was received at 11:35 A.M. from the Regimental Commander:

The advance of the infantry will commence at 12:30. The infantry action will be pushed forward until it reaches the line of the road and the railroad generally along 276.5 where the command will halt, reorganize, establish liaison to the left and right and be ready for orders for a further advance. This does not change the plan as given you by (code word for name of the Regimental Commander). You still leave two companies on your left as a containing force, that is the remainder of the 1st and 2nd Battalions. The general says you are to advance behind the barrage regardless of losses. He states that there will be a general advance all along the line.

The plan referred to in this message contemplated a vigorous attack up on the east side of the ravine, leaving two companies as a containing force on the supposedly more difficult western side-one company to be detached from the force on the east when it reached its objective to return and assist from the rear in an attack on the western side.

As soon as these plans had been explained to the Company Commanders, details were sent immediately to collect rations, one day's supply of hard tack and corned beef having just been sent up from the rear. At this time the command had no reserve rations-these having been consumed in the earlier days of the advance. Owing to the lack of roads for the transport it had been impossible to carry forward new supplies in large quantities.

Lieutenant Paul Knight was placed in command of Companies D and F, the force to remain in position on the west side of the ravine. Promptly at 12:30 the remaining units, that is Companies A, B, C, E, G, and H accompanied by sections of machine guns, from Companies C and D of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion, moved out in pursuit of the barrage of the 75's, which were whistling over the top of the ravine. A thin line of scouts constituted the advance guard with the companies creeping along in platoon columns, the only formation which permitted keeping touch through the dense underbrush. Machine gun, rifle and grenade fire were encountered and there was considerable sniping by the enemy from the left side of the ravine. Runner posts of two men were established every two hundred yards so that communication might be maintained with the rear.

A patrol from B Company, sent out to investigate sniping on the right flank, captured an entire company of German Hessians, including 2 officers and 28 privates who made no attempt to fight. Progress of the advance was necessarily slow. By 5.15 P.m. the advance elements of the command arrived at the edge of the southern slope which looked down on the La Viergettes-Moulin de Charlevaux road. Major Whittlesey found that his companies had suffered go casualties from flanking machine gun and sniper fire.

The command was halted while Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry made a reconnaissance. To the north across the valley a narrow road could be seen plainly, running east and west about half way up the hillside. A steep quarry-like edge cut into the densely covered slope on the north of the road, and above the edge the hill rose sharply. According to the attack order the day's objective was this road beginning at a point about four hundred yards east of Moulin de Charlevaux.

As soon as the disposition by companies was decided upon, the word to advance was given and the command, including the machine gunners, filed down the slope, through the morass at the bottom of the ravine, and crossed the diminutive Charlevaux brook on a narrow plank bridge. As they crossed the brook, the men noticed that the view along the valley was open to the right and to the left of them. They took up a position just below the road covering ground 300 yards long and 60 yards deep. The slope was found to be steep, thickly wooded, and covered with underbrush. It was supposed that this position on a reverse slope would offer protection against hostile artillery fire. Although the hard and rocky ground opposed stiff resistance to entrenching tools wielded by tired arms, the command dug itself in for the night within an hour.

The plan of disposition marked an oblong formation, its long sides running parallel with the southern edge of the Charlevaux road. The left flank was somewhat refused to guard against attack from that supposedly more dangerous quarter. Beginning at the left flank, the order of units was as follows: Companies H, B, C, 1st and 2nd Battalion Headquarters, Companies A, G, and E. Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry occupied the same funk hole, which was situated approximately in the center of the position. A machine gun section was placed on each flank. When the order to have mess was issued, it was discovered that two companies had moved out in such a hurry that they had not been able to pick up their rations. The difficulty was solved quickly those who had food volunteered readily -to share it with those who had none. Guards were posted at the flanks, lookouts were established at the north and west, and a patrol was placed over the crest of the hill above the road to watch for signs of the enemy. Then the command turned in for the night, which passed quietly. It was bitter cold, however, and the men suffered acutely from the lack of blankets and overcoats, equipment, which had been discarded by Regimental Order on the morning of September 26th when the Argonne attack had started.

A message reporting the position was sent by the runner posts to Regimental Headquarters. It was assumed that these runner posts, scattered every two hundred yards for more than a kilometer would act as outposts to the south.

At 6 A.M. on October 3rd, Company E under command of Lieutenant Karl Wilhelm was sent back to attack on the west of the ravine running north and south, the plan being to assist from the rear in bringing Companies D and F forward to take their place on the left of the objective. Company E filed out of the position, crossed the slope to the south and were soon lost from sight in the forest.

Within an hour after this detachment disappeared, Company K of the 307th Infantry with 79 men under the command of Captain Nelson M. Holderman-the liaison company between the 307th and the 308th Infantry Regiments-came through the marsh below the position and reported to Major Whittlesey. They had worked their way forward by way of the runner posts and their arrival was taken as an indication that the system of communication to the rear was in working order. The 307th men were placed in the position vacated by Company E on the right flank.

Messages were started back through the runner posts notifying the Regimental Commander of the position and condition of the command; informing him that E Company had already left to perform the mission agreed upon in the plan of attack adopted the previous day, and requesting that rations be sent forward by details from the 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry, which was acting as reserve for the 154th Infantry Brigade. The forward companies, expecting attack orders momentarily, did not wish to spare details for carrying rations.

German artillery began to shell the position at 8:30, but without serious effect, owing to the protection afforded by the reverse slope. Captain William J. Cullen, commanding H Company on the left flank, sent out a patrol at 9 A.M. to size up the situation to the west, and Captain Holderman sent a patrol to make a similar reconnaissance on the right flank. Both patrols returned in half an hour to report that small numbers of the enemy had been seen scurrying through the woods off our right and left flanks. It had been impossible to establish liaison in either direction.

Lieutenant Leake with about 18 men returned at 10 A.M. with the news that E Company, as soon as it had advanced a short distance along the top of the west side of the ravine, had encountered a powerful force of Germans. In the lively fighting which followed, Lieutenant Wilhelm ordered Lieutenant Leake to take his platoon and make every effort to get back to Major Whittlesey with the information that the enemy in considerable numbers had taken up a position in the rear of the advance line. E Company had been scattered-one platoon under Lieutenant Wilhelm subsequently fighting its way back to the position in the large ravine where the attack of the previous day had started.

One of the men on the runner post nearest to the for-ward post of command brought a report that the Germans had fired on two of our posts, killing or capturing several runners. It was feared that the runner lane had been broken.

Captain Holderman with Company K of the 307th Infantry and a detachment Of 20 scouts from 2nd Battalion Headquarters were sent across the southern slope with instructions to clear the Germans from the ridge and reestablish the runner posts. At noon Captain Holderman returned. He reported that he had met severe opposition from enemy machine guns and rifle fire in working his way up the ridge to the south. He said that there was no doubt that the enemy, in considerable numbers, had filtered through around the left flank during the night and had taken possession of the high ground in the rear. After a hard fight Captain Holderman had made his way back across the marsh with the survivors in his detachment.

At noon on October 3rd, Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry knew that their forces were cut off from communication with the rear, and that the Germans were both in front of and behind the objective, which our troops had been ordered to occupy.

The following message was at once communicated personally by Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry to all Company Commanders:

"OUR MISSION IS TO HOLD THIS POSITION AT ALL COSTS. NO FALLING BACK., HAVE THIS UNDERSTOOD BY EVERY MAN IN YOUR COMMAND."

From this time until reinforcements arrived on October 7th there was no communication between Regimental Headquarters and the forward troops except by seven carrier pigeons, the last one being sent on October 4th.

Major Whittlesey released the first pigeon at 8:50 A.M. when enemy artillery began to shell the Charlevaux road, sending this message:

"We are being shelled by German artillery. Can we not have artillery support? Fire is coming from northwest."

Again at 10:45 A.m. he sent the following pigeon message:

our runner posts are broken. One runner captured. Germans in small numbers are working to our left rear about 294.6-276.2. Have sent K Company, 307th, to occupy this hill and open the line.

"Patrols to east ran into Germans at 295.1-276.3 (6 Boches).

"Have located German mortar at 294.05-276-30 and have sent platoon to get it.

" Have taken prisoner who says his company Of 70 men were brought in here last night to 294.4-276.2 from rear by motor trucks. He says only a few infantrymen here when he came in.

" German machine gun constantly firing on valley in our rear from hill 294.1-276.0.

"E Company (sent to meet D and F) met heavy resistance, at least 20 casualties. Two squads under Lieutenant Leake have just fallen back here."

Although these pigeon messages were directed to Regimental Headquarters, the birds flew to the loft at the 77th Division message center, and the message was telephoned from Division Headquarters to the Commanding Officer of the 308th Infantry at his forward P. C.

Definite assignments for the defense of the position were given to all units and a strong patrol was sent to the upper ridge to size up the situation to the north. It returned with a report that a large number of Germans could be seen moving in from the northwest.

The presence of the surrounding enemy began to make itself felt in various ways. First a heavy trench mortar suddenly opened fire from a position 600 yards to the northwest, hurling many shells right in to our position. Scouts sent to the crest of the ridge reported that the mortar was strongly protected. A platoon failed to get through machine gun fire to make an attack on the mortar emplacement. Machine gun fire was placed on the Position from the west and the southwest and sniping began from all directions.

At 3 P.M. there came the first organized enemy attack from the ridge above the command. A shower of potato-masher grenades fell through the trees to explode at the edge of the roadway where the defending companies rushed forward their firing lines. When rifle and chauchat fire was poured into the bushes above the road, the attack ceased as suddenly as it had begun.

In their excitement to storm the position and capture the entire American force, the Germans neglected to maintain the silence usually associated with surprise attacks. One of our officers on the left flank, who understood the Teuton tongue, heard enemy officers discussing preparations for the next attack, which was launched shortly before 5 P.m. They seemed to be calling the roll.

"Rudolph," a guttural voice would call.

"Hier." The answer came from the bushes above the outposts on the extreme left.

"Heinrich," the same voice called.

"Ich bin hier," was the answer.

More commands in German followed and then, after a shout of "Nun, alle zusammen " the attack was started. It combined rushes against the left and right flanks with a second grenade attack from the ridge. The ravine rang with the echoes of machine guns, chauchats and rifles. Our machine guns worked splendidly and the enemy must have suffered heavy losses from this source alone.

This attack, the most severe attempted by the enemy while the Americans were surrounded, was repulsed on all sides. Quiet stole over the closely huddled funk holes as darkness settled down.

At 4:05 P.M. while the attack was in progress, Major Whittlesey had dispatched his third pigeon to Regimental Headquarters with this report:

"Germans are on cliff north of us in small numbers and have tried to envelope both flanks. Situation on left very serious.

"Broke two of our runner posts today near 294.7-2 7 5.7. We have not been able to reestablish posts today.

"Need 8000 rounds rifle ammunition, 7500 chauchat, 23 boxes M. G. and 250 offensive grenades.

" Casualties yesterday in companies here (A, B, C, E, G, H) 8 killed, 80 wounded. In same companies today, 1 killed, 60 wounded.

" Present effective strength of companies here, 245.

"Situation serious."

From this brief summary of the situation at the end of the first twenty-four hours of the isolation of the command, it is shown that twenty-five per cent of the original effective strength of approximately 554 officers and men were killed or wounded the first day. No medical officer was present. In an attempt to apply only first aid dressings to the wounded, three enlisted Medical Corpsmen with the surrounded companies soon exhausted their supply of bandages.

Hunger added its pangs to suffering from the cold. The last bit of food was consumed at noon on October 3rd. This absolute shortage was due in a large measure to the generosity of officers and men in sharing their precious one day's ration with their less fortunate comrades who had not been able to get food before the advance started. Water was discovered in a spring at the bottom of the ravine south of the position. But the Germans knew of the location and had a machine gun trained on the spring. The approach of a water carrying detail by daylight was sure to draw savage bursts of fire and even during the night the enemy occasionally sent machine gun bullets swishing through the marsh in the hope of accidentally catching a few thirsty Americans at the spring. It became necessary as the suffering increased, to establish a guard to prevent men from going down to the spring by daylight.

The wounded suffered pitifully in the bitter cold of the second night. They were possessed of heroic fortitude, the wounded men in the Lost Battalion, and they strove to grit the little devils of pain and anguish between their teeth, but there were moans and half-suppressed cries in the dark along the hillside every night.

A private who had been shot through the stomach tried to smile at Captain McMurtry who had stopped over to ask how he was getting along.

"It pains like hell, Captain," he said, "but I'll keep as quiet as I can. " All knew the importance of not making any noise which would draw the enemy's fire.

The night of October 3rd passed quietly. Several scouts were sent out with orders to work their way through the German lines and bring a first-hand report of the situation to the Regimental Commander. These scouts either returned wounded or did not return at all.

At daylight on October 4th patrols were sent out from each flank and a detachment of scouts crawled away through the marsh to the south in an attempt to cut through to Regimental Headquarters. Before they had gone 500 yards, they were dispersed and driven back by heavy machine gun and rifle fire from the high ground behind the position. The patrols returned, however, to raise false hopes by reporting that the enemy did not seem to be active in any considerable numbers.

The following message was started back by pigeon at 7:25 A.M.:

"All quiet during the night.

"Our patrols indicate Germans withdrew during the night. Sending further patrols now to verify this report.

"At 12:30 and 1:10 A.M. six shells from our own light artillery fell on us.

" Many wounded here whom we can't evacuate.

"Need rations badly.

"No word from D or F Companies.

Whittlesey, Major, 308th Inf."

The dead were buried with great difficulty. Digging graves in the rocky ground called for desperate effort on the part of men well nigh exhausted from fatigue and hunger.

To make matters worse, the German trench mortar on the northwest began to lob over shells, which interrupted the work of the burial parties. A strong patrol succeeded in climbing to the ridge just in time to drive off several grenade throwers who were getting into position to deliver an attack on our troops. Scouts brought reports of Germans in large numbers on the slope in the rear.

One of the two remaining pigeons was released at 10:55 A.M. with this message to appraise the Regimental Commander of the growing seriousness of the situation in which the detachment found itself:

" Germans are still around us, though in smaller numbers. We have been heavily shelled by mortar this morning.

"Present effective strength (A, B, C, E, G, H COS.)-175; K CO. 307-45; Machine Gun detachment-17; Total here about 235.

"Officers wounded: Lt. Harrington, Co. A; Captain Stromme, Company C; Lts. Peabody and Revnes, M. G. Battalion; Lt. Wilhelm, E. Co., missing.

"Cover bad if we advance up the hill and very difficult to move the wounded if we change position.

"Situation is cutting into our strength rapidly.

"Men-are suffering from hunger and exposure; the wounded are in very bad condition.

"Cannot support be sent at once?"

During a lull on the afternoon of this day the men were surprised by a friendly artillery barrage which began to fall on the ridge to the southeast. Increasing in intensity, the barrage crept down the slope, crossed the marshy bottom of the ravine where it hurled mud and brush into the air, and settled directly on our own position. That our shells intended for the enemy's destruction were tearing huge chunks from the one bit of earth, which sheltered the beleaguered battalion, seemed unbelievable. Funk holes crashed in, burying their wounded occupants. As the underbrush and branches of the trees were uprooted and slashed, the position was more plainly exposed to observation and sniper fire from the Germans.

The men pressed themselves flat into funk holes all along the slope, hoping to escape the flying shrapnel and shell fragments.

Out of the inferno of noise, dust and confusion flew Whittlesey's last pigeon-the last link with reinforcements that had been expected hourly for days-with this message:

" We are along the road parallel 276.4

"Our own artillery is dropping a barrage directly on us.

"For heaven's sake, stop it."

For an hour and thirty-five minutes there was no indication that the bird had reached the Division pigeon loft. It was a severe test for men to see 30 of their comrades killed and wounded by their own artillery fire. A number of the wounded who were able to walk, were assisted to a position at the extreme right of the position where the shelling was less severe and a few logs afforded extra protection to the funk holes.

The German trench mortar threw in a few shells to add to the fury of the friendly barrage. As soon as the shell began to fall less frequently, a small force of Germans armed with potato masher grenades launched an attack from the ridge above the position. They were driven back, although several patrols succeeded in penetrating the line of our outposts.

So much cover had been ripped away from the slope by the barrage that Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry had to move their P. C. to another funk hole further towards the left flank. In this connection the question of a shift in position for the entire command was considered by Major Whittlesey, but such an idea seemed inadvisable. To the west the Germans held a strong position protected by machine guns; the hills to the south, in addition to being patrolled by the enemy, presented the further objection that they were exposed to German artillery fire which fell there at some time each day. The Americans feared to move to the north and east because they might encounter another friendly artillery barrage. Exact coordinates of the present position had been reported to the Regimental Commander in the successive pigeon messages; there remained no method of getting additional information back to Headquarters. Furthermore the present position, although exposed to sniper fire, was well protected from enemy artillery and offered fair protection against the trench mortar to the west which fired twice daily for a period of one hour-not more than ten per cent of its shells falling on our troops, the remainder passing over to burst at the base of the hill in the rear.

An aeroplane from the American forces flew high over the position and the battalion signalers reported that they believed they had succeeded in attracting its attention by placing the two white battalion panels in open spaces between the trees. A rocket signal accepted as an acknowledgment from the 'plane was here observed.

Whenever our machines approached over the forest as they did on the afternoons of October 4th, 5th, and 6th -they were greeted by heavy fire from the enemy. Twice lookouts on the ridge above the Charlevaux road reported that they had seen message containers with long streamers dropped from the aeroplanes, but they were lost in the dense swamp grass and brush. As a matter of fact, the aviators sent up by order of Division Headquarters did not have a clear idea of the location of the Pocket. They worked tirelessly and with great danger to themselves to drop baskets of food to the half starved troops, but in each attempt the supplies fell nearer the enemy and supporting troops at the rear than to the men who had had nothing to eat for days.

Hunger and cold caused intense suffering among the command on the night of the 4th-the third night of their isolation. A chilly rain added to the discomfort.

But there was one source of encouragement that gave hope to the weariest of spirits-after 8:30 P.M. that night the sound of American Chauchat rifles could be heard from the ridge to the south.

"They're going to cut their way through to us, sure," the non-coms whispered to their men. A couple of scouts were sent out to meet the reinforcements. They did not return. The rain seemed to get more chilly and more penetrating after midnight. There was no further firing from the direction in which the last pigeon had disappeared.

Dawn of October 5th brought the routine of sending out patrols on either flank and the melancholy duty of burying the new dead. Weakness from lack of food and sleep made it almost impossible for the men to excavate graves in the hard ground. Yet that their comrades might have this- last earthly tribute they dug cheerfully, if with frequent rests, into the flint-like surface.

Outposts on the north reported that they had sighted 2oo Germans moving south to the hills in the rear of the position. Trench mortar, machine gun and sniper fire was directed at our troops at intervals during the morning.

Encouragement came at 10 A.M. when a friendly artillery barrage began, as on the day previous, to creep down the slope to the south and cross over the marsh-land at the bottom of the ravine, tearing out great wads of bushes and undergrowth. Suddenly the barrage lifted and, clearing the anxious funk hole community clinging to the ground below Charlevaux road, it landed directly on the top of the ridge to the north where the enemy formed for his daily attacks,

This was proof that the position of the command was understood by the troops fighting forward to make the relief. The last pigeon message had got through to its destination.

Late in the afternoon a few ranging bursts of fire were directed against the position from enemy machine guns to the south and southwest. Then suddenly for twenty minutes the Germans laid down an intense machine gun barrage covering every part of the small piece of ground occupied by our troops. The hillside fairly crackled with bullets, which whistled and moaned to the accompaniment of what sounded like a thousand riveting machines on the surrounding high ground to the rear. Although one of the most unpleasant experiences of the entire isolation, this barrage did not cause many casualties because, warned by the ranging shots, the men had flattened themselves in their funk holes before the barrage began.

It was followed almost immediately by a potato masher attack from the north, which was, as usual, quickly repulsed. Exhaustion, hunger, and the strain of twenty-four-hour days of anxiety were forgotten at the first alarm for a " stand-to " and repeatedly our men double-timed from their funk holes up to the edge of the Charlevaux road where their grenade, chauchat, and rifle fire put to rout attacking forces made up of fresh, well-fed troops.

As darkness came on, ears were strained to catch the echoes of firing beyond the ridge to the south. The slower throb of the American chauchat rifle could still be distinguished from the rapid tack-tack-tack-tack of enemy machine guns, but it was clear that the firing sounded much farther away than on the previous night.. One of the officers suggested that if the sound of chauchat rifles with supporting troops could carry to the neighborhood of the Charlevaux road why would it not be a good plan to have the surrounded troops send the chauchat signal back to encourage the forces which were attacking nightly to bring aid? This suggestion was accepted. At quiet intervals during the night of the 5th, outposts on the flanks were ordered to fire bursts of ten shots from their chauchat rifles.

But hope of being relieved immediately had sunk to a low level with the fading away of the sound of firing to the south. The night was bitter cold with a drizzling rain which added to the suffering of the wounded. Their suppressed moans and the impending danger of attack at any moment united to keep many heavy-lidded eyes wide open. And in the solemn watches of the night, these eyes could see only a vision of despair. Where was the help that every one had expected long before things had come to such a terrible state?

Had one of the several aeroplane message containers tossed to the Lost Battalion reached its destination, then the weary command would have learned that two entire battalions had been reduced to practically negligible strength in repeated assaults to cut through the wire and advance up the ravine to Charlevaux brook. Another narrative of fortitude and remarkable endurance under the strain of attack, centers around the chauchat firing which was heard, faintly, to the south. Our concern here, however, is with the surrounded troops.

The position of the Lost Battalion was along the slope just below the road.

On October 6th the men were found to be too weak from hunger to attempt to bury their dead. Some bodies were covered with brush and leaves, but most remained lying in the positions in which they had been struck down. The few first aid men took bandages, often stiff with blood, from the dead to bind the wounds of the living. Conditions were growing hourly more serious. The indescribable suffering of the wounded and the seeming failure of troops in the rear to come forward with reinforcements threatened to shake the morale of the command.

An exceedingly determined effort was made to get patrols through the German lines, several groups being sent out from different parts of the position. It was learned afterwards that of all the patrols and scouts ordered to try their skill at working their way back to Regimental Headquarters, only three men succeeded in reaching the American lines. They were Privates Clifford R. Brown and Stanislaw Kosikowski of Company C, 308th, and Private Abraham Kretoshinski of Company K, 307th Infantry.

Another day dragged out its weary length of trench mortar, machine guns and sniper fire with a heavy grenade attack at 5 P.m. This was repulsed after twenty minutes of vigorous fire from the American rifles. Two officers with the machine gun detachments were killed. With darkness came the cold, bringing renewed suffering to the wounded and the dying. Faint sounds of firing over the ridge to the south were heard this night but they were so faint and far away that they spoke of despair rather than of hope.

On the morning of October 7th, the fifth day of the command's fight against the surrounding enemy, it was almost impossible to find men who had strength enough to go out for the usual early patrols to size up the situation on either flank. There was no change-the patrols and two scouts who sought to creep through the marsh to the south were driven back by enemy rifle fire. On account of the extreme weakness of the men, no attempt was made to bury the bodies of the men who had fallen on the previous day. To dig a grave required as much effort as to scoop out a funk hole. Every bit of strength remaining in the survivors had to be conserved to repel daily attacks from the ridge above the position. A grenade attack was driven back shortly before noon.

At 4 P.M., while the enemy firing ceased temporarily, a private of Company H was noticed limping along the slope off the left flank and carrying a cane on which was tied a white handkerchief. He was passed through the firing line on the left flank and worked his way along the slope until he stood at attention in front of the Battalion Commander's funk hole. He reported that he had been sent in by the Germans with a message for the commanding officer. A bandage on the calf of his leg showed that he had been wounded.

He was asked to explain why he had left the position. With nine of his comrades in H Company, he said he had crawled in the woods to the rear in an effort to locate a basket of food which they believed they had seen fall from an American aeroplane on the previous day. They encountered the German line. Five of the nine were killed, the rest wounded and captured. Of the four taken to the German Headquarters to be questioned, this soldier had been selected to be the bearer of a note from the German commander to the Americans. He was blindfolded and led to a point near the American position and then the bandage removed from his eyes.

He gave the message to Captain McMurtry, who handed it to Major Whittlesey. It was a letter, dictated in English and neatly typewritten on a sheet of good quality paper, and addressed to "Commanding Officer, Second Battalion, 308th Infantry." It said:

SIR:

The bearer of the present, Private_________ has been taken Prisoner on October _____. He refused to the German intelligence officer any answer to his questions and is quite an honorable fellow, doing honor to his Fatherland in the strictest sense of the word. He has been charged against his will, believing it doing wrong to his country in carrying forward this Present to the officer in charge of the Second Battalion, 308th Infantry with the purpose to recommend this commander to surrender with his forces, as it would be quite useless to resist any more in view of the present situation.

The sufferings of your wounded can be heard in the German lines and we are appealing to your humane sentiments.

A white flag shown by one of your men will tell us that you agree with these conditions. Please treat - as an honorable man. He is quite a soldier. We envy you.

(Signed) The German Commanding Officer

Legend had made famous the reply, "Go to Hell which Whittlesey is reported to have hurled at the Germans.

For the purpose of history, the following recital of facts will suffice; Whittlesey read the note and handed it to Captain McMurtry. He read it and handed it to Captain Holderman who had just come from the right flank. The three officers looked at one another and smiled. For there was humor, both sardonic and typically Teutonic, in those words: "We are appealing to your humane sentiments. " A strange appeal it seemed from the enemy who for five days bad killed or wounded more than fifty percent of the besieged command!

No answer whatever, written or verbal, was made to the German commander's letter. The bearer of it was directed to report back to H Company. Major Whittlesey ordered the two white aeroplane panels to be taken in at once. There was to be nothing white showing in the American position.

A private expressed, in one exclamation, the answer of the entire command to the German letter. He asked one of the officers if it was true that they had been called upon to surrender. He was told that the rumor was correct.

"Why, the sons of__________! he said as he pushed back his helmet.

But the German commander evidently understood the fact that his note was ignored, for within thirty minutes a furious grenade attack was made from the ridge above and many potato mashers exploded about our firing line. They came whirling through the trees, sometimes falling in clusters of two or three and making an infernal noise as they exploded. It required twenty minutes of steady rifle fire directed against the slope above the road to frustrate this final attempt of the enemy to overcome the resistance of men who had nothing to eat for four days and four nights. In spite of the pitiful exhaustion of our men, their rifle fire was effective, as occasional yells from the bushes above testified. Gradually the Germans with-drew and silence settled down on the hillside.

Darkness soon came, and the men were preparing listlessly to suffer another cold night of hunger and thirst, not to mention the horror of enduring the moans of the severely wounded. The hopeless seriousness of the situation was beginning to penetrate even the stoutest hearts. Only two of the original nine machine guns remained in action, and there was no gunners left to feed the last five boxes of machine gun ammunition to the guns. Rifle ammunition was practically gone; grenades were all gone. No firing was heard to the south. No aeroplane

had come over that afternoon. It began to look as if the Battalion was abandoned to its fate.

A few minutes after 7 P.m., while Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry were seated in their funk hole talking in a low voice, a runner scrambled breathlessly down the slope from the right flank and reported to Major Whittlesey that an American officer with a few men had just come in on the right of the position.

"He says that he wants to see the commanding officer," the runner whispered.

Major Whittlesey followed the runner over to the right flank and there found the relief for which his men had been waiting since the morning they found their runner posts broken. First Lieutenant Tillman of the 307th Infantry, with a patrol, reported that three companies of that regiment were located in the forest a short distance to the right. After a brief talk with Major Whittlesey this officer made his way back to his command and shortly afterwards guided Companies A, B, and M of the 307th Infantry to our position. The long expected relief had at last come.

The news spread rapidly along the hillside. There was no wild demonstration, no cheering. In the grim darkness of the shadows above Charlevaux brook, haggard men with bleary eyes and muddy stubble on their chins rose from the holes they had expected would be their graves, and grasped one another's hand silently. They crawled to the side of those heroic wounded and whispered the news that relief had come, that food was on the way to the position at that very moment, and that it was all over but the shouting which would have to be deferred until later. If tears flowed, the darkness concealed them. The battalion that had been lost was found.

Within an hour the rations brought by the 307th Infantry companies had been distributed to the starving survivors. Medical attention was directed to the most severely wounded. Not a shot disturbed the slumber of the troops that night. The enemy knew before dark that reinforcements were arriving, and filtered out from our flanks and rear, retreating to the north.

At daybreak on October 8th the relieving companies of the 307th Infantry left the position and advanced over the ridge in pursuit of the Germans. Fresh rations arrived. The dead were buried by the incoming troops under the direction of Chaplain Halligan. Many ambulances arrived on the Charlevaux road above the position and the wounded who were unable to walk were carried up the slope on stretchers to them. One of the first visitors to reach the position was Major General Alexander, Division Commander, who extended to the command his warmest congratulations and appreciation for their gallant work in successfully carrying out the mission which he had assigned to them.

At 3 P.M. Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry assembled all officers and men able to walk, at the foot of the hill. This number totaled exactly 194. The number who had been cut off in the position was 554.

The command was then marched slowly down the valley to Regimental Headquarters.

An observer who saw them march slowly down the ravine that afternoon on their way to Headquarters for a rest said: "I couldn't say anything to them. There was nothing to say anyway. It made your heart lump up in your throat just to look at them. Their faces told the whole story of their fight."

The foregoing is the account of the Lost Battalion as it was prepared by Colonel Whittlesey and Major McMurtry, and by them turned over to the present writer. In the Appendix will be found both General Alexander's account of the matter and a list of the names of most of those concerned in the action. It is greatly to be regretted that this list is not complete, but when it was compiled many were still in the hospital. In the Appendix also is given an extract from a letter written immediately after the episode by Captain Cullen, which furnishes some interesting details.

If the preceding chapter deserves any criticism, it is for the modesty with which it has been prepared. Perhaps, however, the authors are right. Secretary of War Newton Baker well said of the episode, "The bare facts are more eloquent than any praise."

The bare facts may be recapitulated thus: approximately 550 men and officers were cut off. Of the 17 officers, 4 were killed and 9 wounded. There were in all 107 killed and 19o wounded. These figures are approximate, but substantially correct. Of the 9 machine guns taken into the position, only 2 were left with only 5 boxes of machine gun ammunition. For 104 hours the troops were without food, during which time they were under constant fire.

Captain McMurtry was twice wounded, but continued throughout the entire period to encourage his officers and men. Whittlesey constantly exposed himself and was perfectly indifferent to the constant warnings of the danger he incurred. One of those present has described him: " Strolling up and down and saying, 'We'll get out tonight!"' In the significant words of this authority: "He held the men up." Captain Cullen in his funk hole on the constantly exposed and harassed left flank only some, thirty feet from the German outposts, tells of a visit from the commanding officer. When asked the nature of the message from the Germans, "he produced it from a pocket of his gas mask and handed it to me to read. I read it and asked what message he had returned. He said, You gave them our message last night,"' meaning Cullen's fire against the enemy attack. Similarly Sergeant Tuite of C Company, who commanded both B and C Companies after Lieutenants Rogers and Schenck had been killed, reports in what is perhaps the best commentary on the silly, " Go to Hell! " story: "What he really told us was to fix bayonets and set ourselves!"

I cannot forbear adding one incident, which seems to me to afford a striking example of the practical working of religion in the face of death. Lieutenant Schenck and Sergeant Tuite were sitting together in their funk hole, where the former was subsequently killed by a direct hit from a shell. " That's like a tonic to me, " said Schenck, holding up the Christian Science Manual which he was reading. To which Tuite, lifting his beads, replied: "That's my tonic!"

Herewith is appended-

THE CITATION OF "THE LOST BATTALION"

HEADQUARTERS, 77TH DIVISION, AMERICAN E. F.

April 15, 1919. General Orders NO. 30:

I desire to publish to the command an official recognition of the valor and extraordinary heroism in action of the officers and enlisted men of the following organizations:

Company A, 308th Infantry Company B, 308th Infantry Company C, 308th Infantry Company E, 308th Infantry Company G, 308th Infantry Company H, 308th Infantry Company K, 307th Infantry Company C, 306th Machine Gun Battalion Company D, 306th Machine Gun Battalion

These organizations or detachments there from, comprised the approximate force of 550 men under command of Major Charles W. Whittlesey, which was cut off from the remainder of the 77th Division and surrounded by a superior number of the enemy near Charlevaux, in the Forest d' Argonne, from the morning of October 3, 1918, to the night of October 7, 1918, Without food for more than one hundred hours, harassed continuously by machine gun, rifle, trench mortar, and grenade fire, Major Whittlesey's command, with undaunted spirit and magnificent courage successfully met and repulsed daily violent attacks by the enemy. They held the position which had been reached by supreme efforts, under orders received for an advance, until communication was reestablished with friendly troops. When relief finally came, approximately 194 officers and men were able to walk out of the position. Officers and men killed numbered 107.

On the fourth day a written proposition to surrender received from the Germans was treated with the contempt which it deserved.

The officers and men of these organizations during these five (5) days of isolation continually gave unquestionable proof of extraordinary heroism and demonstrated the high standard and ideals of the United States Army. ROBERT ALEXANDER,

Major General, U. S. A.

Commanding.

Official:

Louis B. GEROW,

Adjutant General,

Division Adjutant.

An artillery observation post at Abri du Crochet, October 1918.

LONGWOOD CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT

CHAPTER VIII

To the Meuse

I

IT is to be regretted that the following chapter dealing with the history of the 308th Infantry, subsequent to the relief of the so-called Lost Battalion and covering the Regiment's last month of active service before the Armistice, cannot be told in as great detail or with as much personal reference as some of the earlier chapters. Such, however, is necessarily the case, both because the Regiment was less actively engaged and because the material dealing with this period is comparatively small. Perhaps the writer cannot introduce this chapter better than by making a final quotation from those notes of Colonel Whittlesey used in Chapter VI.

Gordon Schenck was killed in the Pocket, and Stromee and Williamson were wounded, so there were none of the original officers left with the 1st B'n.; but when we got out we were rejoined by Knight and D Company. There weren't many men left in the 1st B'n, but what there were were fine and cheerful, and we sat around for two days cleaning up and resting. In the afternoon of the first day they sent me about 20 second lieutenants just out of training school who had been s'g'ts. in the draft. All 2nd Lts. and most of them a corking lot of fellows. I whisked them around somehow into companies, trying to guess which would be the best company commanders.

And after that rest of two days-I've forgotten the dates -they told me I was to take command of the Division Reserve (being a Lt. Col. by that time, just made), and that the 1st Bn. would be part of that reserve. Here I lost sight of the 2nd Bn. . . . Well our R'g't'l. H'q'rs., where we were resting, was just E. of Binarville, in the ravine. So along about October 10th or 11th I marched the Bn. around to the W. and through the woods where they were trying to shove what seemed like a whole division-trains and artillery -along a foot path. Finally joined up with the rest of the Division Reserve-a battalion of the 306th and a M. G. Bn.; and we got set in the heart of the Forest well out of harm's way. We had got our shelter tents and blankets back, and we settled down for a life of ease. Drew real fresh beef, and marmalade and coffee! Had our kitchens near. And there in a charming little ravine running E. and W. the war practically ended for me.

Oddly enough, while we were there, a typewritten message came, purporting to emanate from Corps H'q'rs.-this must have been not much after Oct. 15th-saying that peace would probably be declared in a few days, and that I was to read this to the men. I When the men heard it, the following morning, a Sunday, as I recall-you can imagine how rosy life looked under the Greenwood tree!

Then Col. Hannay ordered me back to R'g't'l. H'q'rs. to do some regular lieutenant coloneling. . . . So the R'g't. marched back to a rear position in the forest, and had a couple of pleasant camps during the next few days-first at a crossroads that I've forgotten the name of, except that there on the side of a ravine was a wonderful hanging row of houses and in one of them a genuine bath tub with a means for heating water. (It had been a German rest camp.) Next the R'g't. was at a place called Pylon- and another place called Abrie du Crochet where there was another German rest camp and a theater. Those places were well in the rear of the line and life was pretty easy.

Nov. 1st the Reg't was ordered to pick up and go back to the old war again, and I was ordered home to the U. S. A. So I can't tell you anything about the hike to Sedan.

2

The other two battalions were not to enjoy the well- earned rest which has just been described as the lot of the 1st. On October 9th, after receiving rations, clothing, and equipment, the 3rd Battalion commanded by Captain Breckinridge and the 2nd commanded by Captain Prentice from the 307th Infantry resumed in the order named the advance northward. The 308th was now acting in support of the 307th Infantry. The latter unit had gone into the front line on the same date about six kilometers north of Binarville. Since the 308th was now in support, it encountered no direct opposition; nevertheless two men of the 3rd Battalion were killed and three wounded by shell fire. October 9th and 10th were allowed for the mopping up of the ravines to the west, but no enemy was here encountered with the exception of one lone German police dog. Meanwhile the scout officer also got in touch with the French Cavalry on our left.

It is of course understood that in the meanwhile the fist to which Pershing's forces were earlier compared, was being thrust vigorously forward. It had already gone through the first line of defense-for the 77th Division, the Argonne Forest-and was now rapidly nearing the second, the Kriernhilde Stellung along the valley of the Aire. The 38th Infantry was now to leave the forest of the Argonne and to pass into the more open country to its north. This meant, of course, a marked change in the nature of the terrain and warfare. As characteristic of such change may be told what happened to Company I on October 11th.

It was at 2 A.M. on the date mentioned that Lieutenant Conn received an order to take his company and two machine guns (and their four mules) and establish liaison with the French in the north end of Grand Pre by 7 that morning. It was understood, of course, that the Germans had retreated north from Grand Pre, and that that town was now held by the French.

This optimistic and trustful little outfit started from the Bois de la Taille, about a kilometer south of La Besogne, and passing quickly through that place found what they record as "only a few dead horses, the saddle hides of which had all been cut off." About two kilometers south of Chevieres, German shrapnel burst over the party, whereupon they gave that town a wide berth, and left the open road to take to the edge of the woods. From La Folie Ferme they marched again north along a trail through the woods. Soon they had arrived at a cut in the Chevieres-Grand Pre road about 300 yards south of the Barbancon Ferme "at which point several of our own shells fell to our rear." Considerably puzzled, the company was halted in the cut. It is true our artillery had at times-as the troops in the Pocket knew-a disagreeable habit of falling short, but in this case the shortness seemed unusual. Nevertheless Lieutenant Conn and Sergeant Carter proceeded to reconnoiter the Grand Pre station on their side of the Aire River. All was quiet, and they were just about to climb down the debris of the blown-up bridge when German machine gunners appeared at its north end and opened up. Of course the truth was then plain: those American shells, which had fallen some thousand yards south of Conn and his outfit, had really been falling where they were meant to fall, that is to say, in front of the American lines; and the fact was that Grand Pre was still occupied by Germans and by Germans only.

Since the unit's mission was merely to establish liaison with the French, it did not wait long to accomplish this by starting in the direction of the French, obviously due south. After a kilometer and a half of progress they found at La Noue Le Coq a platoon of poilus located with the P. C. of the 307th Infantry. The French were out on a liaison mission like our own. At this point half of the company was left, and then the other half taken back to establish liaison with the 307th support about 500 yards west of La Folie Ferme. And here came the climax of the adventure, for here Lieutenant Conn met General Alexander on a tour of inspection of the front line, and was able to report in person how he had-in much less time than it had required to enter it-evacuated Grand Pre, more than two kilometers in front.

What happened to the 3rd Battalion between October 8th and 15th is best told in the vivid words of Major L. S. Breckinridge, who writes as follows:

To write of the period following the relief of the Lost Battalion leads one almost into the realm of anti-climax. That period of exaltation was followed by a day of almost idyllic contemplation of many-tongued rumors of cushy billets and sylvan rest areas consisting entirely of estaminets and unknown to corps inspectors and other lesser breeds without the law. There was reason for the rumors and sound excuse for the hopes of a place where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest. The rude awakening was not long delayed. On the night of October 8th about twelve hours after the relief of the Lost Battalion, orders were issued to resume the northward advance the next morning, the 3rd Battalion leading followed by the 2nd,. the mission of the 3rd Battalion being to mop up the territory on the west of the division sector and to extend, if necessary, slightly into the French sector on the left until contact was thoroughly obtained. The enemy had evacuated the country hurriedly, but apparently thoroughly. Very little was known of the general situation, but the impression prevailed that the 3rd Battalion was covering a good deal more front than was healthy in the reduced state of its personnel. The terrain was quite thickly overgrown.

Late in the afternoon of the 9th, the 3rd Battalion started the descent of quite a precipitous gully and proceeding slowly crossed this gully or ravine; working its way through the woods, the Battalion approached the top of the northerly slope, crossing a small stream and going more slowly, as the trees and underbrush were becoming much thinner. There were sounds indicating troop movements, so having in mind the mission of the unit and suspecting the presence of the enemy behind every bush and tree and in every hollow of the ground, a very scout-like approach was made to the top of the rise and there a perfectly open plateau presented itself, whereon disported themselves unnumbered quantities of French soldiers, infantry, cavalry and machine guns, looking more as if they were engaged in a military tournament than in a war.

After consultation with the French our left wing was drawn in, although it appeared that both forces were still extending into the sector of the other.

That night the Battalion found very pleasant billets in a ravine and was subjected to some unpleasant but impersonal shelling. We had gotten the idea somewhere that the valley of the Aisne was French territory and the heights overlooking it was U. S., but the 3rd Battalion was broad-minded and willing to share its sector with the French.

On the 10th, this area seemed to be so crowded with French and American troops that a continuance of the 3rd Battalion mission seemed ridiculous, and a runner was sent to Regimental Headquarters with a message explaining the situation, the Battalion remaining in the ravine on the left of the sector until the afternoon, when the Brigade Commander, General Johnson, then appeared from nowhere and viewing the Battalion with pained surprise said: " Your Regimental Commanding Officer has been looking everywhere for you. How did you get lost? " This sending one somewhere and then accusing one of being lost was assuming the proportions of an epidemic. One had somewhat the feeling of a misplaced pince-nez. The Battalion's mission was explained, so the Battalion was forgotten but not forgiven. General Johnson ordered the unit ' to report to the Regimental Commander, who had an advanced P. C. near a crossroads in the woods. The Regimental Commander at this time was Colonel Han-nay who had succeeded Lieutenant Colonel Gordon Johnston, promoted and ordered to the 82nd Division. The Battalion was then ordered forward to bivouac in the woods not far from the crossroads at which Colonel Hannay maintained his headquarters. (The fourth R. C. 0. in four days.)

On the evening of October 12th orders were received that the 3rd Battalion was to relieve during the night of October 12th-I3th the 1st Battalion of the 305th Infantry, occupying a position just south of the Aire River from Chevieres inclusive to Marcq exclusive, making a front of over two kilometers for a comparatively small battalion, which was further reduced by the transfer of Lieutenant Conn with half of I Company as a liaison group between the 307th Infantry and the French. The relief started shortly after dark and was completed shortly after midnight, everything having gone very smoothly and the greatest assistance having been rendered by Major Metcalfe commanding the Battalion of the 305th Infantry.

As this relief order was accompanied by an operations order indicating an attack across the Aire River directed against the heights along which ran the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road, the Battalion Commander was anxious to obtain even more complete information than was usual in the relief if such were Possible. Major Metcalfe furnished reports *from the Engineers with coordinates purporting to show fords over the river, and very complete reports made by his own patrols of the character of the terrain and the positions of the enemy. The position was occupied with K Company on the right,

L Company in the center, M Company on the left and a combat patrol of one squad was stationed in Chevieres with a similar group from the 307th Infantry. What was left of I Company was ordered into a support position along a brook which emptied into the Aire River near Chevieres.

The companies occupying the front line were roughly in position along the Marcq and Chevieres Road which gave the Battalion a direction of attack almost due northeast, pivoting slightly on the left flank, the objective designated being the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road which ran in a northwesterly direction from St. Juvin across the railroad tracks, crossing what was approximately the military crest on the southerly slope on the hill on which the Bois des Loges was situated. The mission of the 3rd Battalion, was understood to be to start its attack at 10 A.M. as the pivot of a larger movement involving an attack by our right Brigade and the 82nd Division, all of whom were to attack St. Juvin. A proper conduct of this movement, of course, comprehended very closest liaison with the 306th Infantry to the immediate right. The Battalion orders were issued having in view the possibility that it might succeed in crossing the river and thus leave both flanks in the air. Accordingly, a small force was retained on the south bank of the river extending respectively beyond the right and left flanks of the attacking parties so as to cover any demonstrations by the enemy from those directions.

The jump off was made on schedule time, K Company under Lieutenant Taylor experiencing little difficulty in reaching the river. Company L under Lieutenant Ashworth and M Company under Captain McDougall came under very heavy machine gun and shell fire and suffered severe casualties, considering their strength at the time. On arriving at the river, great difficulty was experienced in finding fords, although fords were reported on the front of K Company by about 1 o'clock P.m. They were not found satisfactory for crossing in daylight, and continual efforts were made to find other crossing places, which were not subjected to such fierce enemy fire. L Company got two or three men across the river but casualties were so heavy that these men were recalled until more assistance could be offered. This condition continued until late in the afternoon, say about 4 o'clock.

The Battalion Commander, accompanied by Corporal Thomas Hays, Chief of the Scouting Section, and Private Henshel, set out on a detailed reconnaissance of the river. Captain McDougall, commanding M Company, and Lieutenant Sullivan, who succeeded him, had also been wounded. Lieutenant Taylor was very ill and should have been in the hospital. The losses among the enlisted personnel had been heavy and the situation promised to develop into a stalemate. All contact had been lost with the 306th Infantry to the right, although several patrols had been sent out to gain information as to how they were progressing. These patrols were either captured or became casualties.

Regimental Headquarters reported that a message from the 153rd Brigade stated St. Juvin had been captured and mopped up by the 3o6th Infantry. So heavy and so continuous rifle and machine gun fire was directed at the 3rd Battalion's right flank from the direction of St. Juvin that the information appeared somewhat apocryphal, and Lieutenants Shrider and Gerould with a few men from K Company conducted a fire fight against those positions for several hours. Some one suggested, probably Corporal Hays, that a group such as that making up the reconnaissance was so small as to escape any particular attention unless it arrived directly at a ford over the river, and that it might be taken as a fair indication of a good ford when the group did come under particularly heavy fire and using such fire as a basis of reasoning the ford or fords might be marked out and then used as future conditions might indicate. At any rate, this plan was followed and a number of places marked as possible satisfactory crossing places. At one of these spots particularly, which was discovered with the assistance of Lieutenant Carlisle of L Company, whose platoon then. numbered seven or eight men, more extensive tests were made and it was decided that although the river at this point would have to be crossed by means of a flank march, the other physical conditions were such as to make it more adaptable than any of the others. This ford was in a bend of the river that went about due north and curved around in such a way as to make the peninsula it surrounded seem almost like an island, so that in crossing, the troops would have to go due west.

Corporal Hays volunteered to lead across, and four or five men were pushed over at this time and made a reconnaissance on the further bank, then returned to the southerly side of the river. By this time it was six o'clock, and orders were issued to the company commanders to meet the Battalion Commander at the P. C. of Lieutenant Ashworth in order to effect a readjustment of the problem in consideration of the changed situation and the losses incurred. Acting Sergeant Carter, Commander of I Company, reported about 20 men, Lieutenant Ashworth, Commander of L. Company, reported about the same, Lieutenant Carstens, Commander of M Company, reported about the same, and Lieutenant Taylor, Commander of K Company, reported he had about 80 men, which was half the strength of the Battalion.

Orders were then issued that M Company should go into support in the position then occupied by them along the river, extending generally in the direction slightly north of west, their right resting about two or three hundred yards to the west of the westerly bend in the river. That the Battalion would then proceed across the river in order, I, K, L, and the Battalion scouts would extend on the right in a manner similar to that of M on the left, as flank support and the machine gun company from the 306th Machine Gun Battalion would exercise a like function from that position to the north of Marcq and to the east of Chevieres. That the companies should proceed in the above order and meet the Battalion Commander at the ford at 7 O'clock, I Company leading, L Company moving out of its position when I Company had started to cross the river .. and K Company moving out of its position when L Company had started to cross the river. I Company on crossing the river was to form with its left in position along the coordinate approximately corresponding with the right of M Company. L and K Company on crossing the river were to extend to the right from L Company, thus avoiding masking the fire of companies to the south of the river in the event that it was necessary to commence fire

action during the crossing of the river and formation of the Battalion on the north bank. The direction of attack was given as due north and to be regulated on I Company for the reason that I Company's immediate front was the most precipitated portion of the German line and naturally the strongest portion. Therefore, it was argued the. it would probably be the least strongly defended.

While this movement was in progress a message was received by the Battalion Commander indicating that he was relieved of command, and that Captain Prentice, commanding the 2nd Battalion, was placed in command of the operation. The movement by this time being well under way, it seemed well to get the assault column in position according to the plan before acting on this message. Therefore, as K Company started across the river, I and L being already over, the command of the immediate result was turned over to Lieutenant Taylor of K Company. The Battalion Commander then returned to the P. C. where Lieutenant Robinson, Battalion Adjutant, was going over the general situation with Captain Prentice who had come up in the meanwhile. It appeared that the message had been misinterpreted and that Captain Prentice had been ordered forward with Companies E and F of the 2nd Battalion and the Regimental Machine Gun Company under Lieutenant McGuire.

Captain Prentice had received orders changing the character of the operation and reinforcing the front line. His Plan was to extend the attacking line well into St. Juvin, hooking up on the right with the 153rd Brigade, which would give the objective a complete change of direction from generally northeast to generally northwest, the left of the line resting on the river near Chevieres, the right somewhere to the northwest of St. Juvin when the operation was completed. The plan at that time in operation was explained to Captain Prentice and received his approval with the limitation that the attack of the 3rd Battalion as already ordered should go forward as planned, and he would cross the river with companies E and F and the Machine Gun Company, proceeding to the extreme right of the sector, and would make an attack to the north of St. Juvin, hooking up with the right of the 3rd Battalion on the completion of his movement. Pending discussion, guides were furnished to Captain Prentice for the purpose of avoiding delay and in order to get his attachment across the river as soon as possible. Captain Prentice then left the Battalion P. C. with his Adjutant, Captain Griffith, and nothing more was heard of them until late the next afternoon.

It was by this time quite late, and Captain Roosevelt, Regimental Supply Officer, reported that he had "hot chow" in Marmites. He was given guides and took the food right down to the river line. About I A.M. the Battalion Commander started for Chevieres, from which place he worked slowly down the railroad track to the position of M Company. The attack was apparently progressing favorably and quietly, although a good deal of difficulty was met with in getting through the barbed wire in and about a place called Lairesse (?) where there was a number of shacks on the trench line protected by barbed wire. It appeared that during the crossing of the river, Captain Prentice's command had become split and that he had proceeded with a very small part of it, leaving the bulk of E Company with F Company and the Regimental Machine Gun Company behind. As a result of a conference between Lieutenant Taylor and Lieutenant Wilhelm, Senior Officer of Leave of Captain Prentice's attachment, it was agreed that the two forces should amalgamate.

Little opposition was met with until the force arrived at the foot of the hill at the top of which ran the St. Juvin- Grand Pre Road, at which time it was shortly before dawn. The companies were reformed and an attack made straight up the side of the hill which was quite precipitous. The hill was carried and the German position and dugouts occupied, although the men were at all times under very galling fire from machine guns situated on both flanks. In order to abate this nuisance a patrol volunteered to go out to the left flank from I Company, consisting of Acting Sergeants Carter, Riley, and Calbi. This patrol wormed its way to the west in the direction of the Farm des Greves (?) and in due course returned with the machine gun and part of the crew. To the right equal success was had by patrolled by Acting Sergeant June of K (?) Company who stumbled on his objective entirely unexpectedly; as far as can be learned, Sergeant June was armed principally with a two pound can of bully beef with which he made threatening gestures, and the Boche, not unnaturally, assuming this to be a lethal weapon, surrendered.

Lieutenant Gerold returned with a number of these prisoners across the river, accompanied by some of the walking wounded as guards. It appeared from the story of the German prisoners that they had been in contact with elements on their left shortly before, whose position was across the railroad tracks in St. Juvin; that they could not understand how our troops approached them from the rear and it was this fact that made the capture so easy, as they were expecting ration details and had expected an early relief by a force which was to launch a counterattack in the direction of St. Juvin. They said also that they had the troops along the river under observation during the earl afternoon and even-ing, but had refrained from firing because they believed the War was practically over. This was accepted with a grain of salt as there had been very little evidence during the day and night that any one who had anything to fire with had not been using it. Along the hill crest the German position was beautifully located, there being counter-sunk concrete machine gun shelters which commanded the valley as far as the eye could reach. In several of the dugouts tables were spread for the morning, meal and curious candles with wooden wicks were lighted. A box of American cigars was also found and a razor bearing the name of a Sergeant in the 326th Infantry.

This fight marked the first time the Battalion had operated in the open, all of its previous experience, in the Vosges, on the Vesle and in the Argonne, having been in heavy woods and underbrush. With the force at hand, it seems impossible that this attack could have succeeded in the daytime, and the heavy losses suffered during the day give strength to this belief. The Corps objective had been taken, although not on schedule. All efforts at effective liaison with the 306th on the right had failed. The chain of runner posts established to maintain connection with Captain Prentice and extending into the edge of St. Juvin had been broken, several of the runners being killed, wounded, or captured, particularly those extending into the area of the right brigade. Liaison to the left with the 307th had been maintained through a mixed post and Chevieres. Contact with the rear had been all too continuous through the telephone. The merry idleness of the day had been frequently interrupted with telephonic requests, which divested of their military verbiage ran about as follows: "Why the Hell don't you do something?" This seemed a perfectly reasonable request in view of the fact that nothing was being done except to seek for nonexistent bridges and undiscoverable fords. (In the next war, coordinates should be marked on the ground. There is no reason why war should not learn from football.) Nothing was being done except to cut barbed wire and be shot at with rifles and machine guns, light and heavy, whizzbangs and minnenwerfers. These amusements were occasionally interspersed with a pleasant walk along the railroad track or a bit of wading in the river; and then how pleasant it was to see some signal man from Headquarters get the D. S. C. for repairing a telephone which in a moment of exasperation one had torn up by the roots, or gently nipped with the battalion pliers-so much depends on the point of view.

However, daybreak of the 15th found the Battalion on the alert, M Company on the left, the scouts on the right, 11 machine gunners from the 306th Machine Gun Battalion, two guns near Marcq and two near Chevieres, ready for Action. The flank protection patrols from the right and left flanks had been called in. At a fairly early hour in the morning the lieutenant in command of the machine guns reported that a large column of German troops were moving out from the southern edge of the Bois des Loges and were within range and requested authority to fire on them. Four machine guns opened on them and the speed with which they disappeared indicated either marvelous practice by the machine guns or marvelous training by the Germans-probably both. At any rate, no further rumblings of a counter attack developed during the day. Between 8:00 and 9:oo in the morning, Captain Weld, at that time Regimental Adjutant, came to the Battalion Headquarters and stated that a new attack order was in process of distribution and left a copy showing the new boundaries and the objective and ordering the 308th to move to the left, slipping over by small groups and not losing touch with the 153rd Brigade. A liaison group of two squads was to be left in Chevieres to maintain liaison with the 153rd Brigade. This message was followed later by a field. order dated Head-quarters 154th Infantry Brigade, 15th of October, 2:30 A.M., designating the new objective for the Brigade as from the Hauts Batis Farm to include the northern edge of the Bois des Loges. The attack was to commence at 7:30, which was only a short time before the receipt of the operation order.

The mission of the 308th involved an attack in a westerly direction against the railroad running north from Grand Pre and the heights of Bellejeuse Farm, the execution of a right turn along a front of about two kilometers, and an advance to the objective as mentioned above. As this movement seemed an exceedingly dangerous one with a depleted battalion, involving as it did a flank march with a watchful enemy on one flank, a river on the other, no contact with supporting troops, and an exposed rear; and as the original message directed that touch be not lost with the 153rd Brigade, a long stay in the present position was presaged.

Between 10 and 11 o'clock a message was received directing the movement to proceed regardless of the 153rd Brigade. A message was sent to the commander of the forces on the north bank of the river, and three runners in succession were badly wounded by machine gun fire from the direction of St. Juvin in an effort to get this message through. This difficulty was communicated to Regimental Headquarters and in due course Captain Stockly came up with a one-pounder and scattered some of the too persistent German machine guns that could be plainly seen setting out for unhappy far off places, but it seemed quite impossible to clear out all of the nests in the direction of St. Juvin. Shortly after this an effort was made by Lieutenant Taylor to send messages back and three patrols were sent out at once, all of whom very quickly became casualties from machine gun fire from the direction of St. Juvin. Volunteers were called for from the platoon of Lieutenant Carlisle of L Company which had been retained on the south side of the river to act as a patrolling group, and Privates Rochford and Collins volunteered to deliver the message. This mission they successfully accomplished and returned in about three hours with a message from Lieutenant Taylor stating that the order was understood and would be complied with as indicated.

The method of operation as outlined to Lieutenant Taylor was that the troops to the south bank of the river, consisting of M Company, a platoon of L Company, Battalion Scouts and the Company of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion, would move by small groups to the west of Chevieres and cross the river between that place and a point to the north of Barban-con Farm, and that Lieutenant Taylor should start his movement at 6 o'clock p.m., leaving K Company under Lieutenant Laney and the Regimental Machine Gun Company to protect his flank and rear and to make the Farm des Loges his objective, at which place he would be met by the Battalion Commander. The movement had been commenced and M Company was in position south of the river to the west of Chevieres. The Machine Gun Company of the 306th Machine Gun Battalion was getting ready to move when a message was received countermanding this order and ordering the troops to be recalled to the south side of the river, and to resume the position occupied by them before the jump off on the 14th. This was accordingly done and the evacuation was completed by about midnight with the companies back south of the river. A message was then received that the Division be relieved by the 78th Division and that guides should report to Regimental Headquarters. This relief was finally completed about 5:30 or 6:00 A.M., October 16th. Why this withdrawal was ordered, Heaven only knows, as the 78th Division had to make the same attack over the same ground at high cost later in the day. Nobody in the Battalion knew this at the time, however, and it was not known by the Battalion Commander until 9 or 10 o'clock in the morning after he had arrived at Regimental Headquarters. While the side slip was going on, Captain Prentice appeared at Battalion Headquarters accompanied by Captain Griffith and Lieutenant Cook. He reported a series of hair-raising adventures, having fought in and about St. Juvin with practically no men and was very much relieved to find that the balance of his detachment had suffered so little.

4

While the 3rd Battalion was making the attack near Grand Pre, which has just been described, a portion of the 2nd Battalion was similarly engaged toward the east at St. Juvin. As typical of the conditions existing in the Argonne, it may be mentioned that when Captain Prentice took over the 2nd Battalion after it came out of the Pocket, he was obliged to do so without seeing any of his men except Lieutenant Griffiths (Commanding Officer of E Company, Adjutant, Scout Officer, and General Handy Man of the Battalion) and one or two runners. On October 14th, Colonel Hannay summoned Captain Prentice and Lieutenant Griffiths to his P. C. and gave them instructions to proceed that night to St. Juvin and get in touch with whatever American unit was there, after which they were to take up the position to the west of the village, and to support the right flank of the 3rd Battalion. It was understood that the Aire could be forded in several places-which places could be found after careful search.

And so the officers mentioned started out after dark on the night of the 14th with Companies E and F, as well as two machine guns and their crews, "which some kind soul had loaned us." The story of the adventures of that night as related by one of the participants is a zestful one.

After reporting to Major Breckinridge they received a guide to show them the ford and started on their way. Because of occasional machine gun fire and shelling the men were pretty well spread out. As a consequence of this, and because of the necessity of absolute quiet, the line got broken crossing the river, and the greater part of the men followed Company L, which was going across at the same time. However, Captain Prentice continued with what remained, along a route which was practically through No Man's Land, in order to reach St. Juvin from the west side. Runner posts were left along the line, "most of which were promptly picked up by the Boche." After one of many halts due to machine gun fire which was kept up at irregular intervals, Lieutenant Griffiths went back to investigate the rear of the line. He now discovered that only some 22 or 24 men were left and that the rest had been lost. near the ford. After hasty conference it was decided to proceed with what was left.

When near the town, Prentice got worried about - what the crazy Yank outpost would do to us, if we tried to enter it from almost the front, so he decided to make some noise in order to let them know that we were not trying to steal in unobserved. We had no more than started to kick up the stones and talk, than a rocket was sent up and the Boche 'I machine gunners proceeded to give us a warm reception. We took shelter in the lee of some buildings, and started to get our bearings. All this of course was before daylight., just -when we thought we had got well sheltered the Boche opened up with their artillery on that one section of the town. At this we decided to find better shelter for the men, and entered the cellar of a large building, built on the side of a hill and fairly well protected. Two men had been hit, so that when all windows, etc., were covered, we lit a few candles. The first glance showed this to be an ideal place for collecting souvenirs, such as hats, field glasses, pistols, etc. Further investigation proved that we had taken shelter in a Boche billet, but the family seemed to be out for the night.

After placing guards and making ready to give the house-holders a warm reception, if they returned while we were there, Prentice and Griffiths started to scout the town, in order to find if there were any American troops.

Just before daylight came the noise of the 305th Infantry entering St. Juvin and taking up its position behind a high embankment along the roadside to the east. Captain Prentice and Lieutenant Griffiths reported, and then went back for their men and brought them to the position occupied by the troops of the 305th. The men had no sooner been placed than the position was subjected to a heavy bombardment lasting about an hour. At the end of this the enemy attempted to take the position aided by machine gunfire, but was soon repulsed. Then it was that Captain Prentice for the first time remembered that he had carelessly left his kit-bag in the German cellar. But I prefer to give the rest of the story in the words of the participant already quoted.

As soon as the excitement was over, Captain Prentice remembered his kit-bag and decided to get it. As he went around one side of the building to enter the back door, a little German came around the other side, with the intention of getting his pack. Both were greatly astonished, but Prentice poked his gun at him, and the fellow readily decided to become a prisoner, if he could go in and get his blanket. After this we decided to take up the position assigned us by Colonel Hannay, and started trooping down the road in a very happy manner, quite sure that the Boche was now on the run. On coming to a little stream, the bridge over which had been destroyed, we were fired on from three sides by machine guns. What men we had took shelter behind the banks of the stream, and tried to scare the machine gunners with rifle fire, but they wouldn't scare. We had two men killed here and several wounded.

About the only piece of equipment other than that carried by a rifle-man was a basket of pigeons, in charge of a signal corps man. We discovered a well sheltered spot, about one hundred and fifty yards to the side of us in the direction in which the stream was flowing. The idea seemed a fine one; we would walk down the stream to this new position and so get shelter. The idea was all 0. K., except for the fact that the stream, while only knee deep in most places, had holes where the water was four feet deep. Many of the men stepped in these holes, lost their balance and were completely submerged. One of these men was the pigeons' nurse. In the upset he lost hold of the basket, with the result that the birds were also added to the casualty list.

A little later a company of the 305th Infantry took over the position of this adventurous little outfit, and they made their way back to Regimental Headquarters to report the events of the past twenty-four hours.

The casualties for the 308th's fighting on the Aire during the 14th and 15th were heavy. The battalions were of course already greatly reduced as a result of the Argonne fighting. The 3rd Battalion advanced on October 13th with about 147 men, and the 2nd with about 200. There were apparently about 10 officers in each battalion. The War Diary records for the first day's fighting 6 men killed, and 4 officers and 40 men wounded; for the second day 23 men killed.

5

At last in the middle of October came that long-looked -for relief to the troops in the front line. An order from Corps Headquarters dated October 12th had declared:

This Division has been in the line constantly since the night of the 25th of September, under circumstances at least as difficult as those which have confronted any other division of the ist Army.

The order went on:

In spite of these conditions, your command has pushed steadily forward . . . and today after eighteen days of constant fighting is still ready to respond to any demand made upon it.

The 308th was relieved by the 311th Infantry of the 78th Division. The relief was ordered for the night of October 15th, and was completed at 3:30 A.M. The two weary battalions, after the hard fighting of the 14th and 15th, marched back in the rain through Lancon and arrived at Abri du Crochet, now thirteen kilometers south of the front line, at 11 P.M.-to sleep the rest of the night in the rain. The Diary of the 3rd Battalion records with not unnatural bitterness:

Promised good billets and then forced to lie out all night in the wet, after being soaked to the skin for a day and a half. It was a good thing that that billeting officer from H'd'q. Co. disappeared.

The whole of the 77th Division now went into Corps Reserve, and remained as such until ordered to advance again on the 1st of November. The 308th Infantry spent its two weeks' absence from real warfare in the usual reserve area occupations of cleaning and delousing, getting furnished with new clothing, and checking up equipment. The much-needed replacements received at this time amounted, according to the War Diary, to 550.

Nor were amusements wanting. The Regimental Band gave concerts (presumably the Adjutant had mended the instruments or obtained new ones); and at Chene Tondu, the Argonne Players performed in a huge dugout theatre which had been erected by the German troops for very different performers and audiences. Night raids '"'ere, however, a frequent occurrence, and on one occasion when the Y. M. C. A. ladies were kindly entertaining with a song of the appropriate title "The Mick That Threw the Brick," an enemy plane suddenly came over, whereupon, amid great laughter and applause from the audience, the stage was immediately left empty. Other evidences that the War was not over were not lacking. For instance, at 2 A.M. on October 20th, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions received orders to march in the rain 10 kilometers to the vicinity of Cornay and Pylone, where they took up a support position behind the 78th Division " now busily engaged in the vicinity of Grand Pre. After remaining here a day they returned to Chene Tondu. Four days later the troops again marched north, this time relieving the 307th Infantry on a line representing the corps line of resistance. Here near the towns of Fleville, Cornay, and La Besonge, and the position known as Pylone, the troops received energetic training in automatic and rifle fire, bomb throwing, rifle grenades, and advancing skirmish formation under smoke screens. On the 25th shell fire killed three men and wounded one in the 1st Battalion east , of Fleville. Although the Regiment was not in the front line, it was obviously enduring war conditions.

On October 31st the Division again received its order to advance. On a front line which was now only a little more than a kilometer north of where they had left it two weeks earlier, and which ran east and west, south of Champigneulle, the troops of the 77th were to start their final advance towards the Meuse River and the last line of German resistance. The 80th Division was on the right of the 77th, and the 78th on its left. Orders called for the attack to proceed in a column of brigades, the 153rd in advance with the 154th following as Division Reserve. The 307th Infantry was followed by the 308th.

A heavy barrage, starting at 3 A.M. on November 1st, preceded the last big push of the American army. Actual advance of the Regiment did not begin until next day, when it went forward with the 2nd Battalion under Major Weld, followed by the 3rd under Captain Breckinridge, and the 1st under Captain Fahnestock. Since the 308th was now the fourth regiment of the Division in depth, no resistance was encountered. Nevertheless the hardness of the march no less than the interest of what was to be observed will doubtless make it vividly recalled by those present. The Regiment passed through St. Juvin, halting for supper just north of that town. March was resumed at 8:30 P.M. toward Thenorgues, the day's objective, but shelling of the latter place made it necessary to establish Regimental Headquarters and to billet the battalions at Verpel, where they remained until 1:30 P.M. of the next day. In St. Juvin, and yet more in Verpel, the effects of the American barrage were evidenced in the many dead men and horses. Many wounded had also been left behind in the hasty retreat.

It is near Champigneulle on this first night of the advance that the 1st Battalion's columns of two's face to the right, stack arms, and unsling packs for a while. , The rain, which dripped from the rim of the helmets, has been soaking all day into the heavy packs. Every one is cold, wet, hungry, and tired. The fierce barrage of the morning is now succeeded by far away rumblings and flickerings in the darkness to the north. To the left the road is still, as it has been all day, filled with a mad confusion of transports, guns, limbers, supply wagons, lorries, and rolling kitchens-the mingled trains of many divisions-now halted, now going forward, but always headed for the north. Together with the stream of troops and transports has flowed at its edges and along the fields a long single file procession of civilian refugees, old men, old women, young women, plodding under bundles of bedding or trundling two-wheeled carts piled with household goods.

Meanwhile, to the disconsolate Battalion comes the news that their own kitchens have come through to them and mess is ready, and while cheering cries go up " Company A this way!"-" Company C over here!", there comes still greater news: The enemy is broken! The 307th ahead of us is in pursuit loaded in motor trucks!

Now appears something never yet seen on the front. A cook unreproved has lit a candle. Other dots of light, both candles and cigarettes, begin to blink here and there, and soon a great bonfire is lit which burns hesitatingly at first, as if it knew its boldness in daring to appear at such a place, but soon flares brightly, throwing its light on the rainsoaked figures gathered around. Wet overcoats begin to steam. Food, tobacco, and warmth bring unspeakable comfort.

The Battalion falls in, slings packs, takes rifles, faces to the left.

"Forward march!"

Later in Verpel, which was reached about 2 A.M., were found many more dead horses and Germans strewn near hastily left, enemy transports, ammunition, and some pieces of artillery. In some of the German billets, the mattresses were covered with filth, apparently prepared for the coming Americans. Next day, November 3rd, in a hard rain and over the congested roads which had been in many places systematically destroyed by dynamite and time-fuses, the Regiment marched about six kilometers to Germont. This town, which was reached about 8 in the evening, had been vacated by the enemy some twenty-four hours earlier. Here appeared the first French civilians. At Germont the Regiment was billeted for the night and received a hot meal. So great was the congestion on the road this day, when the 6th and 42nd Divisions together with great numbers of ammunition wagons were advancing by the same route as the 77th, that the 3rd Battalion left the road and marched across the country, and was thus the first of the 308th to reach the day's objective.

A Brigade Order of this date from General Price reads in part:

The copy of the Corps Order herewith indicates a race for the Meuse. Have your men go as lightly (pack) as possible and catch up within a reasonable distance of Sheldon. I I told Sherrill, who 'phoned me the order, that if there was any damned brigade in the American Army that could get through, this one could do it.

From Corps Commander down, every one was being lashed on in the driving advance of these last days. What with the lack of food and sleep and the constant advancing, it was natural that all should be wearied out. A Regimental memorandum of the same date reads: " Regiment now located at Germont. Men pretty well exhausted but will be able to push ahead after a good night's rest." On the next day another Field Message from Colonel Hannay states:

Major Weld, 2nd Battalion, 3o8th, telephones: "The Commanding Officers of this B'n., the 1st B'n- 307th, here, and all doctors agree that officers and men are so worn out by sleepless nights, long marches, lack of food and fighting all day and night, that the straggling will be unprecedented, that men are not in condition to advance half the distance prescribed -let alone fight." I understand that it is absolutely necessary for us to push forward, and that the men must, and I believe will do to the best of their ability. The sick must be evacuated. This is forwarded simply to bring to your attention the true state of affairs in my regiment, which can be verified by all the officers, doctors and regimental surgeon. Nothing will be left undone to get regiment forward as far and as effectively as is physically possible this morning. I urgently recommend that if at all possible, night halts be made of sufficient length to allow men time for recuperation, and that two hot meals a day be given them for continued operation and efficiency.

But the racing divisions were allowed little time for recuperation, little even for food, and the daily advances, as indicated on the maps, show, in contrast to the usual kilometer or two made in the Argonne, now four, six and ten kilometers a day. The tide of advance, which in the Forest was checked and pent between narrow barriers into crinkly, closely-written lines, is now flowing forward in wide and generous curves like the waves of the incoming sea racing up a great stretch of beach.

For now the mounting tide of victory is setting in across the flat, bare lands between Grand Pre and Sedan, tossing on its wild crest all the confused flotsam and jetsam of hard-driven pursuers and pursued. For some it brings death, for all others, it brings intense effort and fatigue. Still on it is to sweep, swirling and roaring past the smoking and crumbling towns-passing in turn Verpel, St. Pierremont, Germont-passing Oches, Stonne, Ange-court-until at last it will reach Sedan itself. And then at Sedan, at 11 o'clock on the morning of November 11th, it is to cease with a sudden hush, as a great spent wave ceases at last in silence. And for a moment the living and the dead alike will be silent and at rest.

6

On November 4th, the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions in order named left Germont at 6:30 A.M., and after passing through Authe-where Russian prisoners were encountered marching to the rear-came under shell fire. The enemy artillery and machine gun fire continued active during the whole day, particularly upon the towns of St. Pierremont and Oches and their approaches. The list Battalion occupied and outposted Hill 254 north of Oches, entering this town with the 2nd Battalion after dark. The 3rd Battalion in support took a position in the railroad cut to the south. The orders had been for the troops to push on further, but their fatigue was such that they were allowed to remain in the situations indicated.

The next day, November 5th, saw the last advancing fighting of the 308th. At 6 A.M. theist Battalion assumed attack formation on the southern slope of Hill 254 and half an hour later advanced, Companies A and D from right to left in attacking echelons, C and B in the same order in support.,, Machine gun resistance was immediately met on the northern slope of the hill. The support of the 37 m. m. gun was lacking as this had been put out of action by the breaking of a wheel on the approach to Oches. One of the two attached machine guns had also been lost through shell fire. In spite of this lack of support, the resistance was gradually overcome in the successive positions as the advance progressed. The artillery liaison officer, Lieutenant Hatimer, was killed early in the action. This did away with direct artillery support, except for excellent work done by the forward gun of the 305th Field Artillery. This gun through direct observation brought artillery fire to bear upon several enemy centers of resistance during the morning.

A platoon of Company C acted as a combat liaison patrol with a similar platoon of the 307th on the right. The remaining platoons of C under command of Lieutenant Reich were sent about 10,a.m. to approach Stonne from across the valley to the right. At 11:55 in spite of resistance of machine guns from the woods on the left flank, the advance had progressed so far that patrols from C on the right and A on the left were within one hundred yards of the town. These patrols and one from Company H were actually inside by 12:20 P.M. Only two prisoners were taken in the village. Their captor, Private Wolfe of Company C, conducted them to the rear,

Lieutenant Reich on his own initiative and in accordance with the verbal orders of the Battalion Commander, placed outposts on the northwest edge of the village, and these remained on post until relieved about 4 P.m. by an officer of the 307th Regiment under orders of Colonel Sheldon of the Regiment. The eastern exposure of the town was protected by the before mentioned liaison patrol of Company C, which had dug in on the right flank. In the meantime heavy artillery fire, beginning at noon, had caused D, B, and A on the left to prepare a position slightly to the south and west of Stonne. About 4 P.M. a battalion of the 168th Infantry, 42nd Division, over-took the left of our Battalion. Part of this battalion bivouacked for the night near the 2nd Battalion which was in support and camped to the rear of the first. Company A occupied Stonne at about 5:30 P.M. The rest of the Battalion pushed outposts to the hill northwest of the town, and occupied these positions until dawn.

For this last day of the Regiment's fighting, the Report on Operations states that the 1st Battalion had 1 killed and 21 wounded, and the 2nd, 3 wounded. Major Weld, wounded, was succeeded by Captain McMurtry as Commanding Officer of the 2nd Battalion. The day of extreme activity was followed by a night of intense discomfort. It was expected that the troops might be required to push on, and so a Regimental Order forbade unrolling packs. Cold and wet the men slept in the mud on the hillside. And it rained hard.

Some idea of general conditions at this time is obtained from an account furnished by Sergeant Jacobellis of C Company, describing what the liaison patrol already mentioned did on November 5th. After a few hours sleep in Oches, a platoon under Lieutenant Trainor reported to a Major of the 307th Infantry, and then started out on its mission as combat liaison patrol between the 307th and 308th. About 9 o'clock they came upon much evidence of the enemy's sudden departure, among other things a. great quantity of mail which there had been no time to distribute. Packs with reserve rations were found discarded on the field. While the Americans were "collecting buttons as souvenirs," an aeroplane suddenly swooped down and then disappeared. At La Berliere, midway between Oches and Stonne, a fine country house with gardens was investigated and found entirely empty. When Corporal Baldwin and Privates Bengall and O'Brien first entered La Berliere the inhabitants were afraid to show themselves. Soon, however, they offered a gracious reception with "well-sweetened coffee and black German War bread. Also cognac and wine." The inhabitants stated that the enemy had left at 5 o'clock that morning. While the discussion was going on in the town square, "a splendid automobile, with the official U. S. A. letters painted on its side drove up." The officer within (from another Regiment) "inquired what the men were doing, asking if Stonne had been captured."

March was resumed over rough hills and valleys, past open fields to the left with no tree or other object in sight. To the right, groups of trees and underbrush, valleys filled with high grass, and much of the ground covered with water. About 4 p.m. came a heavy barrage, "but with no resulting damage." To the party waiting and watching the shells burst, Captain Fahnestock appeared with a platoon of machine guns. Advance again. More troops, all asking if Stonne had been taken. Then from the road noise of advancing transports. Then shelling again, and the patrol dug in on the slope of the hill leading to the road. "The digging in none too welcome for men so tired, hungry, and wet." Now a noise of voices from the direction of Stonne. The civilians, "women, old people, and children," were, on account of the enemy's bombardment, moving out of the town under the direction of our M. P.'s on to the road already crowded with American transportation. At last C Company's kitchen is discovered in a half destroyed house in La Berliere. The platoon is welcomed by the kitchen crew who immediately furnish hard crackers. A better meal is promised later, and after such information as has been acquired is given to Lieutenant Young, the Company Commander, the start forward begins again.

A bad night, the rain which had begun at sunset coming down steadily. Corporal Baldwin and Sergeant Jacobellis go back to try and get food for the others from the kitchen. They discover that there is no kitchen; the bad condition of the road has prevented the transport keeping up. Returning to the Command, they are "thankful to find the men asleep, so that they were not obliged to explain that they had brought no food with them." About i o'clock Lieutenant Trainor decides to move on to Stonne. It is difficult to wake the men; the noise from the hard rain makes it necessary to yell loudly and touch each in turn in the complete darkness. " Then when they were awakened bombarding would start again, so it was decided to postpone moving until morning." About 6:30 the Company finally reaches Stonne, to find the rest of the Battalion lined up in the main street around the company kitchens, each man receiving a can of bully beef and a half dozen hard biscuits. Then the Company retires to the eastern slope of the hill outside the town and digs in, and builds fires. "The sun came out and the first cooked meal in many a day was enjoyed. There was also time to clean up a bit and oil the rifles."

At 6:30 on the morning of November 6th, the 1st Battalion was ordered to the woods east of Stonne as Divisional Reserve. The 3rd and 2nd Battalions in order named, and in support of the 307th Infantry assumed attack formations, and moved to Raucourt, about four kilometers north of Stonne, arriving there at 4 P.m. To the 3rd Battalion, halted and strung out for a time in column of two's, and waiting for the advance of the 307th, which had encountered some resistance ahead, suddenly arrived General Price. He ordered a patrol under Lieutenant Conn to get in touch with the 307th and find out what was holding them up. Too impatient to wait, he ordered another patrol under Captain Greenwood. But the men, with their packs, could not go fast enough, and so this patrol-more illustrious in rank than the one of the day before-finally resolved into a Brigade Commander as Captain, with Battalion Commander (Captain Breckinridge) as runner and Regimental Commander (Colonel Hannay) as connecting file.

The next day Regimental Headquarters and the 2nd Battalion together with attached Machine Gun Companies moved in a northeasterly direction, about two and one-half kilometers to Angecourt. The 308th, still in support of the 307th, was placed with elements of the 42nd Division and st Division on the outskirts of this village. The roads in the vicinity and the town itself were shelled intermittently during the night.

The position of the 2nd Battalion was protected from shellfire behind the ridge just east of Angecourt. The 3rd Battalion was in. woods to the southeast. Patrols were sent out to establish liaison and constant observation kept to the front. The Regimental P. C. and 2nd Battalion P. C. were at Angecourt, the 3rd Battalion P. C. at Haraucourt, and the 1st Battalion as Divisional Reserve at Raucourt.

The next four days brought no change in the position of the troops, except that the 3rd Battalion moved on November 8th from its position on the hillside into billets in Haraucourt. The men occupied themselves with cleaning arms and equipment. The rolling kitchens came up and hot meals were welcomed by the men, exhausted by the long marching during the previous week. In all thirty-eight kilometers had been traveled from November 2nd to November 7th, and these under peculiarly trying conditions. The marches of the first three days had been the hardest, namely, from Pylone to Verpel, ten kilometers; from Verpel to Germont, six; and from Germont to Oches, seven. The last three days' marches were from Oches to Stonne, five kilometers; from Stonne to Raucourt, six; and from Raucourt to Angecourt, four. For the last three days the troops depended largely upon food left behind by the Germans. The truck gardens, however, proved a great find, and at Haraucourt a sumptuous New England boiled dinner was enjoyed with -turnips, beets, and cabbages, and loaves of pumpernickel bread, three thousand of which were found in the town. To top the repast there was raisin pie. Distinctly an improvement on the Cruller Barrage of September 28th.

Meanwhile, rumors of peace grew stronger. For the 308th Infantry there was no advancing after November 7th, but other divisions were still racing northward, and the edge of the wave of victory was soon to touch Sedan. However, though intermittent enemy shelling continued as late as the night of November 10th, at Angecourt, Haraucourt, and Raucourt the Real Thing was practically over. And so Finit La Guerre!

The checking up of casualties now showed the losses between November 1st and 9th to be 3 officers wounded, 5 men killed, and 17 men wounded. These are the figures given in the Report on Operations and may be regarded as approximately correct. The figure for the losses in the Argonne have already been given. According to the Report on Operations, the total number of casualties suffered by the 308th Infantry between September 20th and November 10th was killed, 183; wounded, 796; gassed, 40; and missing, 261. The figures last mentioned are in marked variance with those furnished me by an officer who said he saw the Casualty Report for losses between September 26th and the Armistice, and that these amounted to 47 officers and 2,200 men.

THE long expected day had arrived. As has been often told, the moment brought little emotional response. All was over but the cheering. And there was no cheering. Doubtless in the hearts of men-inexpressible to others, and only dimly perceived by themselves was the sense of profound gratitude for the cessation of weeks of hunger, wet, and cold, carrying the constant menace of injury and death. For the moment, the future seemed a rosy vision with warm billets, plenty of food and rest at the front of the stage, and at the back an inclined gangplank, mounting straight to Hoboken and, Home, the equivalents of Heaven.

On the afternoon of November 11th, the 308th celebrated the occasion with suitable solemnity. It took its first real bath since the beginning of the Argonne. True, only one minute was allowed under the steaming showers, scarcely time to wash off the soap beneath a tantalizing trickle, and then the cry of "Into the drying room with, you! Make way for the next lot!" Scarcely a wash. Certainly only the hyperbole of enthusiastic exaggeration, could call it a bath. Still what little water there was certainly possessed the blessed qualities of warmth and: wetness-and the War was over!

Next morning the sun rose bright and cheerful on a new world, a world in which the rumble of guns was of' course to be forever silenced. In the little towns of Raucourt and Haraucourt, the soldiers had tumbled out into the streets for a morning's stretch, and for the enjoyment of the new life of peace. Then far down the road to the south an old and familiar sound could be heard, faint at first but growing louder. Curiously the men were listening, heads and eyes turned south. What was it? Now even the quiet little villagers, but lately freed from four years of German rule, had crept out of their homes and. stood by their doors, to join the soldiers watching, and waiting, and listening in the streets.

Now all could hear. It was the strains of martial music. The thump and roll of drums. The shrill piercing notes of a clarinet. A band playing! The music grew louder, and then far down the road, a long brown winding column rolled into view, with a band playing madly at its head, and behind a troop of gayly decorated horsemen bearing the flags and standards of France.

The French Colonials were coming! A sudden thrill went through the little group of villagers at the first sight of their own soldiers and countrymen for whom they had been waiting for so many years. One little woman began to weep hysterically. Pride and joy swept over all their faces. "Vive la France!" they cried and clapped their hands, as the column of poilus rolled grinning and slouching by. The 77th Division was being relieved. That morning the 308th rolled, packs and marched out, headed south by the same route, which only a few days before had been their guiding line northward.

By 1 p.m. the column was well on the march. Packs were heavy and drizzling rain marred a promising day. But who cared? To be leaving a shell-torn area, a land of crumbling houses and battered ruins, and for the first time since their arrival in France to be headed south towards a country of peace and plenty, was enough to make hearts light and faces cheery.

Through the little town of La Basece, where a few days earlier some of the men had drunk German acorn coffee served by the French women, the road led on ever southward avoiding the heights of Stonne, where the explosion of a German mine had torn a gigantic crater in the road on the 5th, and completely blocked all traffic. Westward through the woods, the village of La Berliere came suddenly into sight. From its church tower, the white flags put up eight days before, when the Germans had evacuated the town, still waved beseechingly. The column continued over the intervening slopes, and into the valley hiding Oches, where at intervals it arrived by battalions between 4 and 5 P.m. They were met by advance billeting officers and N. C. O's. who directed them into the narrow tumble-down buildings and shacks. At rest from the machine guns and heavy artillery, which had swept the town a week before, the Regiment slept soundly.

Lieutenant-Colonel Herr, until now with the 305th Infantry, took command of the Regiment this day.

The 13th of November opened auspiciously with clear sun and bright sky, but it brought proverbial bad luck. An order delivered at 2 P.m. directed: "Retrace route and move to Beaumont." Germany had broken the Armistice! The Division was once more headed for the front! At least so ran the rumor. Packs were rolled in ten minutes: in half an hour the entire Regiment was on the move. The battalions jumped into harness quickly, each Major eager to have his men the first out to reach the best billets. "First come first served," the Colonel had announced, with the result of the quickest move on record: over 3,000 men on the road with full equipment in 30 minutes-and no previous warning.

It was only an average hike of fourteen and two-third kilometers, and the prospect of warm billets and hay to sleep in carried a thrill of general cheer. "Beaumont is a big town; there must be beaucoup room," said someone and the column burst into song.

The 2nd Battalion in the lead was met at the outskirts of the village by the advance billeting party, a dejected little group of two officers and four enlisted men.

"Did you get us good billets, boys? " called out Captain McMurtry. "Remember the best is none too good for the 2nd Battalion."

"There are 5,000 men in town already, Captain," came the reply. "Orders are that we sleep out tonight."

Peace hath her S. 0. L. no less than War! It was a weary crowd of men that executed column right into the field south of the road. Yet in spite of dashed hopes and the cold night wind, in which it was necessary to sleep with only one blanket and a shelter half, there was little grumbling. Soon fires were lit, and in half an hour the Regiment gathered around cheerfully crackling piles of brushwood and timber, which in earlier days would have brought down a barrage of German shells.

At 7.30 next morning the column moved out once more, on a straight road towards Mouzon and the Meuse River, where the Marines of the 2nd Division had gone over the top during the very last hours of the War, and, with considerable loss of life, had established their position on the northern bank of the river. Gradually it became clear why the 77th Division had moved north again. They were scheduled to relieve the 2nd and 89th Divisions, who were to draw back and get fully equipped, preparatory to moving forward with the Army of Occupation.

It was but a temporary measure and meant only a few extra days of duty in the forward line. The 1st Battalion took up a position in support at La Falbourg directly opposite Mouzon, and the 2nd and 3rd pitched camp and established outposts on the heights north of the river, at Belle Fontaine and Senegal Farms, respectively. Regimental Headquarters were located at La Falbourg. Mouzon, itself, was under guard to be entered only at the cost of breaking the Armistice terms.

The Intelligence Summaries for the next four days reported "no signs of the enemy." A few Russian, British, and American prisoners turned loose by the Germans on the 11th crossed our lines and were sent to Headquarters for examination. Except for several raids on an abandoned German supply dump upon the western banks of the river, yielding quantities of mirrors, rifles, Luger magazines, and a few officers' helmets, the sentries reported all quiet along the Meuse. Only the Marines' battered tin hats and scattered bits of blood stained olive clothing and equipment were left as evidence of the terrific fighting in the War's last hours.

Until November 18th, the Regiment did little except maintain a few outposts, collect souvenirs, and speculate on the possibility of becoming a member of the Army of Occupation. Rumors flew hard and fast, but early on the morning of the 18th, arrived an actual move order, directing that the Regiment proceed to Beaumont, there to be really housed in billets. At noon the column was on its way, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions recrossing the river on the rickety little pontoon bridges and proceeding for precaution in single file and five feet apart. That afternoon the Regiment reached its destination, and occupied the town, comfortably housed and warm. There it remained the following day and on the 20th arrived at Buzancy, eighteen kilometers away, after a long hike over muddy roads.

At this time a persistent rumor, which had started six days previously in La Falbourg, and had gradually gained headway, was the sole topic of conversation. This was nothing less than that the 77th Division was scheduled for an early trip home. Gradually growing in definiteness and strength, the rumor brought to many complete assurance that the Regiment would be home by Christmas. The thing was settled.

Thus it was with a settled conviction that all was right with the World and the Army, that the Regiment pulled out for Chatel Chehery on the 21st. It was a long hike of twenty-six kilometers, with nothing particularly luxurious in the line of billets when it was over, but the thought of a speedy return home did much for lame backs and sore feet. The 3rd Battalion, a part of the 2nd, and Head-quarters and Machine Gun Companies were quartered in the town. One whole company occupied the floor of a ruined church. The rest of the 2nd Battalion took to the German dugouts outside the village, and the 1st Battalion found shelter beneath the roofs of some neighboring barns. Next morning the entire Regiment tramped to Vienne Le Chateau, near La Four de Paris and La Harazee, where on September 26th, nearly two months earlier, it had gone over the top at the jump-off of the Argonne offensive. That night the elaborate system of dugouts along the roadway was again occupied by American troops. Regimental and 2nd Battalion Headquarters were established on the following day at Florent. The 1st Battalion located at Camp Croix Gentin and the remainder of the Regiment at Petit Batis, where it remained for three days, resting tip, cleaning up, and thinking up new rumors. Here on Sunday, the 24th, was celebrated a Mass participated in by all the Catholic Churches in France-La Messe de la Victoire. Many of the Regiment, who were not Catholics, attended as well.

One day was now allowed each Battalion to take a much-needed bath, the last before arrival in the Chau-mont area one month later. From Florent on November 25th, the Regiment marched to Nijour le Clour near Les Islettes for a Brigade Review held by General Alexander, which marked the first occasion on which any considerable part of the Division had been drawn up in one formation on French soil. On a soggy field, under a rainy sky, with Colors paraded, and band playing, but with no civilian spectators, since the scene was still the heart of the devastated district, the review took place, and while the troops stood at attention, the first Distinguished Service Crosses awarded in France were presented to Captains Cullen, Jenckens, and some others. That evening the troops returned to quarters, prepared to start next morning on the long hike to the 9th Training Area in Chaumont. "Home by Christmas " had gone the way of a thousand rumors.

The subsequent ten days of grueling march were perhaps the hardest of the many hard hikes made by the 308th in France. Tired and worn-down by continuous fighting without rest in the Argonne and on the advance to the Meuse, weary and strained by an even one hundred kilometers of march from Haraucourt to Florent, and suffering from the inevitable nervous relapse that follows days of ceaseless endurance in the forward areas, the Regiment was in poor condition for one hundred additional kilometers of march. Fifty per cent of the men had sore feet and lame backs; many were suffering from dysentery. Nearly everyone had an ailment of some sort or other, and was in low condition physically. Nevertheless on the morning of November 26th, the w. k. packs were slung as promptly as ever before, and the column was under way.

Probably there were few who did not at some time feel that one of these days might be his last, and that he might be obliged to fall out by the wayside. just how the Regiment did it, no one knows, but it did do it, and late in the afternoon of December 4th, reached its destination in the Training Area. To ask just why the march should have been made in so needlessly severe a manner would, of course, be beyond the office of the present chronicler. Dead-beat, the men wearily crawled into the billets of seven towns, disposed as follows: 1st Battalion-Pont la Ville and Cirfontaines; 2nd Battalion, Regimental Headquarters and Supply Company-Orges; 3rd Battalion-Vaudremont and Braux; Headquarters Company -Aizanville; Machine Gun Company-Essey les Ponts. The big hike was over-two hundred kilometers passed and covered, from the extreme northern point of the Meuse, near the heights of Sedan, to the heart of the peaceful and quiet Chaumont in Haute Marne, from a country of bleak devastated ruins to a land of green grass and herds of cattle, and every inch covered on foot!

The first order issued from Regimental Headquarters directed an immediate cleaning up of town, person, and equipment. For the first time in the history of training, drill was superseded by soap. Street cleaning departments were organized at once in each village; inspectors appointed, and fatigue squads rushed to police up streets, which had never before felt the disturbing bristles of a broom. The native civilians looked on astonished, but one by one the Maires gradually came to express in glowing terms to the Military Town Commandants their appreciation of what had been done. Pont la Ville, occupied by A and D Companies, was adjudged the cleanest town in the Division area.

But the name Training Area signified something beyond police details, and very soon there began to descend from Division Headquarters countless memoranda and bulletins concerning drill schedules and programs to be followed. A long and intricate system of terrain exercises and maneuvers had-been worked up and upon these all kinds of training were based. Innumerable pamphlets and booklets were showered on unsuspecting Company Commanders. "I Have Captured a Boche Machine Gun. What Shall I Do With It?" "Important Duties of the Gas Officer." And the already familiar: "Questions A Platoon Commander Should Ask Himself On Going Into The Trenches." These and others like them fell ceaselessly upon officers and N. C. O's. alike. Men who had fought in Lorraine, on the Vesle, Aisne, Meuse, and in the Argonne, were instructed by the pamphlets in the correct way of capturing an imaginary German machine gun nest, how always to blacken one's face before going out on a patrol, and how, when the enemy projected a gas attack, never to forget to use the chemical sprayers in clearing out the gas! Fired upon by a hostile machine gun, one should advance; send word back immediately to the Battalion Commander of the exact coordinates and location of the enemy emplacement, and instruct him to send up one pounders and Stokes at once !

So said the booklets, and Company Commanders accepted them with proper seriousness, while Battalion Commanders worked up innumerable problems. Machine gun after machine gun was captured with unfailing regularity. Constant liaison was maintained with either flank, with the rear, with the artillery, with everybody. Pigeons (there were no pigeons), semaphore flags (they. had long since been turned in), T. P. S. and wireless (no one had ever seen such things), and speeding motorcyclists and mounted orderlies on dashing steeds (the Regiment's supply consisted of a few shell-shocked beasts from the Transport)-all of these were recklessly employed according to orders. And G. H. Q. expressed its pleasure at the success of the exercises and mentioned the " remarkable interest displayed by all concerned." So what else mattered?

Perhaps the inspectors would have been a trifle puzzled and perplexed had they read a bit more carefully some of the battalion attack orders:

Munition Dump and Battalion P. C. will be located at Caf6 du Centre. First Aid Stations at the Butcher Shop and Cemetery. Especial care will be taken in crossing the river that Lt. McIlwain is watched; physical restraint will be offered in case he attempts to jump in.

Or this, sent during the heat of battle by a Company Commander: "Hostile band of wild women sighted on horizon to the south. What to do? " To which the Battalion Commander promptly replied: "Capture and hold women. Battalion P. C. will be located there!"

And-though this really came somewhat later, there was the matter of the Regimental Goat. He started with the 308th early in its career and marched over Lorraine's red roads, through battered Fismes, up and down the hills of the Argonne and Ardennes, twice into the Chaumont area. In these campaigns, Tony Maggi, Headquarters Company Stable Sergeant, was his particular pal. Then at Brulon, Tony went on a ten days' leave, and the goat apparently fell in with Sergeant Childs of E Company. Rival claims of ownership were advanced. With all due form Colonel Averill appointed Captain

Popham of the Red Cross as " Regimental Goat Stabitizer," for the goat had threatened to upset the equilibrium of the Regiment. Captain Popham in turn scratched his head and crystallized his profound thought upon the matter into these two questions:

"Who gets the goat?

"Whose goat does the goat getter get?"

As a brilliant and searching statement of the problem to be solved, these questions were unsurpassed. As a solution of the problem they were futile.

The last scene in the goat story is a dramatic one. Into the center of the entire Regiment, assembled in hollow square, the goat is reluctantly induced by Captain Popham.

"Sergeant Childs and Sergeant Maggi, come here," booms the Colonel. Sergeant Maggi has been detained at home by other duties, and so Mess Sergeant Rechen of Headquarters Company represents him.

"In one of these envelopes," announces the Colonel, "is a paper which says 'Goat'; in the other is a paper which says 'Nit.' The man who picks 'Goat' gets him. Take your choice."

"Well, sir," begins Sergeant Childs, "my company doesn't- "

" Tut, tut, " interrupts the Colonel, " take one!

Both men grab at once, but Sergeant Childs is the first to find his paper.

" Come on, goat, " he yells, " eat this! You're mine!

And the goat, chewing contentedly at the orders, which had settled his affairs, trots off, behind his owner's heels after the long column of Company E already starting westward.

Plans for making Christmas Day, 1918, a real anniversary, had begun back in November, before the Armistice was concluded, and while the Division was still fighting its way forward in the advance to the Meuse. On November 9th, several thousand miles away from the scene of that fighting, a letter had been addressed by the President of the 308th Infantry Association, in its New York office to the Commanding Officer, 308th Infantry. It contained the news of a gift to the Regiment by the Association of $5,000, for the purpose of financing a Christmas celebration. A check for this amount was forwarded to the Equitable Trust Company in Paris, placed there at the disposal of the Regimental Commander. Lieutenant Colonel Herr immediately appointed a committee of officers, who started early in December to arrange for the festivities. Captain Popham, Harry W. Blair of the Y. M. C. A., and Mr. Zindorff were called into consultation at once. Then began the plotting of dark schemes, secret missions to Paris, by representatives of the committee; the raiding of numerous Y., K. of C., and Red Cross warehouses, as well as the scouring of the surrounding country. The results began to be apparent when the shrill notes of a bugle in seven towns sounded an 8 o'clock breakfast mess call.

It was a never-to-be-forgotten day in the seven quaint, red-roofed, white-walled little peasant towns. The sedate village fathers had cast aside for once their huge wooden shoes and corduroy trousers, and appeared dressed in clothes worn only once or twice a year on most ceremonious occasions. Village bells tolled out Christmas carols, Messieurs les Curgs held High Mass, and the town criers pounded their drums and stentoriously read off the Maire's proclamation wishing everybody a Merry Christmas, while the doughboys cheered.

In the morning and afternoon the soldiers were entertained with track and field meets, potato sack and three legged races, cover games and basket ball contests, not to mention Charlie Chaplin at his best. Boxing matches were held between representatives of the Companies with silver wrist watches from Tiffany's in Paris as prizes. Entertainers from the Y. M. C. A., brought from Chaumont and Paris, performed in the evening, followed by Company dances in the town halls. The townspeople enjoyed the opportunity of hearing the Regimental Band, which visited each town in the area by truck, and gave a concert in the village squares. The children of all the seven villages had a royal Christmas, through the efforts of the committee, who provided real Christmas trees gayly decorated with swinging lanterns, paper dolls, puppets, cornucopias full of candy, cakes and various dainties, and an individual present for each child.

But naturally the biggest feature of the day was the Christmas dinner. Apparently a corner on all the turkeys and geese in that section of France, had been secured by the committee, with the volunteer help of Major Roosevelt, and these with innumerable issues of chocolates, cigars, cigarettes, cakes, fruit-drops, and candies from Mr. Blair's never-failing store; jam, milk, bar-chocolate, ham, and fruit from Captain Popham; and countless packs of chewing gum, sweet milk chocolate, and other delicacies from Mr. Zindorff, added to what the limitless ingenuity of fifteen unscrupulous mess sergeants could devise, resulted in a dinner, which to 4,000 bully-fed-up doughboys was little short of heaven. Here is a sample menu from one of the companies:

CHRISTMAS, 1918

Menu

BREAKFAST

Stewed Peaches

Oatmeal and Cream

Coffee Bread Butter jam

DINNER

Punch a la Wilson

Celery Mixed Olives Mixed Nuts

Canopie a la Company Commander

Cream of Celery Soup CroAton SouffId

Entrie

Filet of Beef-Cooper Sace with Saute Potatoes

Roast

Turkey with Dressing~Giblet Sauce

Mashed Potatoes-Vegetables in Season

French Endive Salad and Rochefort Dressing

Orges Beer

Dessert

Allied Apple Cake

Coffee with Crearn-Cigars-Cigarettes

Assorted Chocolates

SUPPER

Roast Beef a 1' Alexander

Potatoes a la Foch

Fritters a la Petain

Rice Pudding a la Pershing

Tea Bread Assorted Preserves

Hail, Hail, the Gang's All Herel

5

On Christmas Day a picked provisional company from the 308th, with other units of the 77th Division, was reviewed by President Wilson and General Pershing at Langres. Colonel Herr took the company from Orges, and it was paraded under the command of Captain Allan J. MacDougall.

On January 4th a Regimental Review by General Alexander took place on the Orges parade ground, and was the occasion for the presentation of the Croix de Guerre to the second platoon Company C, for heroism as a unit in the Badonviller raid, and of the Distinguished Service Cross and Croix de Guerre to certain other members of the Regiment. On the following afternoon, Memorial Services in honor of the dead were held before the assembled Regiment. Bishop Brent, Senior Chaplain of the A. E. F., and General Alexander delivered short addresses.

The last month in the Chaumont area saw the return of two of the Regiment's original members, two men who had done so much to make its spirit and morale in the days of Upton, Baccarat, and the Vesle: Colonel Averill and Captain Lindley, formerly Regimental Adjutant. Colonel Averill returned to the Division straight from the Army of Occupation, following a special request from Division Headquarters for his transfer back to the 308th Infantry. The night of his return was the occasion of a great celebration and of good cheer, not only for himself but for all officers and men of the Regiment. His Joy to get back to his original command was perhaps best expressed in his speech at the celebration in Orges that evening. He declared:

When I received the order telling me of my transfer, I started out for the 9th Training Area at once, and believe me you could scarcely see me for the dust! It took me just twenty-four hours to get from the banks of the River Rhine to this little town of Orges, hundreds of miles south in the Chaumont area.

On February 1st, men and officers of the Regiment gathered in Orges to witness a regimental drill competition and transport contest, for which the various companies had been strenuously training. Companies D, E, and I, representing the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Battalions respectively, were matched in competitive drill under the leadership of Captain Knight, 2nd Lieutenant Cecil J. Smith, and Captain Rennie, in the order named. Each of these companies had previously eliminated the three other companies in their respective battalions. The board of judges, after considerable debate, awarded the prize of 1,000 francs to Company D, with Company E under Lieutenant Smith running an extremely close second. In the Transport Contest, the Supply Company carried off first prize and Headquarters Company second and third. The Regimental Transport had suffered more during the four months of active campaign than during an equal number of years with the British. The good results of the effort to get it back into shape were apparent when it was turned in before entraining for the Embarkation Area.

The period of training in the Chaumont Area now drew to its end. It had been a time of much drill, of many maneuvers, and of considerable rain; but its few hardships were negligible, compared with the preceding half year of privation, suffering, and death. Warm billets, good food, and comfortable mess-shacks, town dances, and various entertainments provided by Company and Battalion talent and the Y. M. C. A., had left in the men's hearts a kindly and homelike feeling towards the seven quaint little villages. Somewhere in minds and hearts the memory of red roofs, stone walls, manure piles, town criers, and estaminets will probably always remain, connected intimately and happily with the two months of rest spent in north central France, among the green and gentle valleys of Haute Marne.

Pays, douce et belle, adieu!

On February 12, 1918, the 308th began the last long drive of its history. Starting from the Chaumont area, it was henceforth to push steadily westward, with three main objectives in succession: the Le Mans Area, then the Port of Embarkation, and finally-Home.

Early dawn of the 12th found the Regiment assembling at the railhead at Bricon. Between the bare and rolling hills, columns of men, bent under the weight of full packs, and sliding and slipping on the icy roads, wound down the snow-covered valley. Once formed along the track, the packs were dropped, and to the music of rattling mess kits, everybody lined up for steaming hot cocoa and sandwiches. An hour later all were aboard the familiar "40 Hommes and 8 Chevaux" cars. Once more the engine whistled its shrill warning, and then with much groaning and creaking, the Regiment started on the first lap of its long journey home. That night, rolled up in blankets and overcoats, the men slept again as they had first slept ten months before on the straw covered floors of the "side door Pullmans." Not luxurious travel, but each rattling kilometer was bringing them nearer to the coast. For two days they continued through Nevers, Tours, and other towns, and on the dawn of the third reached the little station of Brulon, in the beautiful Loire valley, department of Mayenne.

That afternoon the villagers saw an American soldier for the first time, and soon learned his universal passion for ceufs, vin blanc, and beefsteak with pommes de terre. Meanwhile there was an extensive schedule to occupy the long weeks of waiting for final transportation. First in importance came the bathing and delousing processes. Before the impatient doughboy could be permitted to ascend the gangplank, it was necessary for him to part company with many close companions acquired during the recent months. Two afternoons week men were marched to the Infirmary for cootie inspection. Each as he entered the door, shed his blouse, and advancing in turn, pulled his shirt over his head, while a keen-eyed medical officer searched the seams. Any man found in-fected was segregated from human companions for a few days, which he devoted to bathing and boiling his clothing.

The symbol of the 77th Division borne on a caisson.

There was the usual morning schedule consisting of short hikes and a modified form of close order work -comparatively easy after the intensive training in Camp Upton and Flanders. Noon mess was followed by baseball games and various athletic sports on the company drill fields. For diversion, entertainments were organized all over the Regimental area. Some of these were big shows with elaborate costume and scenery; others, simply impromptu comedies, but all toured in turn the several towns in the Area, playing in everything from the electric lighted municipal opera house to cramped and leaking barns. The 77th Division, with its metropolitan origin, possessed a particular wealth of material for such entertainment. Besides the famous Argonne Players, each battalion had its own shows containing among them several Keith Circuit stars.

And at Brulon occurred one happy event which cannot be left unmentioned in this history, the marriage solemnized by Father Halligan of Miss Margaret Rowland of the Red Cross to Captain Delehanty, now Operations Officer. After the ceremony the bridal couple passed under the customary arch of bayonets made over their heads by the men of the Signal Platoon of Headquarters Company.

Now too entries for an athletic tournament were posted on the platoon bulletin boards, and elimination contests took place in each company. A regimental training table was established where the men who had qualified in the company try-outs underwent a course of training for the coming Brigade and Divisional meets.

No less important than entertainment, or drill, or athletics, were the inspections. It had been said that two things are necessary to get a soldier aboard a transport-a gangplank and a Service Record. The experience of the weeks in the Le Mans Area showed an equally necessary third factor-"full Class C Equipment." Consequently, there were full pack inspections, by every one from the Platoon Commander to the Division Commander himself. If the weather permitted the inspection was held in the fields. If the countryside happened to be submerged under a foot or so of water and mud, the inspection took place in the billets. Everything was laid out on the bunk, each article having its designated place; an empty space on the blanket, immediately indicated that something was lacking, Thus day by day, deficiencies were finally made up, with the result that when the final inspection by the Embarkation Officer arrived, everybody was fully equipped with everything from identification tags to two cans of dubbing.

At Solesmes, Mayenne, on the memorable morning of February 24th, the 77th Division was reviewed by General Pershing. It had been raining the night before, but now a brisk, cold morning wind was rapidly driving the black clouds back across the hills, while the sun threw great scudding shadows along the valleys. Drawn up on the field compactly in mass formation, in columns of squads, stretched company after company and battalion after battalion, the solid mass of khaki relieved by helmets and fixed bayonets glistening in the morning sun. Looking down the line of brigades, one could see the different regimental colors, whipping straight out from their staffs in the wind, and flanked on the rear end by the bright red guidons of the artillery,

Suddenly the ranks came to attention, and there was silence. Then from the other end of the field, sounded a flourish of trumpets and with a thudding of hoofs on the soft turf, General Pershing and his personal staff trotted rapidly down the line. As he reached the left flank, he turned and rode back to the center of the line, where the 308th Infantry was posted, then wheeled and faced the troops. Again sounded the triple flourish of trumpets, The Division came to present arms, while General Pershing sat on his horse, motionless with his hand raised to the salute. As the General's hand dropped from his cap, a bugle sounded squads right.

An instant later the Division had changed its front to the right ready for the inspection. The Commander-in-chief, now on foot, passed quickly down the front of each company, and thence around the rear, constantly stopping to speak to the men in the ranks. " Where were you born, young man? " To another, " How old are you?

Again, "How did you get wounded? " And passing a certain company: " Captain, you have a very good-looking personnel here!" So it went for two hours, the General's keen eyes inspecting every man on the field. Now the bugle sounded again, and the Division swung quickly back to its original position. All the regimental colors were brought up and massed in the center, while in front of them a small group of officers and men formed before General Pershing. A bugle sounded attention. Then the General stepped forward and pinned the Distinguished Service Cross on the breast of the first man in line, while one of his staff read a citation of the particular act of gallantry, for which it was awarded. On he went down the line, until one hundred and twenty-six officers and men had been decorated.

As the General stepped back, the massed bands crashed into a stirring march. Orders were shouted from regiment to regiment, and then, with colors flying and with bayonets flashing above the glistening helmets, the whole Division moved forward en masse. Here at last was that often described and seldom-found thing, the authentic

"Pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war."

Toward evening as the red ball of the sun began to slip behind the hills, it silhouetted long, winding columns of troops marching down the muddy roads to their respective billeting areas, after the greatest review of the Regiment's history.

Less than two months remained of the Regiment's stay in France. On March 11th, there was a Review of the 154th Brigade by General Alexander. On March 4th, there were Battalion athletic meets, and on the 8th a dual track and field meet with the 307th at Fontenay. And on the 15th, a Divisional meet at Parce. Finally on the 27th, 28th, and 29th, was held the American Embarkation Center Athletic and Military Tournament, in which the 308th Infantry received twenty-five medals. On March 26th, in General Orders No. 23, from the Division Headquarters, appeared a letter from General Pershing to General Alexander, which is published in the Appendix and which it is hoped will be read with pleasure and pride by all members of the 77th Division for many years to come.

Drill, athletics, and inspection-these three abided to the end, but the greatest of these was inspection. And at last, the last of inspections ended on April 9th. General Order No. 28, signed by Colonel Mitchell declared: "It is the consensus of all the Inspecting Officers that this inspection was by far the best and most satisfactory that we have ever made."

Doubtless in proportion as the time of stay shortened, there grew in intensity the desire to leave. Four lines, better than any others known to the present writer, expressed the deepest yearning in the hearts of the A. E. F.

Sick of the smell of billets-

Sick of the chow-

Wanta leave France and put on long pants!

Wanta go NOWI

And now at last on April 14th, the troops are transported by motor trucks to Sable, where they entrain at 5 P.M. for Brest. Now, at noon, April 15th, they reach Brest, where four nights are spent under tents at Camp Pontanazen, and final inspections and other details necessary to embarkation are gone through. Now early in the misty morning of April 19th, they are marching down the back roads on their way to the quay, singing

Home, boys, home.

It's home we ought to be.

Home, boys, home

In the Land of Liberty.

They are inspected as they pass down the road. Embarkation lists are checked up, and men are conveyed to the S. S. America on lighters. And now-altogether incredible and yet somehow actual fact!-now, at five minutes past 6, on the afternoon of April 19th, the America has weighed her anchor, and together with 3,160 others, each individual on board has really started for home.

In addition to the 308th Infantry, the America carried five companies of the 307th, about 150 Casual Officers of various ranks, as well as some Army nurses, and some sick and wounded. It is said the trip was "uneventful," which in the circumstances, seems a curious word to describe days which brought men hourly nearer and nearer that which they had so long desired. Surely it was eventful to arrive off Ambrose Channel Lightship at midnight of April 28th. Surely it was yet more eventful to reach New York Harbor at 8 o'clock next morning, and then-surely most eventful of all-to land at Hoboken. The troops proceeded by ferryboat to Long Island City, and then to Camp Mills. Although many received passes, Camp Mills remained the Regiment's official home until May 5th, when the Regiment reported at the 8th Coast Artillery Armory, Kingsbridge Road in the Bronx, again reporting at 5 A.M. the next day for the parade on May 6th. On May 7th, the Regiment returned for the last time to Camp Upton, to be mustered out two days later where it had begun.

This history started with the statement that one can-not name the day and hour when the 308th Infantry came into being. Its final hour as an active unit of the United States Army is likewise somewhat indefinite. All day and night, through the 7th and 8th, the examining teams of Medical Officers worked in relays, and, except for cases of doubtful physical condition, all men were mustered out on May 9th. Company musters were held in the morning. Men were then marched to the Office of the Campaign Master, there paid off, and then marched to the trains. All of this took place in the rain, which lasted all day. Officers were examined that night, and, with the exception of a few who took a fifteen day leave to look for a job, were discharged May 12, 1919.

What may perhaps be regarded as the real last day of the 308th Infantry's existence in connection with the Great War, was that of the parade on May 6th. This day in contrast to that of the mustering out, was one of brilliant spring sunshine. Through it up Fifth Avenue there marched for the last time together the men who had seen what they had seen, done what they had done, and shared what they had shared.

The finished product. The final parade of the 308th.

No more fitting ending for this history can be found than General Order NO. 3, in which Colonel Averill bade his regiment farewell.

HEADQUARTFRS, 308TH INFANTRY CAMP UPTON, N. Y., May 8, igig.

General Orders No. 3.

1. Before the 308th Infantry is demobilized and the officers and enlisted men return to their homes, I desire to publish in general orders my tribute to their extraordinary devotion to duty, to their heroic valor in the field, and to the splendid spirit with which they met every task which was assigned to them.

2. First of the National Army to sail for France; first of the National Army to shed blood in inflicting casualties on the Germans at Badonvillier; first to demonstrate on the Vesle that the new army of the United States could withstand, without loss to morale and effectiveness, all the bewildering blows dealt by the Hun war machine; first to penetrate the dense woods of the Argonne Forest in that advance which, because of the stand made by Whittlesey's command at Charlevaux Mill, has already become the classic epic of the Great War-such is the record of the 308th Infantry. And above all, the regiment has been first in the hearts and minds of those officers and men who fought to maintain its high traditions.

3. You have rendered magnificent service. You have earned the eternal gratitude of your country. You are the finest body of men that any officer ever commanded. I wish you all God-speed.

H. K. AVERILL,

Colonel, Commanding.

THE SIEGE OF THE LOST BATTALION

OCTOBER 27, 1918

By GENERAL ROBERT ALEXANDER

COMMANDER, 77TH Division

DURING the operations incident to the great offensive launched by the Americans and their Allies On 26 September, 1918; an offensive which, in its outcome, marked the end of the Great War; there occurred an incident which was given much notice by the press at the time and which (through an unfortunate employment of phraseology) has become somewhat misunderstood among the general public. Reference is made to the situation of the force commanded by (then) Major Chas. W. Whittlesey, 308th Infantry, 77th Division A. E. F., and the experiences of that command during the days 2-7 October, inclusive, 1918. Before undertaking to give any detailed account of that episode it may be well to say that it is believed that, considering as a group the 900-odd officers who made up the commissioned personnel of the 77th Division, no superior similar group was in service under the American flag anywhere. Composed in much the greater part of prominent business and professional men of New York City; nearly all of them graduates of the first two Plattsburg Camps; it would be difficult indeed to find any equal number of men of higher character, more extended mental vision or keener devotion to the service upon which they were engaged. In the opinion of their former Division Commander they made up the best group of Divisional officers then in Service. A misapprehension brought about by newspaper phraseology may be also corrected here:-the designation of the Lost Battalion had no foundation in fact whatsoever. Colonel Whittlesey's command went, under competent orders, to the objective set for it in common with the other front-line elements of the Division, performed the functions expected of it upon arrival at that objective, and most gallantly held its position in the face of a powerful enemy until the other organizations of the Division found it possible to join it on that objective. There never was, not for one moment, any Lost Battalion, and the designation does injustice to the gallant officers and men who made up the command.

The position reached on the evening of October 1st by the front-line troops of the Division touched, on the right, the intersection of the Divisional boundary with the east and west coordinate 276 and the north and south coordinate 298. Thence our line ran a little south of west, the front of the 153d Infantry Brigade being on the southerly slope of the ridge known as the Bois de la Naza (Map, Foret d'Argonne, 1-20,000). From the westerly extremity of the Naza ridge our line, along the front of the 154th Infantry Brigade, ran, as reported, nearly due west. It was reported, however, that the right flank of the 154th Brigade had not kept pace during the day (of the 1st) with the left flank of the 153d-whether that gap really existed or whether it was closed up during the night 1-2 is not known, but it seems, at best, doubtful. None of the reports then or since received are clear on that point, which, after all, is but of minor importance. Along the fronts of the two Brigades, still fully deployed with Battalions from all four of the Infantry Regiments in the attacking line, were, on the right the ridge of the Bois de la Naza, on the left the unnamed ridge which extends into the Foret proper from the west, the partially completed trenches thereon being an extension of and linked up with the works about the Pallette Pavilion. The attacking line thus had in its front positions of considerable natural strength; positions which had been improved by trenches, wire and machine gun nests. The flanks of those positions were strongly covered; on the east, extending into and dominating the valley of the Aire, is the bastion of the Chene Tondu; on the west the Pallette Pavilion, thoroughly intrenched, covers with its fire the approaches down the valley of the Aisne by which the French were to launch their attack. While these positions of the Chene Tondu and the Pallette (respectively in the sectors of the 28th American and the 1st Dismounted Cavalry Division, French) were open to effective Artillery preparation the extensions of those positions which the 77th Division was to attack (being in the dense thickets of the Foret prober) were not open to observation and, consequently, could not be brought under effective fire: the difficulties of the situation confronting the 77th Division cannot be exaggerated.

Field Order 49, 77th Division, directing the operations for the morning of the 2d October, was signed and issued at 21.30 H on the night of the 1st and was immediately started out to the Infantry Brigades. That Order called upon the Division to attack in cooperation with the troops on its right and left at 6.30 H, to advance to the east and west road running through the Foret via Apremont-les Viergettes-Binarville, to dig in along that road and to exploit the ground to the new front by strong patrols. Under ordinary circumstances of terrain and available roads the Order should have reached the Infantry Brigades within but little more than an hour after leaving Division Headquarters, but in the Forest all standards of comparison failed and it was probably about midnight before the Infantry Brigade commanders got out their own orders for the attack; the Artillery Brigadier, being immediately with the Division Commander, received the Order immediately upon its issue. It is proper to say here that during the entire period of the operations of the 77th Division in the Foret

(26 Sept.-10 Oct.) the Artillery could give no really effective support to the front-line Infantry; this due to no lack of skill or willingness on the part of the Artillery but to the impenetrable jungle through which the troops were forced to push their way:--no observation was possible and the opposing front lines were always in the closest proximity. It is also desirable to say that all Operation Orders were telephoned in outline to the Brigade Commanders as soon as the determination for the next day's operations was reached, This involved some small risk of the enemy listening in, but not sufficient to counterbalance the value of early information to the Brigade Commanders as to what they were to be expected to accomplish.

The attack opened at the hour set but very little, if anything, was accomplished in the way of an advance during the morning. The 153rd Brigade was. held rigidly in place, its effort to advance costing some slight loss. On our right the attack of the 28th Division which, it was hoped, would carry the Chene Tondu, made no progress that we could appreciate, although a heavy fire was opened on the enemy position. Nothing of more value was accomplished on the left, the fire from the Pallette Pavilion and its contiguous works breaking up the French formations as fast as they attempted to debouch north of Binarville. By about 10.00, H the entire attack had come to a halt with no gain of any value as a result of the effort. The Division Commander, 77th Division, learned of this con-dition of affairs about 11.00, H and, after giving the situation as much thought as the available time permitted, determined to order a resumption of the attack for 13:30 H. That determination was reached because it was believed that we ought to be able to break through the incomplete trench systems in our front and that, if the Division could succeed in the effort and establish itself upon the road which was its objective, (Apre-Mont-les Viergettes-Binarville), the opposition on our flanks at the Chene Tondu and the Pallette would be greatly weakened if it did not at once disappear. The Infantry Brigadiers were therefore directed by the Division Commander in person to launch a vigorous renewal of the attack at the hour designated. Each Infantry Brigade had at its disposal a Regiment Of 75's; immediately at the disposal of the Division Commander was the 306th F. A. and the 247e French (75's). These were also to respond on call from the Infantry. The difficulties in the way of effective Artillery support of the front-line have already been indicated; all that was expected. from this fire was moral rather than material. Had conditions Permitting observation been in our favor, we had disposable ample artillery for the work in hand.

The attack was resumed at the designated hour. Again no progress was made by the 153d Brigade, but on the left matters went a bit better. The terrain and the general situation on that flank deserve consideration.

Running north from the Depot de Machines, which position had been taken by the 307th Infantry after a stiff engagement on 29 September, lies a deep and precipitous ravine, its steep sides covered with dense brushwood forming a practically impassable obstacle between the two banks and the Plateau adjoining the respective crests. This ravine cuts in two what was, at the time, the front to be attacked by the 3o8th Infantry, then commanded by Colonel Cromwell Stacey, an officer of the Regular Army; the Regiment had in its attacking front line its 1st Battalion, commanded by Major Charles W. Whittlesey, before the War and since (until his untimely death) a practicing attorney of prominence in New York City. He had had the advantage of both Plattsburg Camps. The 2d Battalion of the Regiment, which, at the opening of the attack in the early morning (6.30 H) was in immediate support of the attacking line, was commanded by Captain (later Major) George G. McMurtry, a business man of New York City, and likewise, a graduate of Plattsburg. Both were excellent officers. During the operations of the morning hours the support Battalion had closed up on the attacking line to such an extent that when the attack was resumed (at 13.30 H) the two commands were practically fused into one. Both Battalions had elements west of the ravine and thus separated from the movements of the rest of their units; of the 1st Battalion Company " D " was so situated, of the 2d, Company " F. " Attached to each Battalion was a section of machine guns coming respectively from Companies " C " and " D " 306th Machine Gun Battalion. The 3d Battalion of the Regiment was in Brigade reserve; a striking example of what was and is an entirely unnecessary defect in our Infantry organization:--with an organization of two Brigades of Infantry to the Division, each of but two Regiments, it is almost inevitable that the organizations will be broken up immediately upon going into battle. In this case the Regimental Commander was deprived of one-third of the tools with which he is expected to do his work.

When the hour set for the resumption of the attack arrived, the portion of the command on the east of the ravine-Cos. A, B, C, E, G, H and the two sections of machine guns-pushed forward, broke through the enemy's wire, over-ran his opposition and seized and occupied their part of the position which had been designated as the Division's objective for the day. In this advance the command, which went into action with a strength of about 670 officers and men, lost some ninety killed and wounded. Conjectures as to what might have happened are seldom profitable. It may be said, however, that it was unfortunate that the remainder of the 154th Brigade was not at once directed upon the gap broken by Whittlesey's advance and pushed up to the line established by him. Had that been done-and the path seems to have been open until about 9:oo H on the morning of the 3d October-the mission of the Division for the day, would, probably, have been completely fulfilled. During its advance the command captured two enemy officers, twenty-eight other ranks and two heavy machine guns besides inflicting other losses of considerable moment.

The proper strength of the command should have been about 1600 of all ranks had the units been at their maximum; nor could the losses (heavy as they undoubtedly were) incurred during the days of battle since 26 September when the general attack opened, account for the great discrepancy between those actually present and those who should have been there with full ranks. It must be remembered, however, that the Division went into battle something over 2000 short of its complement, and the strength of the Infantry Companies at the opening of the attack was rather below two hundred men. The 308th had also incurred considerable loss in the advance to include October 1st, having been, in common with the other Regiments, continuously in line, but the cause of prime importance for the low strength of the Companies on the 2d was to be found in the extremely difficult character of the terrain over which the Division was operating. In the dense underbrush men became separated from their units and really lost, an enormous number of detachments were required to keep up communication between the elements in front-line and between the front-line and the units in support, and, finally, there is always a certain proportion of men in any organization who, at the crucial moment, find that their heart-action is too feeble to permit their advance in step with the more enterprising. It is well to set forth the truth, no matter how unpalatable, and we must concede that even American troops are not entirely immune to the vice of straggling. The great wonder is, that having in mind the opportunities for concealment in comparative safety, so many reached the front-it is matter for congratulation and some degree of pride.

Reaching the appointed objective the command obeyed its orders, dug itself in on the steep hillside below the road, which runs along a bench on the north wall of the ravine, and pushed patrols forward into the jungle to the north. These quickly coming in contact with the enemy, Major Whittlesey put his forces in posture of defence by establishing his machine gun units on his flanks and by refusing his left flank, thus attempting to cover the direction from which he anticipated such trouble as might come to him from further enterprises of the enemy. His position was about five hundred metres east of the Moulin de Charlevaux, and he occupied it about 19:00 H.

The plan of action agreed upon between the separated elements of the two Battalions (separated by the north and south ravine) was that after reaching the objective along the road, the troops east of the ravine would send back a Company which, by an attack from the rear on the enemy west of the ravine, would assist the two Companies on that flank to come up to the line of the others. Owing, probably, to the lateness of the hour, no attempt was made to carry out that plan on the evening of the 2d. During the advance the usual chain of runner posts had been established; those posts consisted of three or four men each, dug-in at distances of two to three hundred metres. With the command was the usual supply of carrier pigeons with which all attacking Battalions were provided. It is to be observed that with the merging of the two Battalions of the 3o8th in one command, the nearest supporting troops to the attacking group was the Battalion in Brigade Reserve at the Depot de Machines.

The remainder of the front line of the 77th Division failed to make any impression on the resistance in its front. Wittenmyer's Brigade, the 153d, did not move forward an inch, nor did the other Regiment of the 154th Brigade, although commanded at that time by an excellent Colonel, give any indication of an advance to the line established by Whittlesey. No assistance came to us from the troops on our right and left; as before stated, the attacks of the 28th Division on the Cherie Tondu and of the French on La Pallette, initiated with the opening of the attack in the early morning, had broken down completely nor were they renewed within any knowledge of the 77th Division. The two Companies of the 308th west of the ravine made no effort to advance, waiting, apparently, for the expected action of the Company from the (then) northward.

It being fully realized that the left flank of the Division was entirely un-protected, the French being held south of Binarville while the enemy was still in force at La Pallette, the Commanding General of the 154th Brigade was personally directed by the Division Commander to use his Brigade Reserve; the 3d Battalion of the 3o8th, then at the Depot de Machines; while, at the same time the Division reserve on that flank (a Battalion of the 307th, placed in the Ravin Fontaine aux Charmes, just west of La Harazee) was ordered to the Depot and placed at the disposal of the 154th as a Brigade reserve . . . . .

The first information received by the Division Commander indicating anything in the way of serious trouble on our left came in about 2:oo H on October 3d when the Commanding General of the 154th Brigade reported (by phone) that he was quite sure that Whittlesey's chain of runner posts had been cut. It must be confessed that this information did not, at the time, make a very deep impression. Operating as we had been for a week in the depths of an almost impenetrable forest not a day passed but brought with it at least one such report-the situation being almost immediately relieved by the advance of adjacent portions of the line. In this case it was patent that the 153d Brigade seemed to be definitely stopped but it was expected that the 3o7th Infantry-just on the right of the 3o8th-would be able to advance to the line established by Whittlesey either during the night or shortly after the resumption of the attack which had been ordered for daylight of the 3d. As a matter of fact, Captain Holderman's Company (K) of the 307th joined Whittlesey about 9:00 H on that morning. The question is inevitable-if one Company of the 307th could get through without difficulty as this Company, certainly why didn't the remainder of the attacking Battalion of the 3o7th follow suit? To that query no answer has, as yet, been given.

The attack scheduled for the 3d October was attempted by the 153d Brigade in something like an organized body; the 154th seemed to be very much at sea as to the locations of its constituent units. The advance undertaken by the elements of that Brigade followed generally the line traced by Whittlesey's command in its successful attack of the previous day but by the time the advancing troops reached the trench system on the ridge the gap-which that command had tom in the opposing line was reported to be again strongly held, the wire over which he had passed was thoroughly repaired, strengthened and extended to the eastward so as to cover most of the hill south of the ravine of the Ruisseau de Charlevaux. The attack of neither Brigade accomplished anything in the way of breaking through and during the day a pigeon message was received from whittlesey giving his position and asking that support come up to his assistance. It was also learned during the early morning that the reserve Battalion which had been expected to cover his exposed flank was not in position to do so; that information was most decidedly disturbing as it was well known that the French had not advanced and could, consequently, be of no assistance. Most serious consideration was given to the cause for so serious a failure to comply with instructions; it was realized, however, that the darkness of the preceding night and the difficulties thereby inter-posed in the way of a proper disposition of the troops should be factors of weight in any determination of the proper disciplinary steps to be taken and it was resolved to permit the command on that flank to remain as it was for the present although the general situation, as related to that command, was most unsatisfactory.

Some additional consideration of the terrain in the immediate front of the 77th Division will be of assistance in an understanding of what followed during the succeeding days. The apex of the Naza spur is about 1/2 kilometres west of the eastern boundary of the Divisional, sector. Running south of the Naza is the ravine carrying the Ruisseau de Charle-vaux; north of the ridge is that of the Fontaine aux Charmes-.not the brook of the same name which empties into the Biesme near La Harazee. The two streams join at the western end of the Naza spur, the combined stream (then taking the name of the Ruisseau des Bievres or of Charlevaux) continuing in its course a little north of west and passing south of the position occupied by Whittlesey. The ridge running into the Foret from the Pallette position ends just west of the stream junction. As previously stated, both ridges were strongly held against us but the wire, as we later discovered, did not extend entirely across the gap between them.

On this afternoon of the 3d October there was a general conference of the Division Commanders of the 1st Corps with the Corps Commander (Gen'l Liggett) in the course of which we were informed that a general attack of the entire 1st American Army was to be made the following morning; that the salient feature of that attack was to be a drive of the 1st Division northwestward from the direction of Exermont on Fleville and that the French IVe Armee on our left had promised to cooperate by a simultaneous advance. As may be readily, understood the situation of Major Whittlesey and his command was, to his Division Commander, cause for the most lively apprehension. It was known that his rations, even assuming that he actually had with him at the time of his advance on the 2nd the two days' reserve rations required, must be about exhausted; undoubtedly his ammunition must be running low and while there was never the slightest doubt on the part of the Division Commander that he and his command would hold out until the bitter end, at the same time the necessity for his relief was recognized. If the combined attack prom-ised for the morning of the 4th went off, as it was hoped, the prospect for a break-through seemed excellent. It was therefore decided to throw the available weight of the Division to the left flank in the expectation of close cooperation with the French, and the Commanding General of the 154th Brigade who would have the immediate direction of the operation was given full control of the remaining Division reserve: one Battalion of the 307th Infantry and the 3o6th Machine Gun Battalion. The hour set for the attack was 5.30 H; at that time it was still completely dark within the Forest.

Heralded by a tremendous artillery fire from the Corps and Army Artillery with which the Foret was now crowded; all of which was directed on the front to be attacked by the 1st Division; the attack began at the hour fixed. The attack of the 1st Division succeeded, though with heavy loss; no advance was made by any other portion of the line although I was assured by the Corps Chief of Staff that the French had reached Langon! ! This was known to be quite impossible but to make assurance doubly sure Cpt. Klotz, Liaison Officer, and an aide, Lieut. de Coppet, were sent to the French PC with the request that the French Staff send me a map, marked by themselves, showing their actual front line. That map is before you. As a matter of fact no element of the French was at any time north of the road running east from Binarville. De Coppet also reported that an officer at the French PC said he had been to Whittlesey's position during the course of the afternoon:--that, of course, appeared to be incredible nor has there ever been any verification of the statement, although the positions of the left elements of the 77th Division were accurately marked on the map. De Coppet and Klotz had also been instructed to arrange, during this visit, for a combined attack with the French for the following morning, the 5th Oct., and brought back word that such arrangements had been made. Full instructions for the renewed attack were gotten out; the Commanding General, 154th Brigade, was again charged with the execution of the operation, and, after all possible preparation had been made on our side, de Coppet and Klotz were again sent to the French PC to assure as nearly simultaneous action with them as was possible. Our proposed plan was a general attack along the entire Divisional front with the weight of the Division again thrown to the left flank; both Infantry Brigadiers were impressed as fully as was possible with the importance to Whittlesey and his command of the operation, and it was hoped that the result would be all that was expected . . . . .

The advance of the French and the 77th was not a simultaneous movement, the French were repulsed before the 77th got started and the same fate befell the 77th when they finally got under way. The day was a most unsatisfactory one all 'round, and, as the only thing left to do, another attack was arranged for on the early morning of the 6th, again in combination with the French-it succeeded no better than had the others.

You are asked to understand that the Division Commander did not limit his activities to merely ordering attacks; every other possible means were employed to reach Maj. Whittlesey. His position was well-known and the Air Service was called on to convey to him such supplies as was possible. It was found, however, that in the thick underbrush it was impossible to so closely locate the detachment as to permit of the supplies being dropped within their lines; the command therefore was subjected to the trial of seeing the supplies of which they stood so greatly in need, dropped outside their lines, in positions whence it was not practicable to secure them, so closely was the command hemmed in and so deadly the fire which every movement brought down upon them. If one realizes the conditions of practical invisibility from the air of anything on the surface, covered as it was by the dense underbrush, it will be readily under-stood how these efforts of the Air Service were so uniformly unsuccessful. There were no points sufficiently well defined to furnish means of orientation; merely a sea of green with, perhaps, here and there the gleam of water from some brook deep in the recesses of a cavernous ravine. All that the aviators could determine from the air was that they were over the Forest proper, but nothing more as to their actual location. On one occasion a plane, driven down by hostile fire, was able to land behind our front line; the aviators, seeing our men coming up to their assistance, ran into the bushes thinking they were the enemy. The beleaguered troops had their panels out continuously until the last day of the siege but they were never seen from the air. In the course of these efforts we lost two planes and the aviators operating them.

The attack scheduled for the morning of the 6th failed to materialize, the French made no move to carry out their part of the program while our attempted advance gained no ground. The Division Commander was personally on the front at the time and saw the situation for himself. The front of the 153d Brigade was held rigidly in place; while I was there Capt. John B. Benet, Jr., the Brigade Adjutant, was wounded in the course of the attack they were undertaking. Proceeding along our front toward the Depot de Machines, Col. Houghton of the 307th Infantry was encountered on the front line in the vicinity of the stream-junction to which reference has been made; he was on a reconnaissance and the Division Commander accompanied him to where something of a view was obtain-able through the gap between the two ridges. He informed me that the wire was not continuous; that he was endeavoring to get a few men at a time through the opening and that if he could succeed in that effort he believed the result would be to dislodge the enemy. It was evident that care must be exercised in the operation, otherwise an untimely disclosure of our intention would probably attract attention to the gap and we would in all likelihood find it closed in that event. His reasoning seemed to be logical, in view of the existing circumstances, and he was directed to con-tinue the attempt in his own way.

It was this effort of Houghton which ultimately brought immediate relief to the cooped-up Battalion; it is meant that the 77th alone could not have forced the Foret, referred to by Gen'l. Pershing as "impregnable"; undoubtedly the successful attack of the 1st Division, exploited as it was by the 82nd, had relieved the dead-lock in the valley of the Aire; the position of the Chene Tondu was about to be turned and the enemy appreciated the fact that it was about time for him to go. At the same time that withdrawal did not take place until after Whittlesey had been relieved and it is believed that his relief was effected by the unremitting attacks and other efforts in his direction made by his comrades of the 77th. That those efforts had serious opposition to overcome will be evident when it is stated that our attack on the morning of the 7th October cost the 154th Brigade seventy-eight killed and two hundred and thirty-seven wounded. It is not improbable, however, that that attack of the 154th Brigade, attracting the enemy attention toward our left, materially aided Houghton in his effort to filter through the gap in the center. At any rate his advancing patrols gained contact with the right of Whittlesey's command about 21.oo H on the evening of the 7th taking with them the rations and ammunition of which that command was so greatly in, need.

The Division Commander was on the front of his line by a little after daylight on the morning of the 8th, reaching first the 153rd Brigade. It was found that the right of that command had been able to swing forward during the night and that the Apremont-Les Viergettes-Binarville road was passable, although the roar of battle resounded from the jungle to the north and the advance of the Brigade was still being vigorously resisted. Passing along the road the Division Commander finally reached Whittlesey's command; it was found an organized unit and in very good condition; its recent experiences being considered. Of the 670 officers and men with which Whittlesey and McMurtry opened the attack, the effectives on the morning of the 8th numbered but 194.

Of most of the numerous cases of devoted courage demonstrated during the siege of this detachment, it is not possible to speak here; about 10:00 H on the 7th Major Whittlesey received a demand for surrender. It was typewritten, in excellent English, and was dispatched to him by Captain Herman Prinz, the officer commanding the enemy; he had lived some seven years at Spokane, the agent of a German tungsten company. Major Whittlesey's only reply was to take in his Battalion and Company panels which had been displayed up to that time and to fire at the next Boche who showed himself. The panels were taken in by Capt. William J. Cullen, 308th Infty., who was greatly exposed in performing the duty and who earned the D. S. C. by volunteering for the perilous task-Captain Cullen is now a business man in New York City. Major Whittlesey and Captain McMurtry were recommended for the Medal of Honor; I am glad to say that both received it in due time. I was able to promote both of them immediately and did so. There were a number of other awards of the D. S. C. to subordinate officers and men of the command. The command itself, after resting in Division reserve for two days, resumed its place in front line in its proper turn for that duty and performed gallant service throughout the remainder of the campaign, as it had before.

Camp Lewis,

15 Dec. 1922.

MEDALS OF HONOR

AWARDED TO MEMBERS OF THE 3o8TH INFANTRY'

BENJAMIN KAUFMAN, first sergeant, Company K, 308th Infantry. For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy in the Forest of Argonne, France, October 4, 1918. He took out a patrol for the purpose of attacking an enemy machine gun which had checked the advance of his company. Before reaching the gun he became separated from his patrol and a machine-gun bullet shattered his right arm. Without hesitation he advanced on the gun alone, throwing grenades with his left hand and charging with an empty pistol, taking one prisoner and scattering the crew, bringing the gun and prisoner back to the first-aid station.

GEORGE G. McMURTRY, captain, 3o8th Infantry. For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action against the enemy at Charlevaux, in the forest D'Argonne, France, October 2 to 8, 1918. Capt. McMurtry commanded a battalion which was cut off and surrounded by the enemy, and, although wounded in the knee by shrapnel on October 4 and suffering great pain, he continued throughout the entire period to encourag6 his officers and men with a resistless optimism that contributed largely toward preventing panic and disorder among the troops who were, without food, cut off from communication with our lines. On October 4, during a heavy barrage, he personally directed and supervised the moving of the wounded to shelter before himself seeking shelter. On October 6 he was again wounded in the shoulder by a German grenade, but continued personally to organize and direct the defense against the German attack on the position until the attack was defeated. He continued to direct and command his troops, refusing relief, and personally led his men out of the position after assistance arrived before permitting himself to be taken to the hospital on October 8. During this period the successful defense of the position was due largely to his efforts.

L. WARDLAW MILES, Captain, 308th Infantry. For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy near Revillon, France, September 14, 1918. Capt. Miles volunteered to lead his company in a hazardous attack on a commanding trench position near the Aisne Canal, which other troops had previously attempted to take without success. His company immediately met with intense machine-gun fire, against which it had no artillery assistance, but Capt. Miles preceded the first wave and assisted in cutting a passage through the enemy's wire entanglements. In so doing he was wounded five times by machine-gun bullets, both legs and one arm being fractured, whereupon he ordered himself placed on a stretcher and had himself carried forward to the enemy trench in order that he might encourage and direct his company, which by this time had suffered numerous casualties. Under the inspiration of this officer's indomitable spirit his men held the hostile position and consolidated the front line after an action lasting two hours, at the conclusion of which Capt. Miles was carried to the aid station against -his will.

FRED E. SMITH, (deceased) lieutenant colonel, 3o8th Infantry, for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. When communication from the forward regimental post of command to the battalion leading the advance had been interrupted temporarily by the infiltration of small parties of the enemy armed with machine guns, Lieut. Col. Smith personally led a party Of 2 other officers and 10 soldiers, and went forward to reestablish runner posts and carry ammunition to the front line. The guide became confused and the party strayed to the left flank beyond the outposts of supporting troops, suddenly coming under fire from a group of enemy machine guns only 50 years away. Shouting to the other members of his party to take cover, this officer, in disregard of his own danger, drew his pistol and opened fire on the German gun crew. About this time he fell, severely wounded in the side, but, regaining his footing, he continued to fire on the enemy until most of the men in his party were out of danger. Refusing first-aid treatment he then made his way in plain view of the enemy to a hand-grenade dump and returned under continued heavy machine-gun fire for the purpose of making another attack on the enemy emplacements. As he was attempting to ascertain the exact location of the nearest nest, he again fell, mortally wounded.

CHARLES W. WHITTLESEY, major (now lieutenant colonel), 308th Infantry. For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy northeast of Binarville, in the forest D'Argonne, France, October 2-7, 1918. Although cut off for five days from the remainder of his division, Maj. Whittlesey maintained his position, which he had reached under orders received for an advance, and held his command, consisting originally Of 463 officers and men of the 3o8th Infantry and of Company K of the 307th Infantry, together in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, during the five days. Maj. Whittlesey and his command were thus cut off, and no rations or other supplies reached him, in spite of determined efforts which were made by his division. On the fourth day Maj. Whittlesey received from the enemy a written proposition to surrender, which he treated with contempt, although he was at that time out of rations and had suffered a loss of about 50 per cent in killed and wounded of his command and was surrounded by the enemy.

DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSSES

AWARDED TO MEMBERS OF 308TH INFANTRY

EDGAR W. AKERS, second lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. During the advance in the Argonne Forest, France, Lieut. Akers, having been severely wounded, led his platoon in a successful assault on two machine-gun nests, thereby aiding in the advance -of his battalion sergeant.

ALBERT E. ANGIER, first lieutenant, 308th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near R6villon, France, September 14, 1918. Although wounded, he continued to lead his men in an attack. By his gallant example he urged them forward through enemy wire to their objective. Even when mortally wounded he continued to direct the consolidation of his position, refusing medical attention in favor of others who had a better chance to live than himself.

HAROLD BATLEY, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 24, 1918. Pvt. Bailey, after two patrols had failed, volunteered and went alone to the grouped combat through the barrage and brought back information of the highest value.

WILLIAM V. BAXTER, private, Medical Detachment, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Revillon, France, September 8, and in the Argonne offensive, September 28, 1918. On September 8, Pvt. Baxter went to the aid of wounded comrades, despite the deadly fire of rifles and machine guns, and after administering to them in a shell hole, he carried the men one at a time to safety. On September 28, after being painfully wounded, he refused to go to the rear until he had rendered first aid to a more seriously wounded comrade.

WILLIAM BEGLEY (Army serial No. 1709131), private, Company G, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 3-6, 1918. When his battalion was surrounded in the Argonne Forest, October 3-7, Pvt. Begley took charge of his squad, after the corporal had been killed, and, despite the fact that he was wounded in the arm by a machine-gun bullet, encouraged his men through all the attacks Of the four days until he was killed, October 6. Next of kin: Mrs. Margaret Begley, 155 Huntington, Brooklyn, N. Y.

MARTIN BEIFUS (Army serial No. 1710290), sergeant, Company M, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Serval, France, September 12, 1918. During the advance of his platoon he went out alone, and with a Chauchat rifle and grenades drove the enemy out of a trench which was later occupied by our troops. Mortally wounded, he continued to encourage and direct his men in the work of consolidating the position, refusing to be evacuated till this work had been accomplished. Next of kin, Mrs. M. L. Lorance, 5102 Fifth Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.

HERMAN J. BERGASSE, first sergeant, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. Assuming command of the command after his commanding officer had become a casualty, Sergt. Bergrasse led a formidable attack on an enemy machine-gun emplacement, silencing two guns in the nest and permitting the further advance of his battalion.

RAYMOND BLACKBURN, sergeant Company C, 3o8th Infantry, For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2, 1918. He volunteered and led a reconnaissance patrol, and while returning to his company commander with his information one of the patrol became detached and was in danger of being captured by the enemy. Realizing his comrade's predicament, he rushed to his aid and rescued him, killing two of the enemy and dispersing the others.

GEORGE W. BOTELLE (Army serial No. 1682967), private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux Mill, France, October 4, 1918. He repeatedly carried messages over ground swept by intense enemy fire. When his battalion had been surrounded and several other runners had been killed or wounded in the attempt, he volunteered to carry a message through the enemy lines to the regimental post of command, being severely wounded in the performance of this mission. Home address: Mrs. Annie Botelle, grandmother, Lakeside Conn.

JAMES W. BRAGG, private, Medical Detachment, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-7, 1918. He was on duty with a detachment of his regiment which was cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest, France, for five days. Though he was without food throughout this period, he continued to render first aid to the wounded, exposing himself to heavy shell and machine-gun fire at the risk of his life until he was completely exhausted.

LUCIEN S. BRECKINRIDGE, captain, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Grand Pr6, France, October 14, 1918-All the bridges over the Meuse River having been destroyed by artillery fire, Capt. Breckinridge, who had been ordered to cross the river with his battalion, personally reconnoitered the banks of the river in utter disregard for his own safety until he found a ford. He then led his command across

the stream under intense machine-gun and artillery fire and established a position on the heights of the opposite bank. Home address: Mrs. Lucien S. Breckinridge (wife), io West Eleventh Street, New York, N. Y.

CLIFFORD R. BROWN, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-7, 1918. During the time when his company was isolated in the Argonne Forest and cut off from communication with friendly troops Pvt. Brown, together with another soldier, volunteered to carry a message through the German lines, although he was aware that several unsuccessful attempts had been previously made by patrols, the members of which were either killed, wounded, or driven back. By his courage and determination he succeeded in delivering the message and brought relief to his battalion.

HAROLD BROWN, (Army serial No. 3130988), private, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 4, 1918. When the first two battalions of his regiment had been surrounded by the enemy, Pvt. Brown volunteered to accompany a patrol for the purpose of establishing liaison with the forward troops, knowing from the fate of previous patrols that the mission would probably prove fatal. He was killed as the patrol was attempting unsuccessfully to reach the forward battalions. Next of kin, Mrs. Grace G. Brown (wife), 261o I Street, Bakersfield, Calif.

KENNETH P. BUDD, major, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 16, 1918. Although his post of command was subjected to continuous and concentrated gas attacks, and despite the fact that he was severely gassed during the bombardment -he refused to be evacuated, remaining for three days to personally super, intend the relief of his battalion and the removal to the rear of men who had been gassed.

JAMES CADDLE (Army serial No. 1680035), private, Company B, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 23-25, 1918. Pvt. Caddle, a battalion runner, displayed exceptional bravery in carrying numerous messages under heavy artillery fire to the front-line positions, crossing the Vesle River and proceeding for more than a kilometer in plain view of the enemy, over terrain which was continually bombarded with gas and high-explosive shells. Home address: Mrs. Walter J. Caddle (mother), 61 West Ninety-eighth Street, New York, N. Y.

CARMEN CALBI (Army serial No. 1709580), sergeant, Company I, 308th Infantry, 78th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Grand Pre, France, October 14, 1918. Sergt. Calbi, with two others, made a flank attack upon an enemy machine-gun nest. He rushed through enemy machine-gun fire and captured the gun. Residence at enlistment: 201 East Seventy-fourth Street, Now York, N. Y.

WILLIAM CALLAHAN, sergeant, Company E, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near R6villon, France, September 9, 1918. In order to clean out an enemy machine-gun nest which was holding up the advance of his company, Sergt. Callahan volunteered and, with an officer, crawled through the enemy wire into his lines, killed two of the enemy, and, although their position was discovered and the area was swept by machine-gun fire, he remained with the officer, killed an enemy machine gunner and drove another away with his gun, and finally returned with information concerning the enemy positions.

ROBERT GUNN CARLISLE, second lieutenant, Company L, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near San Juvin, France, October 14, 1918. After his platoon had suffered very heavy casualties, Lieut. Carlisle led a group of eight men on a reconnaissance along the Aire River. Encountering enemy machine-gun fire, he gallantly led his group in the attack and completely silenced the enemy fire. Due, in part, to his heroism, his organization was able to cross the Aire River on the following day. Residence at appointment: Aberdeen, Miss.

EDWARD CARTER, sergeant, Company I, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Grand Pre, France, October 14, 1918. When his company was halted by machine-gun fire which threatened to wipe out the entire company, Sergt. Carter led a patrol and charged the nest, and was successful not only in cleaning out the stronghold but in enabling his company to command a more favorable position.

PHILIP CEPAGLIA, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France. October 2-8, 1918. Pvt. Cepaglia was on duty as a battalion runner during the period of six days in which his own and another battalion were surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest, France, and cut off from communication with friendly troops. Although he was without food and toward the end of the period almost exhausted, this soldier carried messages to all parts of the position. Constantly under heavy fire from machine guns and trench mortars, he showed an utter disregard for his own personal safety.

ENOCH CHRISTIANSON, private, first class, Company A, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 1, 1918. When the advance of his platoon had been checked by enemy machine-gun fire, Private Christianson deliberately exposed himself to sniper fire in order to locate the position of the sniper who had caused several casualties in his platoon.

THOMAS C. COLLEY, first lieutenant, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Stonne, France, November 6, 1918. Though wounded, he voluntarily went through shell fire and gave first aid to wounded members of his platoon, thereby receiving additional wounds.

JAMES H. COLLINS, private, Company L, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action west of St. Juvin, France, October 16, 19 18. Pvt. Collins, with another soldier, volunteered to cross a level open space for 6oo yards, swept by converging machine-gun fire, to deliver a message to the front line, undeterred by the knowledge that six other soldiers had been wounded in a similar attempt. Crawling from one shell hole to another, he succeeded in reaching the front line and delivering the message.

ROBBINS L. CONN, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near R6villon, France, September 10, 1918. Lieut. Conn volunteered and, with two soldiers, went on a patrol for the purpose of capturing prisoners. They crawled forward to within a few yards of the enemy lines, overpowered two sentries, and succeeded in delivering them to the battalion commander, despite the fact that the enemy put down a heavy barrage of rifle fire and rifle grenades.

FRANCIS CONSIDINE, private, first class, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near La. Harazee, France, September 26, 1918. As acting corporal, Pvt. Considine was in charge of a group which ran upon an enemy machine-gun nest in a swamp. Although wounded in one foot by a machine-gun bullet and in the other foot by a grenade, he continued to hold his post and encouraged his men until assistance came.

LEROY G. CRONKHITE, second lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 28-October 1, 1918. In the face of heavy machine-gun fire, Lieut. Cronkhite went forward to within hand-grenade range of the enemy lines and brought back to shelter a soldier who had been severely wounded. Later in the day he went out alone and located a dangerous machine-gun nest, which was thereupon destroyed. Although wounded, Lieut. Cronkhite refused to be evacuated until October 1, when he was ordered to the hospital by the battalion commander. Home address, Mrs. Minnie E. Cronkhite (mother) Selah, Wash.

WILLIAM J. CULLEN, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-8, 1918. During the advance of his regiment through the Forest of Argonne, France, Lieut. Cullen led his company, under intense concentration of machine-gun fire, to the day's objective, steadying his men and directing the organization and entrenchment of his position. During the period in which part of the regiment was cut off by the. enemy, he continued to visit his posts and encourage his men under intense concentrations of trench-mortar and machine-gun fire, effectively directing the repulse of attacks on his position. On October 4-5-6 this officer, observing friendly airplanes, left his shelter and went out into a cleared space in plain view of the enemy and under intense machine-gun fire signaled the position to the airplanes. During all this critical time when his company, as well as the battalion, was entirely without food for five days, he displayed coolness, good judgment, and efficiency, furnishing an inspiring example to his men. His gallantry in action contributed materially to the holding of the left flank and the successful resistance made by his battalion.

FORTUNATO Di PASQUALE (Army serial No. 168o69o), private, Company D. 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, August 13, 1918. During the attack of his company to regain ground in the outpost zone on the Vesle River, Private Di Pasquale found himself holding an important post on the left flank of the company. He advanced across a railroad track in the face of terrific machine-gun fire from the high bank beyond the railroad cut, and, undaunted by enemy fire and with great courage, climbed half way up the steep railroad embankment and aided materially to the success of his company in driving the enemy from their machine-gun emplacement. Private Di Pasquale was killed as he made this advance. Next of kin -Mrs. Josephine Marbila, sister, Archibald, Pa. Residence at enlistment: 2o9 Eleventh Street, Niagara Falls, N. Y.

WOODRUFF W. DOBSON, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near le Moulin, de l'Homme Mort, France, September 29, 1918. He volunteered and reconnoitered in front of the first-line battalion to secure information regarding enemy machine guns and minnenwerfers which had checked the advance of his organization. He was wounded by a sniper's bullet as he crawled back from this reconaissance, but refused to submit to first aid until he made his report to the battalion commander and informed his men of the enemy's position.

JAMES DOLAN, corporal, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France. October 3-7, 1918. He was very severely wounded while in charge of his automatic rifle section, which was a unit of a surrounded battalion. After receiving first aid, he resumed his post and remained in command of his section until the

battalion was relieved.

WALTER P. DONOGHUE (Army serial No. 17o8284), sergeant, Company D, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Moulin de Charlevaux, in the Argonne Forest, France, October 6, 1918. He was sent out on a patrol to investigate machine-gun fire from the left flank and to the rear of his company's position, and was wounded in the left leg by shrapnel fragments. Upon reporting back to his company commander he refused to be evacuated, but insisted in taking an active and gallant part in four subsequent attacks made to reach a battalion of our troops who were cut off and surrounded by a superior force of the enemy. Home address: 2412 Marion Avenue, New York, N. Y.

RUSSELL L. DuBOIS, private, first class, Medical Detachment, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 20, 1918. Although suffering acutely from the effects of mustard gas, he refused to be evacuated because of the great need of medical attention among his comrades. For three days he remained at his post, and only went to the rear when ordered to do so by his commanding officer.

JAMES EAST, sergeant, Company A, 308th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 29, 1918. He volunteered and guided three wounded men to a first-aid station through machine-gun fire. He was wounded while on this mission, but, learning that his company was to make an advance, refused to be evacuated and returned to duty, bringing important information as to the enemy positions.

LEO ENGLANDER (Army serial No. 1708449), private, Company D, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action on the Vesle River, near Ville Savoye, France, August 23, 1918. He volunteered to go out into No Man's Land to bring in a comrade from his platoon who had been seriously wounded and unable to move. Private Englander reached the man and was about to carry him to safety when he was killed by enemy machine-gun fire. His heroism was an inspiration to the members of his company. Next of kin: Mrs. Sadie Englander Liswood, sister, 8101 Twentieth Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Residence at enlistment: 6o Second Ave., New York, N. Y.

CARMINE FELITTO, corporal, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 4, 1918. When his platoon leader and a small detachment of men were surrounded by the enemy and subjected to a terrific artillery and machine-gun fire, Corpl. Felitto volunteered and brought a message from his lieutenant to the company commander, bravely making his way through the enemy's lines, despite the fact that he had seen other men killed while making the attempt. He brought the first message from the detachment, which had been cut off from the company for 18 hours.

JOHN VINCENT FLOOD, second lieutenant, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 24, 1918. After being severely wounded he continued to direct his platoon with great courage and determination. Residence at appointment: 254 East Sixtieth Street, New York, N. Y.

GEORGE FOX, corporal (1708954), Company F, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near St. Juvin, France, October 15, 1918. Corpl. Fox exposed himself to machine-gun fire to rescue a wounded comrade who lay in an exposed position. While crawling out to bring in his comrade he was under direct enemy observation and bursts of machine-gun fire.

JOSEPH FRIEL, private, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-5, 1918. He Was on duty as a battalion runner during the period of six days in which his own and another battalion were surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest, France, and cut off from communication with friendly troops. Although he was without food and, toward the end of the period, almost exhausted, this soldier carried messages to all parts of the position. Constantly under heavy fire from machine guns and trench mortars, he showed an utter disregard for his own personal safety. On the night of October 5, 1918, he was sent to carry a message through the enemy Hnes..-.1 to regimental headquarters. Several other attempts had been made, as this soldier knew, which had resulted in the death or capture of the runners. He made the attempt, but was killed in the performance of his mission by 1, the enemy fire.

JACK D. GEHRIS, private, first class, Medical Detachment, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2 and 5, 1918. Under a heavy enemy barrage he went to the rescue of two severely wounded men and carried them to a place offering scant shelter, where they were forced to remain until aid arrived the next mom-; ing. On October 5, 1918, when a shell struck his first-aid station, killing two and wounding five others, he, although wounded, administered first aid to his comrades before receiving medical attention for himself.

RAYMOND GILL, sergeant, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For ex-traordinary heroism in action near Ville'Savoye, France, August 24, x9t8. During the advance of his company across the Vesle River, Sergt. Gili, disregarding severe wounds, insisted on leading a patrol to capture a sniper who was occupying a formidable position to fire on our men. While on this precarious mission he was killed.

ALFRED S. GRIFFITHS, captain, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 18, 1918. While suffering from the effects of gas, Capt. Griffiths led a liaison patrol to the flanking battalion across an open slope and under direct enemy observation, exposed during the whole journey to terrific artillery and machine-gun fire. He remained on duty as battalion adjutant, after all other officers had been evacuated because of the effects of gas, although he had been rendered temporarily speechless and blind by a severe gassing.

SAMUEL D. GROBTUCK, private, first class, Company K, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 22, 1918. While carrying a message to his battalion commander, asking for reinforcements, he passed through the village of Ville Savoye, filled with mustard gas, and was killed by shell fire while crossing an open field under direct observation of the enemy.

ROBERT K. HAAS, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near R6villon, France, September 10, 1918. During the attack on Revillon Lieut. Haas voluntarily left his shelter and went across an open slope in full observation of the enemy and under heavy machine-gun fire to the aid of a wounded soldier, bringing him back to our lines for first-aid treatment.

JEREMIAH HEALEY, sergeant, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 3-7, 1918. Although wounded on the third day of the battle in the Argonne Forest, Sergt. Healey continually exposed himself to machine-gun and artillery fire while aiding and cheering his men. He also volunteered his services in an attempt to break through the enemy lines and bring aid to his organization.

PATRICK HENDRICHS, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 24, 1918. After being wounded he continued to work his automatic rifle until it was destroyed. He then secured a rifle and continued to fight, and later assisted other wounded before having his own wound dressed.

JACK HERSCHKOWITZ, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 29, 1918. In order to obtain ammunition and rations, Private Herschkowitz, with another soldier, accompanied an officer in an effort to reestablish communication between battalion and regimental headquarters. They were attacked by a small party of Germans, but drove them off, killing one. When night came they crawled unknowingly into the center of a German camp, where they lay for three hours undetected. Finally discovered, they made a dash to escape. In order to protect the officer, Private Herschkowitz deliberately drew the enemy fire to himself, allowing the officer to escape. Private Herschkowitz succeeded in getting through and delivering his message the next morning.

EUGENE W. HORTON (Army serial No. 1709854), private, first class, Company K, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 22, 1918. When his company was attacked by greatly superior numbers of the enemy, Pvt. Horton continued to operate his automatic rifle although exposed to heavy machine-gun fire. His gallant conduct was a material factor in the successful repulse of the enemy who were endeavoring to turn the flank of his organization. Residence at enlistment: 18 Lawrence Street, New York, N. Y.

ALGOT JOHNSON, private, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 26, 1918. Under heavy fire from the enemy, Pvt. Johnson, accompanied by one man, crossed the Vesle River and silenced a machine gun, which was causing heavy casualties in his company. They killed one gunner and wounded the other.

HENRY KESSLER, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For ex-traordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 23, 1918. He was the first to respond to a call for volunteers to rescue a wounded soldier who had fallen severely wounded while on a patrol. Crawling for-ward through intense machine-gun and artillery fire, he assisted in the rescue, being severely wounded while engaged in the undertaking.

IRVING KLEIN, corporal, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For repeated acts of extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 29, 1918, and Charlevaux, France, October 3-7, 1918. On September 29, after locating the position of three enemy machine guns, he succeeded in silencing one, took up a position against the other two under intense shell fire, and sent back information to his company commander which made it possible to clean out the entire nest. On October 3, although wounded seriously, he continued to assist his men in repulsing the attack of an enemy patrol.

PAUL R. KNIGHT, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 3-5, 1918. Although he had been twice wounded, he led his company in four attempts to cut through a heavy barbed-wire entanglement to capture Hill 205 in the Forest of Argonne, France, in order to reach two battalions of his regiment which had been cut off by the enemy.

STANISLAW KOSIKOWSKI, private, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-7, 19x8. During the time when his company was isolated in the Argonne Forest and cut off from communication with friendly troops, Pvt. Kosikow-ski, together with another soldier, volunteered to carry a message through the German lines, although he was aware that several unsuccessful attempts had been previously made by patrols, the members of which were either killed, wounded, or driven back. By his courage and determination he succeeded in delivering the message and brought relief to his battalion.

ANTHONY J. KRUGER, sergeant, Company K, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Wilhelmplatz, France, September 29, 1918. He was ordered to take his platoon and capture a machine gun which was holding up the advance of the company and causing many casualties. Armed with an automatic pistol, he, without hesitation and with utter disregard for his personal safety, charged the machine gun, stopping only when he was rendered unconscious by two bullet wounds in the neck.

ORIE H. LA CROIX (Army serial No. 1683636), corporal, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 1, 1918. When his company commander and first sergeant had been wounded, he rallied the company and continued the advance fearlessly exposing himself to hostile fire and inspiring the men with him by his courage. Home address: Mrs. Adeline La Croix, 6 Park Circle, Milford, Conn.

JOHN C. LENAHAN, private, Company M, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Grand Pre, France, October 14, 1918. When his company was ordered to take a position along the river bank, ,under heavy machine-gun and artillery fire, Private Lenahan, acting first sergeant, made his way from flank to flank, supervising the disposition of the troops. Despite serious wounds received, he completed his mission and reported to his company commander, dying shortly after from the effects of his wounds.

HARRY LINDEN, sergeant, Company H, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 16, 1918. After all his company officers and first sergeant had been evacuated because of gas, Sergt. Linden assumed command of the company, which was then occupying an extremely precarious position, exposed to an unusually heavy shell and gas bombardment. He remained in command until the company was relieved, and the following night, despite his sufferings from the effects of gas, helped carry up ammunition under intense enemy artillery fire.

IRVING LOUIS LINER, private, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-7, 1918. He was a battalion runner, when his battalion was surrounded by the enemy in the forest of Argonne and cut off from communication with friendly troops. He carried messages with great cheerfulness under conditions of stress and under heavy machine-gun and shell fire, at a time when he was exhausted by exposure and hunger, being without food for five days.

ALLAN J. MAcDOUGALL, captain, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Rdvillon, France, September 9, 1918. Capt. MacDougall voluntarily assumed command of a patrol of three men to locate enemy lines and gun positions. Crawling through withering machine-gun fire to within 2o yards of the enemy lines, he encountered two Germans on outpost, whom be killed. Remaining exposed to the enemy for an hour, Capt. MacDougall killed a machine gunner who attempted to take a position in front of him. His entire mission was harassed by perilous machine-gun fire and a constant hand-grenade bombardment.

ARTHUR F. McKEOGH, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 29, 1918. In order to obtain ammunition and rations, Lieut. McKeogh, accompanied by two enlisted men, attempted to reestablish communication between battalion and regimental headquarters. When night came they crawled unknowingly into the center of a German camp, where they lay over three hours undetected. Finally discovered, they made a dash to escape, and Lieut. McKeogh, in order to protect his men, deliberately drew the enemy fire upon himself. He succeeded, however, in getting through the enemy lines, delivered his message, and effected the reestablishment of communication. Residence at appointment: 62 East Ninety-third Street, New York, N. Y.

THOMAS F. MARONEY, corporal, Company C, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 24, x918. Although wounded while bringing up ammunition for his automatic rifle team, Corpl. Maroney stayed with his men, encouraging and directing them.

. HOWARD F. MERCER, first sergeant, Company C, 3o8th Infantry; For extraordinary heroism in action near Stonne, France, November 6, 1918. Voluntarily leading a patrol for a flank attack on the town of Stonne, through unusual artillery fire and exacting machine-gun fire, Sergt. Mercer, leaving his patrol, went forward alone to draw fire from the nests in order to divert the enemy's attention from the attacking patrol.

HENRY MILLER, private, Company E, 3o8th Infantry. I For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 3, 1918. When his company had been cut off from communication and exposed to intense shell and machine-gun fire, Private Miller observed and attacked an enemy sniper, silencing further fire from that source. While attempting to return he was killed by machine-gun fire.

FORNEY B. MINTZ, sergeant, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. Sergt. Mintz in command of a platoon, worked his way through the enemy rear guard and captured five machine guns and an ammunition-carrying party. Although badly wounded when an organized position of the enemy was encountered, he made his way back to request reinforcements and brought with him two German prisoners, from whom valuable information was obtained.

JOHN J. MONSON, private, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 29, z918. In order to obtain ammunition and rations, Private Monson, with another soldier, accompanied an officer in an effort to reestablish communication between battalion and regimental headquarters. They were attacked by a small party of Germans, but drove them off, killing one. When night came, they crawled unknowingly into the center of a German camp, where they lay for three hours, undetected. Finally discovered, they made a dash to escape. In order to protect the officer, Private Monson deliberately drew the enemy fire to himself, allowing the officer to escape. Private Monson succeeded in getting through and delivering his message the next morning.

CARL MULRAIN (Army serial No. 1676239), private, Company D, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 23, 1918. While the 1st Battalion of his regi-ment was making an attack to regain ground from the enemy in the outpost zone along the Vesle River, Private Mulrain continued to advance when he discovered that three enemy machine guns occupied the high ground in front of him. With great courage and utter disregard for his own safety he continued to go forward in the face of concentrated enemy machine-gun fire, thus helping materially to force the enemy to evacuate his machine-gun emplacement, though himself killed by a machine-gun bullet. Next of kin: Miss Maude Lawrence, aunt, A Street, New Village, Whitinsville, Mass. Residence at enlistment: Main Street, Uxbridge, Mass.

JAMES F. NASH, private, Company K, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 22, 1917. While his company was attacked by greatly superior numbers of the enemy, Private Nash continued to operate his automatic rifle, even after having been wounded three times in the chest. After the attacking force had been driven off, he refused the use of a litter in favor of a comrade whom he thought more seriously wounded than himself.

ARTHUR NORWAT, sergeant, Company M, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Revillon, France, September 14-15, 1918. On September 14 he advanced ahead of his company and with an automatic rifle single handed silenced an enemy machine-gun nest, capturing the gunner. On the following day, after having assumed command because of the fact that all officers had become casualties, he assembled 13 men and led them in a charge against superior forces of the enemy, recapturing a trench which shortly before had been taken by the enemy.

HOLGAR PETERSON (Army serial No. 1709 115), corporal, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 3-7, 1918. While leading a scouting party, Corpl. Peterson encountered an enemy patrol and displayed exceptional courage and leadership in killing the officer and two soldiers who composed it. He repeatedly volunteered for dangerous patrol work with great bravery and aggressiveness until he was killed. Home address: Mrs. Catherine Peterson (wife), 26 West Thirty-eighth Street, New York, N. Y.

FRANK POLLINGER, private, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 3-7, 19 18. During the period of four days, when his battalion was surrounded by the enemy and after his squad leader had been wounded, Pvt. Pollinger took command of the squad, although he himself was suffering from a wound received four days previous. His indomitable courage and perseverance upheld the spirit and morale of his men under such trying circumstances and he continued to direct their movements until forced out of action by a second wound.

JOSEPH J. POWERS, sergeant, Company E, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near St. Juvin, France, October 15, 1918-After four men had been killed or wounded, while attempting to deliver a message from the company commander to the rear, Sergt. Powers volunteered and carried the message through area swept by machine-gun fire with no regard for his personal safety.

JOSIAH ALVIN POWLESS, first lieutenant, Medical Detachment, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Chevieres, France, October 14, 1918. When notified that his colleague, Capt. James M. McKibben, had been wounded, Lieut. Powless immediately went forward to his assistance. He crossed an area subjected to intense machine-gun and constant Artillery fire, reached his colleague, whose wound proved to be fatal, and after dressing his wounds had him carried to the rear. Lieut. Powless was seriously wounded while performing this service. Nearest relative; Mrs. Josiah A. Powless, wife, Route No. 2, West DePere, Wis. Residence at appointment: Route No. 2, West DePere, Wis.

CHARLES P. RILEY, sergeant, Company I, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Grand Pr6, France, October 14-, 1918. When his company was halted by machine-gun fire which threatened to wipe out his entire number, Sergt. Riley led a patrol and charged the nest, and was successful not only in cleaning out the stronghold but in enabling his company to command a more favorable position.

ARTHUR HARRISON ROBINSON, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 22, 1918. Under a screen of dense fog and the smoke of a heavy barrage, the Germans set up a machine gun within 30 yards of the flank of Lieut. Robinson's company. The Germans opened up a deadly fire as the fog lifted, but Lieut. Robinson attacked the position with grenades and drove off the enemy. He then turned the gun on the advancing Germans, completely breaking up their counterattack.

PATRICK ROCHFORD, private, Company L, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action west of St. Juvin, France, October 16, 19

Pvt. Rochford, with another soldier, volunteered to cross a level open space for 6oo yards swept by converging machine-gun fire to deliver a message to the front line, undeterred by the knowledge that six other soldiers had been wounded in a similar attempt. Crawling from one shell hole to another, he succeeded in reaching the front line and delivering the message.

HARRY ROGERS, second lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-6, 1918. He was in command of a detachment comprising part of two battalions which were cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest, France. During the days of the isolation from friendly troops, he was on the exposed flank without food. Although under a heavy concentration of fire from enemy machine guns and snipers, by his personal example of calmness he kept his men in order and helped repel counterattacks. This intrepid officer was killed in action October 6, 1918.

HAAKON ROSSUM, corporal, Company G, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Charlevaux, France, October 3-7 , ~9~8.

During the five days that his battalion was cut off and surrounded by the enemy and throughout these five days of hunger, suffering, and enemy attacks Corpl. Rossum, commanded an advanced outpost in a position exposed to each hostile onslaught. He was subjected constantly to fire from snipers, machine guns, trench mortars, and hand grenades. By his high courage, personal example, and inspiring leadership he defeated all attempts of the enemy to force his post back, and by so doing aided materially in the defense of his section of the line.

JOSEPH SAUER, corporal, Company F, 3o8th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2, 1918. He volunteered in the face of heavy enemy machine-gun fire to deliver a message to a platoon sergeant who was leading an attack on enemy machine-gun nests. He was wounded in one leg just as he started and was wounded in the other leg before reaching the sergeant, but did, by calling aloud, deliver the message verbally and accurately.

GORDON L. SCHENCK, second lieutenant, Company C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action in the Argonne Forest, near Binarville, France, October 3 to 7, 1918. While his battalion was surrounded by the enemy, Lieut. Schenck, by his heroic conduct, while repulsing frequent enemy attacks, inspired his command. Fearlessly exposing himself to fire, he seized his rifle and ran to the top of a bank in front of his company's position where he was able to throw hand grenades at the enemy, until killed by an enemy shell. Emergency address: Mrs. Charles N. Schenck, mother, 113 Cambridge Place, Brooklyn, N. Y. Address at appointment: 37 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.

RICHARD B. SHERIDAN, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 23, 1918. While leading his platoon in attack Lieut. Sheridan had one of his legs badly shattered by shell fire. Refusing evacuation he remained to direct the movements of his men until he died.

IRVING SIROTA, private, first class, Medical Department, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France,, October 2-7, 1918. He was on duty with a detachment of his regiment which was cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the forest of Argonne. During this period he was without food but he continued to assist and give first aid to the wounded, exposing himself to heavy shell and machine-gun fire at the risk of his life, until he was completely exhausted.

SIDNEY SMITH, private, Company H, 3o8th Infantry. For extra-ordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 2-8, 1918. When his company had been cut off from communication he, though seriously wounded, refused to seek shelter. He participated in several attacks with courage and aggressiveness, using his rifle very effectively and encouraging his comrades. When relief came he walked back to the dressing station, so that medical attention could first be given to the more seriously wounded.

WILLIAM 0. SULLIVAN, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Chevieres, France, October 14, 1918. After his company commander had been seriously wounded and he himself wounded in the head by a machine-gun bullet, Lieut. Sullivan continued to lead and encourage his men until wounded the second time. He then continued in command of the company until ordered to be evacuated by his battalion commander.

ALBERT E. SUMMERS (Army serial No. 1679686), private, Company H, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action in the Argonne Forest, France, October 6, 1918. In the face of direct machine-gun fire be left cover and went out 100 yards to rescue a wounded soldier. Dragging the wounded man back to his funk hole, he gave him first aid, and then again exposing himself to enemy fire obtained water for him. He showed utter disregard for personal danger in aiding other wounded men in addition to performing his duties as scout. Home address: James Summers, father, Bristol, Bedminster, England.

WLADYSLAW TABARA (serial No. 1710369), private, Company M, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Rievillon, France, September 13, 1918. With a companion he determined the location of a machine gun which had checked the advance of his company, and, advancing ahead of the company, made a sudden rush from the flank, killed, wounded, or captured the entire crew, and captured four machine guns.

JAMES TAPPEN, private, first class, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. He pushed forward alone against several enemy snipers who were causing many casualties among his comrades. He killed two of snipers, but was killed while attempting to capture the third sniper.

BENJAMIN E. TRERISE (Army serial No. 17o8988), first sergeant, Company F, 3o8th Infantry, 78th Division. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 4, 1918, and near St. Juvin, October 15, 1918. During an attack in the Argonne Forest, October 4, 1918, Sergt. Trerise was wounded in five places by shrapnel. Although in need of medical attention, he refused to be evacuated but remained, steadying his men and holding his unit intact. On October 15, after two attempts at rescue of a wounded man had failed, he advanced through heavy enemy fire and brought the wounded man to shelter. Residence at enlistment: 108 West Eighty-fourth Street, New York, N. Y.

CHARLES W. TURNER, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, October 6, 1918.

Surrounded by enemy machine guns and snipers and under heavy shell fire, he refused to surrender, but held his position with extraordinary heroism and total disregard for his own life until he and all his detachment were killed.

JOSEPH USAC, private, first class, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Binarville, France, September 27, 1918. Returning to the line, after being wounded by a hand grenade the previous day, Pvt. Usac persistently requested to be allowed to assist stretcher bearers in the removal of the wounded. While performing this heroic mission, constantly subjected to treacherous machine-gun and artillery fire, he was again wounded.

EDWIN T. VAN DUZER, private, first class, Company K, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ville Savoye, France, August 22, 1918. He was a member of a combat liaison group which was attacked by liquid fire. Although severely burned, he alone charged the flame thrower and put him out of action, after which he reassembled his men and continued on duty until relieved.

JOSEPH VEDILAGO, corporal, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism ia action near Binarville, France, September 28, 1918. He crawled from his shelter to get an automatic rifle after the members of the rifle team had been killed or wounded, and with this weapon continued in the advance until he was killed by shell fragments.

FRANCIS W. WAGNER, JR., sergeant, Company C, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 24, 1918. He was found badly wounded in the neck and legs, crawling back to bring up support to his position.

CHARLES W. WHITING, private, Headquarters Company, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Barbonval, France, September 10, 1918. He had charge of maintaining a telephone line from Barbonval to Blanzy. The line was under direct observation of the enemy, and the appearance of a lineman was the immediate occasion for shelling by the enemy with field artillery and 1-pounders. He stuck to his work repairing break after break until he was mortally wounded by the enemy shell fire.

CLINTON L. WHITING, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near La Harazee, France, September 26-28, 1918- During the advance in the Argonne Forest Lieut. Whiling exposed himself fearlessly to enemy machine-gun and sniper fire while leading his men and consolidating his position, which was in a marsh covered with wire grass and stunted brush. He continued to lead his men with utter disregard for personal danger until he fell seriously wounded by a machine-gun bullet on the afternoon of September 28 near Binarville. Home address: D. Clinton Whiting (father), 21 Fulton Street, New York, N. Y.

MEREDITH WOOD, first lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Badonviller, France, June 30, and near Chery-Chartreuve, France, August 24, 1918. On the first date, accompanied by only one noncommissioned officer, Lieut. Wood, acting as signal officer, penetrated the enemy's front line, and bravely patroled their territory, following a wire which was thought to lead to a listening post. He cut the wire and returned to our lines with valuable information. On August 24, when a direct hit was made on the building occupied by regi-mental headquarters, he was severely gassed when he removed his mask to aid a mortally wounded soldier and to search for others who might have been overcome.

IRVING WOOLF, private, Company I, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Revillon, France, September 10, 1918. Volunteering to serve on a patrol for the purpose of capturing prisoners, Pvt. Woolf crawled forward to a sentry Post 25 yards from the enemy lines. Overpowering two sentries, he started back under a heavy barrage of rifle grenades and rifle fire, and ignoring his great danger, he successfully delivered his prisoners to the battalion commander.

ERNEST WORNEK (Army serial No. 3137861), private, first class, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Moulin de Charlevaux, France, October 3, 1918. Facing heavy machine-gun and rifle fire, he went out alone and rescued a soldier who had been wounded in advance of our lines while on a patrol. Home address: Mrs. E. B. Baker, mother, Mackey, Idaho.

CITATIONS

RECEIVED BY MEMBERS OF THE 308TH INFANTRY

HEADQUARTERS 77TH DIVISION,

A.E.F.

August 2nd, 1918.

General Orders No. 14

The following Officers and Enlisted Men are announced as having distinguished themselves by gallant and meritorious conduct:

1ST LIEUT. L. WARDLAW MILES, 308th Infantry-in order to correct the disposition of his platoon walked along the parapet during a heavy gas projector attack on June 24, 1918, encouraging his men by his coolness and bravery.

SERGEANT JOHN T. E. MONAHAN, No. 1707790, Co. B, 308th Infantry-in order to encourage and make the proper disposition of the men of his command, went from post to post during a heavy artillery barrage on June 24, 1918, taking short cuts over the open ground, to the utter disregard of his own personal safety.

SERGEANT GEORGE STRASSLE, No. 17xo853, M. G. CO., 308th Infantry-in command of a Machine Gun Section did, on June 24, 1918, get his teams to their guns during a barrage and with one man stood by his gun firing during the bombardment, showing coolness and bravery.

CORPORAL RUDOLPH WISSEL, No. 171o863, M. G. CO., 308th Infantry, did, on June 24, 1918, bring his machine gun team to its post through a bombardment and fired continuously until his gun jammed. He then remedied the stoppage under fire until his gun was hit and destroyed.

PRIVATE I ST CL. N ICHOLAS J. CAMERA, No. 17 1 0877, M. G. Co., 3o8th Infantry, on June 24, 1918, while on sentry duty remained alone and fired unaided about seven hundred rounds with his rifle until the piston of his gun bent, showing bravery under heavy fire.

PRIVATE EDWARD SCALA, No. 1677646, Co. B., 3o8th Infantry, a gas sentinel, during a gas projector attack on June 24, 1918, entered a dug-out after his rifle had been shot from his hands, awakened all the soldiers in the dugout and returned to his post to continue sounding the alarm.

PRIVATE JOHN ENSWENGER, No. 1707882, Co. B, 308th Infantry --on June 24, 1918, although gassed continued to perform his duties as a runner throughout an attack showing coolness and unhesitating devotion.

This order will be read to all organizations at the first assembly formation after its receipt.

By command of Major General Duncan:-

J. R. R. HANNAY,

Colonel, N. A.

Chief of Staff.

November 3rd, 1918. General Orders No. 35.

I desire to record in the General Orders of this Division a tribute to the valorous conduct of the following Officers and Enlisted Men who have distinguished themselves by their splendid courage, service and sacrifice:

CAPTAIN JAMES F. WAGNER, M.C., attached to 308th Infantry -behaved with conspicuous gallantry on the afternoon of October 5, 1918. In the course of an attack on the enemy's lines north of L'Homme Mort in the Argonne Forest, did leave his first aid station and go to the aid of a wounded soldier who was bleeding to death and who had been deserted by his bearers and was lying within two yards of the firing line in a position which was swept by machine gun fire, and did under such machine gun fire, bind up the wounds of the soldier and did obtain assistance and carry him to a place of safety.

CAPTAIN L. S. BRECKINRIDGE, 3o8th Infantry-in command that time of the regiment, on October 5th and 6th, 1918, in a position north of L'Homme Mort in the Argonne Forest, did on both occasions under the enemy's fire, personally direct the movement of his troops, moving from place to place and exposing himself without regard to personal safety, in his efforts to break through the enemy's line and did encourage his officers and men by his personal example in their efforts to break the enemy's line.

1ST LIEUT. BERNARD M. BURNS, Co. L, 308th Infantry-behaved with conspicuous gallantry, on or about October 8th,1918. In the course of an attack on the enemy's lines, north of L'Homme Mort in the Argonne Forest, after being painfully wounded, he refused to be evacuated and he continued to direct the operations of his company until ordered from the field personally by the Brigade Commander.

November 14th, 1918.

General Orders No. 39.

2ND LIEUT. D. S. McGUIRE, 308th Infantry-who behaved with conspicuous gallantry on the morning of October 16, 1918, in an attack on the enemy's lines north of the River Aire, between Chevieres and St. Juvin, and showed marked aggressiveness and ability in placing and handling his machine guns while holding the position taken across the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road from 3 A.M. to 6 P.m. This officer's disposition and use of his machine guns operated very largely to make the position tenable.

SERGEANT JOSEPH A. BOFFA, No. 1708294, Co. D, 308th Infantry -who led his men through heavy machine gun and artillery barrages until severely wounded during the advance through the Argonne Forest, near Binarville.

SERGEANT HERBERT E. ROCH, No. 1708408, Co. D, 308th Infantry-who on September 27th, 1918, in the Argonne Forest, S. E. of Binarville, led his platoon against two machine gun nests at great risk of his own life, thereby reducing their fire and aiding in the advance of his Battalion. He was killed in action during the advance.

SERGEANT HERMAN G. ANDERSON, No. 1707546, Co. A, 308th Infantry-this soldier was with a detachment in the Argonne Forest, near Binarville, from October 2nd to 7th, 1918. While his Company was with-. out an officer, he took command, reorganized his detachment and kept the men in perfect order, exposing himself to heavy machine gun and shell fire. With utter disregard of his personal safety, he rendered first-aid to the wounded in his own and other companies.

CORPORAL JOHN DAVIS, No. 1708283, Co. D, 308th Infantry-who, in the Argonne Forest, east of Binarville, led his patrol through a line of machine gun nests on October 7th, 1918, with a disregard for his personal safety thereby reducing their fire and aiding in the advance of his Battalion.

CORPORAL MAX KOEPPE, No. 1708333, Co. D, 308th Infantry, who during the advance of his Battalion through the Argonne Forest, east of Binarville, led his squad against four machine gun nests, reduced their fire and continued the advance until he was killed in action on October 5th, 1918.

PRIVATE WILLIAM ZAPKE, No. 17o8431, Co. D, 3o8th Infantry- who, on October 5th, 1918, in the Argonne Forest, east of Binarville, showed great bravery, after having been surrounded by the enemy, refused to surrender and fought until he was killed.

PRIVATE GEORGE H. ROWLEY, No. 1679964, Co. D, 3o8th Infantry, who was with a patrol of his company on their flank in the advance through the Argonne Forest southeast of Binarville. He stuck to his post under heavy machine gun and artillery fire with an absolute disregard for his personal safety until he was killed on September 29th, 1918.

PRIVATE FRANK G. S. ERICKSON, No. 343H6, Co. H, 3o8th Infantry-who displayed extraordinary heroism in action in the Argonne Forest, near Binarville, between October 3rd and October 8th, 1918. This soldier was with his Company from October 2nd to October 8th when that Company, together with other companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions of this regiment, were surrounded by the enemy and cut off from communications with friendly troops. During this period he was a runner between his Company and Battalion Headquarters. Though completely without food during all this period, he cheerfully and courageously performed his duties as runner. During a heavy attack by the enemy on October 3rd he carried messages from his Company Commander to Battalion Headquarters under heavy fire from machine guns and trench mortars. He succeeded in delivering his message and in guiding supporting troops to the left flank which was then being subjected to heavy pressure by the enemy. On succeeding days of the siege, this soldier continued to perform his duties over exposed places and in full view of the enemy and always under heavy machine gun fire which raked the position on the least exposure. These duties he performed in absolute disregard of his personal safety.

November 3oth, 1918. General Orders No. 42.

MAJOR C. W. GAYLORD, (then captain), 3o8th Infantry-for his action in personally assisting, of his own volition the delivery of five ration trucks to a point just outside of St. Juvin, on the night of October 14th, 1918, following the capture of the town in the late afternoon. From Fleville to St. Juvin the road was under machine gun fire and was constantly and heavily shelled, repeatedly covering the ration trucks with dirt and stones. Nevertheless, this officer accompanied the trucks as far as the road would permit and personally notified the troops of the arrival of the rations, and assisted in the bringing back of the five ration trucks, although one truck was badly ditched and was righted under a burst of shell fire.

December 2oth, 1918. General Orders No. 48.

CORPORAL OSCAR DAHLOOFF, No. 1710339, 3o8th Infantry, Co. M-who during the operations of September 26th-27th in the Argonne Forest near Le Mort Homme carried food from his post to a wounded man until he could be evacuated, having to pass through heavy machine gun fire to reach him.

CORPORAL OSCAR DAHLOFF, No. 1710339, CO. M, 308th Infantry, PRIVATE A. RABINOWITZ, No. 1708916, Co. F, 308th Infantry, PRIVATE GEORGE W. COLLINS, No. 1709699, CO. I, 308th Infantry -who on September 8th, 9th and ioth on the River Aisne operated, under enemy machine gun and one-pounder fire, a Divisional 0. P. in a very exposed position of the front line.

CORPORAL OSCAR DAHLOFF, No. 1710339, CO. M, 308th Infantry, PRIVATE 1ST CL. A. RABINOWITZ, No. 1708916, Co. F, 3o8th Infantry-who on August 25th left cover in the Bois de Cochelet and while under heavy enemy barrage of artillery fire repaired telephone lines to the Divisional 0. P. which had been cut by shell fire.

January 4th, 1919. General Orders No. 1

1ST LIEUT. CHARLES SMITH, 3o8th Infantry-was in charge of the Regimental Transport from its entrance in the line in the Baccarat Sector on June 23rd, 1918, through the work of the Regiment on the Vesle, on the Aisne, in the Foret D'Argonne, up to the withdrawal of the Division from the line at the Meuse River on November 18th, 1918. Lieut. Smith, by his untiring devotion to duty and supervision of the work of the regimental transport, aided in every way for the success of our troops and his prompt and efficient handling of the transport service of the regiment demonstrated extreme faithfulness to the work demanded of him.

1ST. LIEUT. JOHN F. D. BEBELL, 3o8th Infantry-personally supervised the forwarding of supplies to his Regiment throughout its operations in the Baccarat Sector, Vesle Sector and on the Aisne, being daily in danger of shell fire.

1ST LIEUT. WILLIAM J. WILKINSON, 308th Infantry-personally supervised the forwarding of supplies to his Regiment throughout its operations in the Baccarat Sector, Vesle Sector and on the Aisne, being daily in danger of shell fire.

The following named soldiers all of Headquarters Company, 308th Infantry:-

SGT. GERALD F. McCARTHY 1710568

SGT. CHARLES J. CAHILL 1710567

CPL. AARON RISHIN 1710100

CPL. H. CHARLETON FICKER 1710562

CPL. JOHN V. McGUIRE 171o62I

CPL. WILLIAM F. PERINE 1710630

CPL. JOHNSON F. EVANS 1710539

PVT. EDWARD J. McMENAMIE 1657350

PVT. HAROLD L. WILSON 1682971

PVT. GEORGE W. DONOVAN 1681337

These men had been with the Signal Platoon of the Regiment in all the organization's most severe engagements, and have served with courage and faithfulness to duty at all times. Sgt. McCarthy, Sgt. Cahill and Corp. Rishin in charge of telephone stations; Corporals Ficker and McGuire directing T.P.S. communication; Corporal Perine, wire supplies; Corporal Evans, panel work; Privates MeMenamie and Donovan, linemen; and Private Wilson in charge of pigeons, have rendered invaluable and courag-eous service in maintaining liaison in action and under fire.

CORPORAL JOHN H. TEWES, No. 1716126, and Corporal William J. Wellington, No. 171o639, both of Headquarters Company, 308th infantry-at Chery Chartreuvre, on the Vesle Sector, these two men had complete charge of maintaining all telephone lines to the forward-stations, and although working the greater part of the time under intense shell fire, they repaired breaks with utter disregard of personal safety and danger, maintaining communication throughout.

CORPORAL THOMAS H. MURPHY, No. 171o695, Headquarters Company, 308th Infantry, was in charge of a forward telephone station located just outside of Ville Savoye, on the Vesle Sector, which was a very important link in the forward system of communication. For three days he worked constantly to keep the line open and in operation. During the night he went out innumerable times, many of them under heavy shellfire, to repair the wires and maintain communication, and continually, regardless of personal risk and danger, kept the liaison intact, manifesting throughout a high courage and steadfastness to duty.

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS JAMES MURRAY, No. 1707670, Co. A, 308th Infantry-this soldier displayed great bravery and disregard of his Own safety when acting as a company runner when this regiment was holding a. sector on the Vesle River near Ville Savoye from August 23rd to August 25th, 1918. Again in the advance through the Forest of Argonne, Private 1st Class Murray repeatedly carried messages from his company commander to troops in the front line positions, under machine gun and artillery fire.

January 10, 1919. General Orders, NO. 2.

CAPTAIN EDWIN N. LEWIS, 308th Infantry-this officer has served with the regiment during all its severe campaigns, and on numerous occasions has displayed extreme bravery and heroism under shell and machine gun fire. On or about August 25, 1918, near Ville Savoye, Capt. Lewis, then 1st Adjutant and Adjutant of the 1st Battalion, 3o8th Infantry, was on duty with his battalion during its relief by the 2nd Battalion, 307th Infantry, when a company of the latter organization came under most intense enemy shell fire, one officer and several men being killed and a number wounded. Lieut. Lewis, with utter disregard of his own safety, left the battalion P.C. and aided personally in evacuating wounded, helping to carry himself one of the wounded men more than a kilometer, although constantly under shell fire. Again on September 29, 1918, during the advance of the 1st battalion, 308th Infantry, in the Argonne, Capt. Lewis, then 1st Lieutenant and in command of one of the front line companies pushed forward with great vigor and courage despite heavy enemy resistance. Liaison with the units on the left was lost, however, and a number of the enemy, supported by machine guns, attacked his company from the flank and in the rear. Lieut. Lewis, in shifting his position to meet the attack exhibited great personal courage and bravery, continually exposing himself to constant machine gun and rifle fire, with utter disregard of his own safety and danger. He succeeded in executing a turning movement and consolidated his position.

CAPTAIN ALLIE D. MORGAN, M.C., 308th Infantry-when a First Lieutenant and Surgeon for the 1st Battalion, 308th Infantry, between August 15 and August 22, 1918, in the support line in front of Chery Chartreuve in the Vesle Sector, this officer displayed the highest type of personal bravery and devotion to duty. Daily he went out under shellfire to attend to the wounded and to cheer and encourage the men. On Or about August 20, 1918, the Battalion was subjected to a particularly heavy bombardment of gas and high explosive shells. Lieutenant Morgan left his aid station and went to that section of the Battalion position where the fire was heaviest and the casualties most numerous and there gave first aid treatment with utter disregard of his own safety. He insisted upon being present personally so that prompt medical attention might be given to men seriously wounded by shell fragments. This medical officer has not been absent from duty one day during all the operation of this regiment in France. During the advance through the Forest of Argonne from September 26th to October 15, 1918, he was warned on several occasions that his advance aid station was so far forward that both himself and his assistants would be in danger from sniper and machine gun fire. Captain Morgan refused to move back knowing that owing to the difficulties in evacuating wounded his presence forward with the companies would result in prompt attention for the most serious cases.

1ST LIEUT. JAMES J. HALLIGAN, Senior Chaplain, 308th Infantry -this officer has rendered faithful and distinguished services in the performance of the difficult duties of his office during all the operations of this regiment in France. On the night of August 23rd, 1918, Chaplain Halligan, displayed a remarkable devotion to duty and utter disregard of his own safety by coming to Ville Savoye in the outpost zone on the Vesle River to arrange for the burial of four officers and two enlisted men who had been killed by shell fire at the entrance to a natural cave on the hillside above the town and in direct observation from the enemy. Owing to unusually heavy enemy artillery activity the Chaplain was forced to abandon plans for the burials that night. On the following night he appeared again, organized a detail when the command post of the battalion commander was under artillery fire, and supervised, personally, under shell fire, and in the moonlight, the interment of the bodies in the hillside near the cave. Again in the Argonne from September 29th to October 1st, 19M Chaplain Halligan showed the same untiring devotion to duty and disregard of his own safety when he searched for two days through the forest until he found the body of Lieutenant Colonel Frederick E. Smith, 308th Infantry, and arranged for an appropriate funeral in the cemetery of the ruined church at La Harazee. By his encouraging talks with the men, his cheerful and sympathetic letters to anxious relatives at home, and his general cheerfulness under all the hardships incident to field service, this officer contributed immeasurably to the morale of his regiment.

1ST LIEUT. CARL F. KOENIG, M.C., 308th Infantry--on September 5th, 1918, one kilometer northeast of Blanzy-les-Fismes, during the attack of the 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry, on Serval, the troops were subjected to heavy converging machine gun fire and later to artillery bombardment. Lieutenant Koenig, accompanying the first wave of the attack, rallied the men to further efforts when the line had become broken under fire. He showed the utmost disregard of his own safety, administering first aid to the wounded until he, himself, was seriously wounded by the explosion of a shrapnel shell.

2ND LIEUT. J. B. SCHRIDER, 308th Infantry-on or about October 15th, 1918, on the north side of the Aire River, near St. Juvin. Lieut. Schrider, while in command of a flanking party of 8 men, crawled out into the open under extremely heavy machine gun fire after one man had been killed and two wounded and for a period of nearly two hours, kept up, incessant and extremely accurate rifle fire against machine gun nests along the St. Juvin, Grand Pre Road until the 37mm cannon could be brought up. This action was done absolutely without cover of any sort, and by drawing the fire upon themselves greatly aided the companies of this Battalion who had, taken position on the hill commanding the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road.

2ND LIEUT. SHERMAN W. EAGER, 308th Infantry-this officer was with the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, when they were surrounded by the enemy near Charlevaux in the Argonne Forest from October 3rd to October 7th, 1918. He exposed himself to heavy machine gun and artillery fire with utter disregard of his own personal safety, directing his men in a cool and fearless manner during the frequent enemy attacks on the position of the beleaguered battalions.

2ND LIEUT. CECIL H. STRAUB, 308th Infantry-during the operations in the Argonne and in the advance to the Meuse, this officer was on,", duty constantly with the Supply Company, rendering faithful and meritorious service in a position of great responsibilities. Lieutenant Straulb. displayed on frequent occasions the highest type of personal bravery walking in front line areas without regard of his own safety. He established advance ration dumps and distributed supplies under artillery and machine gun fire, fearlessly exposing himself in the execution of his duty.

2ND LIEUT. DEWITT 0. MORGAN, 3o8th Infantry-on November 6th, 1918, this officer displayed extraordinary bravery and leadership when he conducted a patrol into the village of Stonne, one kilometer ahead of the attacking infantry. The patrol caused two German machine gun posts to, flee, thereby aiding, materially, in the liberation of the town which was held by the enemy when the patrol was made. Caught in a heavy artillery bombardment while making a reconnaissance in the village, Lieutenant Morgan, with extreme coolness and courage, directed his men to safety at great risk to his own life.

SERGEANT MAJOR CLARENCE R. ROESCH, No. 1709312, 308th Infantry-this N.C.O. was Sergeant Major of the 2nd Battalion at the time the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 308th Infantry were surrounded and cut off in the Argonne Forest, October 3rd to October 7th, 1918. During the five days of separation, Sgt. Major Roesch aided materially in keeping liaison between the various companies, exposing himself continually to snipers and machine gun fire, regardless of personal danger. On numerous occasions at the imminent risk of his own life, he gave first aid to the wounded during shell and machine gun fire, and assisted them in reaching positions of shelter and comparative safety. After several unsuccessful attempts to deliver a message to Regimental Headquarters by the runners, Sgt. Major Roesch volunteered to attempt to break through and was on his way to carry out this mission when the relief arrived.

SERGEANT MAJOR ERCOLE L. SOZZI, No. 17 1 0448, 308th Infantry -for extraordinary bravery under shell fire displayed on or about August 17th, 1918, near St. Martin when he was on duty with a liaison patrol. When communication was interrupted by intense shelling, this soldier, then a private in Company M, 308th Infantry, volunteered to deliver a message of great importance to the Battalion P.C. Crossing an area of one kilometer in plain view of the enemy, he succeeded in his mission, bringing back with him as much food as he could carry for his comrades. Again at Ville Savoye on or about August 29, 1918, while acting as guide for a ration party to the front line, which had to cross an area subjected to heavy shelling, this soldier with utter disregard of his own safety, pointed out the most advantageous position for his men. He refused to take cover himself until all the men in the ration party had been cared for. His coolness and courage under fire set an inspiring example to his comrades.

SERGEANT RICHARD BREW, No. 1709791, Co. K, 3o8th Infantry -on or about August 22nd, 1918, near Ville Savoye, when his company was attacked by the enemy, this soldier conducted himself with extraordinary bravery, and rendered invaluable service to his platoon and company. When the supply of grenades was exhausted, he carried German bombs to his men and under heavy shell fire, instructed them how to throw the potato mashers against the attacking Germans. Up to the time he was wounded he traveled up and down the lines encouraging and assisting his men. His coolness and fearlessness under fire and his utter disregard for his own personal safety, set a high example for his platoon, and assisted materially in repelling the attack of the enemy.

SERGEANT CHARLES MATELUSCH, No. 1711206, M.D., 308th Infantry-on the morning of September 5th, 1918, during an advance of the 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry, near Blanzy-les-Fismes. The Battalion Surgeon, having been wounded dangerously, this non-commissioned officer ran to him with stretcher bearers, dressed his wounds under heavy shell fire and machine gun fire, and personally supervised his transportation for more than one kilometer across an open field to the first aid station. Again on September 12th, 1918, near Revillon, forced to act independently of a Medical Officer, he improvised an aid post in a ramshackle shed, dressed the wounds of fifteen men while exposed to shell fire and with a detail of Medical Detachment men as stretcher bearers personally supervised the transportation of the wounded to the ambulances.

SERGEANT CHARLES GILMARTIN, No. 1707641, Co. A, 308th Infantry-on November 6th, 1918, this noncommissioned officer displayed great bravery and inspiring leadership when he accompanied his platoon leader on a patrol into the village of Stonne, one kilometer in advance of the attacking infantry. The patrol caused two German machine gun posts to flee, thereby aiding materially in the liberation of the town which was held by the enemy at the time the patrol was made. Caught in a heavy artillery bombardment while making a reconnaissance in the village, Sergeant Gilmartin, with extreme coolness and courage, directed his men to safety at great risk to his own life.

SERGEANT DANIEL TUCKER, No. 1709809, Supply CO., 3o8th Infantry-on or about September 14th, 1918, near Revillon when as non-commissioned officer in charge of the 3rd Battalion Transport, he wanes ordered to haul cookers and water carts from the front line position over looking the Aisne Canal. Caught in a heavy artillery barrage on the Barbonval-Blanzy-les Fismes Road, Sergeant Tucker had to abandon the attempt to move the transport that night. On the following morning, however, in plain view of the enemy and under a constant artillery and machine gun fire, he persisted in the attempt, supervised personally the hauling out of the cookers and water carts one at a time, and by his splendid leadership and absolute disregard of intense enemy activity carried out his orders.

SERGEANT BERNARD GILLECE, No. 1708617, Co. E, 308th Infantry-this noncommissioned officer was a member of Company B when the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, were cut off and surrounded by the enemy near Charlevaux in the Forest of Argonne from October 3rd to October 7tb, 1918. In many attempts to break through the enemy. lines and get word to the relieving companies, Sergeant Gillece served with high courage and devotion to duty, exposing himself frequently to hostile fire regardless of his personal safety. Only when it proved a physical impossibility to get through the enemy lines would he relent in his splendid efforts. He returned on numerous occasions with invaluable information regarding enemy works and positions. His conduct was an inspiration to all his comrades.

SERGEANT GERALD G. KIRCHNER, No. 1709285, Co. H, 308th Infantry-was in charge of the Battalion Scouts, 2nd Battalion, during the period that the organization was cut off and surrounded in the Argonne Forest, October 3rd to 7th, 1918. On numerous occasions he led various reconnaissance patrols out in front of his lines to locate the enemy positions, and on these continually displayed a good judgment and courage worthy of the highest mention. Throughout, whether under machine gun, shell or trench mortar fire, he manifested a keen sense of devotion to duty, disregarding at all times his own personal safety and danger.

SERGEANTHERBERT C. ELLUM, No. 1709385, Co. H, 3o8th Infantry-this sergeant has been with the regiment in every engagement since its first trip to the Baccarat Sector, and throughout has displayed a high degree of devotion to duty and courage under fire. During the severe fighting in the Argonne from October 1st to 5th, 1918, he was of invaluable aid to the regiment in bringing up ration and ammunition details in the face of grenade and machine gun fire.

SERGEANT JOHN J. SEXTON, No. 1710577, Stokes Mortar Platoon, Headquarters CO., 308th Infantry-during the advance through the Forest of Argonne from Sept. 26th-Oct. 15th, 1918 this noncommissioned officer displayed remarkable bravery, disregard of his own welfare, and devotion to duty when in command of a section in the Stokes Mortar Platoon. Although seriously ill with dysentery and pyorrhea he refused to be evacuated and continued to place his guns to assist in clearing away enemy opposition. This noncommissioned officer's teeth were in such a condition that he derived practically no protection from a gas mask. Throughout the operations of his company in France, however, he begged to be assigned to the most advanced positions, although he knew that he ran great risk of being a gas casualty. He was an inspiration to, and a real leader of his men.

SERGEANT RAYMOND GILL, No. 1708394, Co. D, 308th Infantry (deceased)--on the night of August 21St, 1918, near Ville Savoye this non-commissioned officer showed extreme personal bravery under intense artillery fire when he assisted in the evacuation of a wounded officer from a natural cave in the hillside in plain view of enemy. On August 24th, 1918, when his company was advancing against the enemy across the Vesle River, Sergeant Gill, though wounded severely, refused to go to the rear for medical attention and insisted upon taking out a patrol to capture a sniper who was in a position to pick off our men. While leading this patrol he was killed.

SERGEANT MARK C. HAGERMAN, No. 1709048, Co. G, 308th Infantry, this soldier then a corporal, displayed extraordinary heroism when his company, with the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th infantry, was surrounded by the enemy near Charlevaux: in the Argonne Forest from October 3rd to October 7th, 1918. During all the enemy attacks he was ever watchful of the position of his men, directing them in a cool and fearless manner, although in so doing he exposed himself to heavy machine gun and artillery fire. He also volunteered his services to attempt to break through the enemy lines in order to report conditions and bring aid.

CORPORAL LEONARD E. ALLEN, No. 1680022, Headquarters Co., 308th Infantry-this N.C.O. during the advance to the Aisne on September 12, 1918, maintained the telephone wires and kept the lines open from Regimental Headquarters, outside of Blanzy, to the advanced Battalion P.C., although continually under heavy shell fire and in direct observation of the enemy. As he repaired the breaks, he was sniped at by Boche one-pounders, and on several occasions had hardly finished making a splice and completing connections when another bursting shell tore up the wire. Despite this, he kept communication open, displaying the greatest bravery and heroism throughout. Again, in the Argonne, from September 29th to October 1st, 1918, he was in charge of a Battalion telephone station and in maintaining the lines exposed himself time and again with utter disregard of machine gun fire and his own safety.

CORPORAL JOHN F. HUBNER, No. 1710351, CO- M, 308th Infantry-this noncommissioned officer displayed extraordinary daring and coolness under fire on or about September 28th, 1918, near Depot de Machines in the advance through the Forest of Argonne. While on a reconnaissance patrol he discovered an enemy machine gun nest, which had been holding up the advance of his company. He immediately opened fire on the enemy, displaying absolute disregard of his own safety. After remaining in No Man's Land until long after dark he returned with valuable information of the enemy positions for his Battalion Commander.

CORPORAL LUKE ARCHER, No. 1709574, CO. I, 308th Infantry -this noncommissioned officer displayed extraordinary daring and coolness on or about September 28th, 1918, near Depot de Machines in the advance through the Forest of Argonne. While on a reconnaissance patrol he discovered an enemy machine gun nest, which had been holding up the advance of his company. He immediately opened fire on the enemy displaying absolute disregard of his own safety. After remaining in No Man's Land until long after dark he returned with valuable information of the enemy positions for his Battalion Commander.

CORPORAL JOHN B. REARDON, No. 1677923, Headquarters Co., 308th Infantry-this noncommissioned officer has been in charge of getting up rations from the dumps to the company kitchens since this regiment arrived in France. Throughout his service he has displayed remarkable personal bravery and devotion to duty, never failing to get food to his company regardless of difficulties. In the Vesle Sector from August 14th to August 26th, 1918, he delivered rations each night to Chery Chartreuve and to Les Pres Farm, although the road between these points was frequently under terrific shellfire. During the advance to the Aisne from September 3rd to September 15th, 1918, he brought limbers nightly from Blanzy-les-Fismes to Barbonval under shellfire. During the advance in the Forest of Argonne he had charge of the establishment and rationing for a forward kitchen near Le Moulin de L'Homme Mort. More than six hundred hot meals were served daily from this kitchen although the enemy directed artillery fire against the place. Through the splendid service of Corporal Reardon the morale of his company was stimulated, the men always feeling confident that hot meals would be served regardless of weather, enemy activities, or other difficulties.

CORPORAL FRED R. ROMEREIN, No. 1429363, Co. E, 3o8th Infantry-on September 3rd, 1918, on the Vesle River, west of Fismes, dur-ing a terrific bombardment of the company position, during which many men were severely wounded and killed, Corporal Rornerein displayed unusual gallantry by going about amongst the men of his company and personally seeing that they were taking every advantage of cover. With total disregard for his own safety he assisted the wounded in every way and made frequent checks of the casualties reporting same to his Commanding Officer. His fine judgment and coolness during the heavy shelling was a great inspiration to every man in his company.

CORPORAL PETER MAHER, No. 1709394, Co. H, 308th Infantry (deceased)-this corporal has been with the regiment in every engagement since arrival in France, displaying throughout all operations great courage under fire and a high devotion to duty. During the advance through the Forest of Argonne, he was calm and faithful to duty under heavy grenade and machine gun fire. He met his death on October 2nd, 1918, while attempting to get rations forward to the 1st Battalion, 308th Infantry.

CORPORAL DANIEL GALLAGHER, No. 1707729, Co. A, 308th Infantry-in the advance through the Argonne Forest near Binarville on September 28th, 1918, this soldier, although armed with a Chauchat rifle, volunteered to go ahead of his platoon under machine gun fire to capture a German prisoner whom he chased for 200 yards. On the following day Corporal Gallagher, alone, pursued four Germans, wounding one of them, and returning to his platoon only after ammunition for his Chauchat rifle had been exhausted.

CORPORAL JAMES J. ROONEY, No. 1708146, CO. C, 308th Infantry-for extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty displayed -on August 23rd, 1918, in an attack on the enemy positions along the Vesle River near Ville Savoye. This noncommissioned officer was one of the first to volunteer in a squad of automatic riflemen to accompany a sergeant and advance across the river in the open to draw fire from the enemy while two platoons of C Company executed a flanking maneuver against two enemy machine guns. Advancing fearlessly under heavy machine gun and artillery fire, Corporal Rooney displayed the highest type of personal bravery. He was wounded severely when on this patrol.

WAGONER ALEXANDER V. BRENNAN, No. 1709836, Supply CO., 308th Infantry-for extraordinary bravery and persistence in duty displayed near Blanzy-les-Fismes on or about September 5th, 1918, while he was driving " C " Company's water cart forward to the First Battalion position. A shrapnel shell burst so close to the cart that one mule was killed and the other injured. Showing great coolness under intense artillery fire, Wagoner Brennan unhitched the injured animal, returned to the corral for another team, went back to the cart, and continued on his way. On this night the road to Blanzy was subjected to a particularly heavy artillery bombardment.

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS ALBERT H. KENT, No. 1709336, Co. H, 308th Infantry-Private 1st Class Kent was a Company runner for Company H, 308th Infantry, acting as a Battalion runner for the 2nd Battalion of that Regiment when it was at Ville Savoye, during the period August 12th to 16th, 1918. He was an exceptionally faithful runner under any and all conditions, manifesting a disregard for personal danger. He performed his duties with coolness and speed, even when under heavy shellfire, as was usually the case. He was conspicuous for volunteering to take more than his share of the dangerous tasks that fell to the Battalion runners, thus setting a very good example as well as inspiring his fellow runners.

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS MORGAN L. CHUBB, No. 1709328, Co. H, 308th Infantry-Private 1st Class Chubb was a company and battalion runner in which capacity he showed unusual coolness and bravery under heavy fire. During the latter part of August, 1918, while the Regiment was on the Vesle Sector, he carried messages from Les Pres Farm to the 307th Infantry Headquarters. This necessitated his crossing open country under direct observation of the enemy and under continual sniping by Boche one-pounders. Despite this, he stuck faithfully to his job and manifested a high degree of devotion and steadfastness to duty.

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS JOHN SWEENEY, No. 1683654, Headquarters CO., 308th Infantry--during the fighting on the Vesle and in the advance to the Aisne, Private 1st Class Sweeney was assigned to telephone work to and from front line troops that necessitated his going constantly under fire, both shell and machine gun, in keeping the wires open. During the preparations for the attack on the Vesle front, August 30th to September 3rd, 1918, he worked for five days on a line running near Mont. St. Martin and Ville Savoye, that was under direct enemy observation and continually sniped at by Boche one-pounders. By consistent high courage and disregard of personal danger, he kept this wire open at a time when communication with the front was vitally essential. He was severely wounded on September .5th,1918, near Blanzy, advancing with the line, battalion, to which he was attacked as telephone line man.

PRIVATE JOHN ISAKSEN, No. 1708142, CO. C, 3o8th Infantry-for extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty displayed on August 23rd, 1918, during an attack against the enemy positions along the Vesle River near Ville Savoye. This soldier volunteered in a squad of automatic riflemen to accompany a noncommissioned officer and advance across the river in the open to draw fire from the enemy while two platoons of C Company executed a flanking maneuver against two enemy machine guns. Although nearly overcome by heat Private Isaksen showed extreme courage under heavy machine gun and artillery fire, sticking to his position until rescued by his comrades.

PRIVATE GEORGE W. BARHYDT, No. r677505, Headquarters Co., 308th Infantry-on September 14th, 1918, during the attack on Revillon, this soldier displayed extraordinary courage and devotion to duty. Having lost his rifle in action early in the day, he did, when his platoon was

ordered to follow Company M, 308th Infantry, for the purpose of digging it in, unhesitatingly seize a stick, and advance with it as his only weapon. He later armed himself with the rifle taken from a dead comrade and showed extreme bravery under fire until wounded severely by a shell fragment which wound caused the loss of the sight of one eye.

PRIVATE PATRICK O'CONNOR, No. 1681198 (deceased) and PRIVATE PAUL F. ANDREWS, No. 1709198 (deceased), Co. G, 308th Infantry-these two enlisted men were killed in action while G Company and other companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, were surrounded by the enemy in the Forest of Argonne near Charlevaux from October 3rd to October 8th, 1918. During the time while the advance troops were cut off, they displayed personal courage and a devotion to duty worthy of the highest praise.

PRIVATE FRANK H. WALLACE, No. 3138145, Co. A, 308th Infantry-for extraordinary heroism and disregard of his own safety displayed in the Forest of Argonne near Binarville on October 1st, 1918, when three men who were helping him carry his wounded platoon commander to a place of safety were killed by shell fire. In spite of terrific fire from enemy trench mortars and artillery, Private Wallace kept cool and stayed with the wounded lieutenant until assistance came. He afterwards guided under shellfire two more wounded soldiers to the first aid station, all the while showing the highest type of personal courage and devotion to duty.

PRIVATE STEPHEN WANDOWLOWSKY, No. 1707696, Co. A, 308th Infantry-during the advance through the Forest of Argonne near Binarville on September 28th, jqi8, he went to the rescue of a wounded sergeant, dressed his wounds and alone, carried him to safety across an open path which was under heavy machine gun fire. When his company was surrounded by the enemy with the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, near Charlevaux from October 3rd to October 8th, 1918, Private Wandowlowsky displayed extreme bravery and utter disregard of his own welfare. By his coolness and courage he steadied the men on his post and assisted in driving off several enemy attacks on the position.

PRIVATE SAMUEL H. CHESTER, No. 1711192, Medical Detachment, 308th Infantry--on September 3rd, 1918, on the Vesle River, near Fismes, while Company E, 308th Infantry, was under terrific shell fire fr6m enemy guns, this soldier moved about with utter disregard for his own safety and although every man was taking advantage of available cover, he continued to apply first aid to make the wounded men comfortable. His heroism was an excellent example to every man. On all occasions Private Chester performed his duties in the line with total disregard for his own safety.

PRIVATE LOUIS CALMENSON, No. 17o8853, Co. F, 308th Infantry -for extraordinary heroism in action near La Harazee in the Forest of Argonne on September 29th, 1918, when his company, together with other companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, were surrounded for thirty-six hours by detachments of the enemy who cut all communication with friendly troops in support. This soldier volunteered to ascertain the location of an enemy machine gun, which was causing casualties in the isolated companies. With utter disregard of his own safety, Private Calmenson advanced alone, with his hands up as though he intended to surrender, to engage in conversation with a German who came out to meet him. Detecting his purpose, the German fired, wounding Private Calmenson severely. He killed the German with his revolver, and in spite of his wound, managed to crawl back to his company with information of the enemy position which was of great value in silencing the machine guns.

PRIVATE JOHN W. HAMMILL, No. 1678936, Headquarters Co., 308th Infantry--on September 14th, 1918, near R6villon on the Aisne Canal this soldier displayed extraordinary heroism and loyalty when he volunteered and did accompany his commanding officer in crossing a slope in plain view of the enemy and under heavy shell fire, to bring in a severely wounded comrade.

The following named soldiers, Co. H, 308th Infantry--during the night of August 22-23, 1918, under intense shell fire, these men carried machine gun ammunition from Chery Chartreuve, through Mont St. Martin, to the position held by the Machine Gun Battalion above Ville Savoye. Many of the party were lost, but these men made repeated trips all through the night and up to noon the next day. Their work showed a bravery and pluck, worthy of high praise:

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS ISADORE SPIEGEL No. 1710728.

PRIVATE JOHN DELMONT, No. 1682961

PRIVATE HARRY WASSERMAN, No. 1709436

PRIVATE ALEXANDER ROYFE, No. 1709556.

February 2nd, 1919. General Orders No. 10.

SERGEANT WILLIAM ADDIE, No. 1710543, CO. C, 3o8th Infantry -on August 23rd, 1918, in an attack on the enemy on the Vesle River near Ville Savoye, this noncommissioned officer volunteered, with a squad of Chauchat automatic riflemen, to advance in the open and draw fire from the enemy while e two platoons of C Company executed a flanking maneuver against two enemy machine guns. Although five of his men became exhausted from heat, being rendered practically unconscious, and one man was wounded severely, Sergeant Addie accomplished his mission under heavy machine gun and artillery fire. Through his coolness and splendid leadership he returned safely, bringing all his men back across the Vesle River to safety.

PRIVATE 1ST CLASS LEO H. DOWNS, No. 1679971, CO. C, 308th Infantry-for extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty displayed on August 23rd, 1918, during an attack against enemy positions along the Vesle River near Ville Savoye. This soldier volunteered in a squad of automatic riflemen to accompany a noncommissioned officer and advance across the river in the open to draw fire from the enemy while two platoons from C Company executed a flanking maneuver against two enemy machine guns. Although nearly overcome by the heat, Private 1st Class Downs showed extreme courage under heavy machine gun and artillery fire, remaining at his position until rescued by his comrades.

PRIVATE PAUL SEGAL, No. 17o8231, CO. C, 3o8th Infantry--on August 23rd, 1918, during an attack against the enemy positions along the Vesle River near Ville Savoye, this soldier volunteered in a squad of automatic riflemen to accompany a noncommissioned officer and advance across the river in the open to draw fire from the enemy while two platoons of C Company executed a flanking maneuver against two enemy machine guns. Although nearly overcome by the heat, Private Segal showed extreme courage under heavy machine gun and artillery fire, sticking to his position until rescued by his comrades.

February 21st, 1919. General Orders No. 14.

MAJOR FRANCIS M. WELD, 3o8th Infantry-during the advance to the Meuse, this officer commanded the 2nd Battalion, 3o8th Infantry. His splendid efforts in looking out for the men and untiring work in pushing the advance, were an inspiration to all concerned. He was wounded on November 5th, 1918, near Oches, when reconnoitering in front of his troops who had been held up by fire from a German machine gun nest.

1ST LIEUT. ARTHUR H. ROBINSON, 308th Infantry-for extreme bravery and utter disregard for his own safety displayed on or about October 5th, 1918, in the Argonne Forest near Binarville. While the 3rd Battalion was attempting to break through the enemy lines it became necessary to get an important message to Company I on the extreme left Rank of the Battalion position. Three runners had been either killed or wounded in attempting to accomplish this mission. Lieut. Robinson volunteered to carry the message. He crossed an open space more than 200 yards while under machine gun and artillery fire and succeeded, by his remarkable courage, in delivering the message to the company commander for whom it was intended.

2ND LIEUT. HERBERT F. GEROLD, 308th Infantry--on or about October 15th, 1918 when the 3rd Battalion, 3o8th Infantry had taken up a Position on the Army Corps line along the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road, it was learned that an enemy machine gun crew had worked in around the right flank and was opening fire on our troops from the rear. Lieut. Gerold accompanied by Sergeant Harry June, CO. K, 3o8th Infantry, succeeded in creeping up close to the German machine gun crew, rushed at them, and captured four prisoners and the gun, thereby relieving his company from the danger of fire from the rear.

BATTALION SERGEANT MAJOR WALTER J. BALDWIN, No. 1710601, Headquarters CO., 308th Infantry---on October 5th, 1918, when companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, were cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Forest of Argonne near Moulin de Charlvaux, Sergeant Major Baldwin, then Corporal in charge of runners at Major Whittlesey's headquarters, displayed extraordinary heroism in leaving his funk-hole, under heavy shell fire, and going to the assistance of a comrade who lay wounded in an exposed place. Corporal Baldwin, without regard to his own safety, carried the wounded man to a place, which offered better shelter. Throughout the advance in the Argonne and in particular during the period while the troops were surrounded by the enemy, Corporal Baldwin displayed remarkable bravery, devotion to duty, and indifference to hardship, his example steadying and encouraging the Battalion runners who were in his charge.

SERGEANT LAWRENCE M. OSBORNE, No. 1707849, Co. B, 308th Infantry (deceased)-for extreme bravery, devotion to duty, and inspiring leadership while acting as an officer in command of a platoon in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and later in the Forest of Argonne. This noncommissioned officer, called suddenly from a Supply Sergeant' s duties to take command of a platoon in action, owing to the existing shortage of officers and sergeants in the company, distinguished himself by his for remarkable qualities of leadership. He displayed absolute disregard for his own safety, exposing himself frequently to shell and machine gun fire to look after his men and assist them in finding shelter. Under the most trying circumstances, when rations were low and intense suffering was caused by exposure to rain in the Argonne, Sergeant Osborne's indifference to hardship set a high example to his platoon. He was of invaluable assistance to the Lieutenant commanding the company. While serving faithfully with the small detachment of " B " Company men which were cut off and surrounded with companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 3 8th Infantry near Charlevaux: from October 3rd to 8th, 19 18, Sergeant Osborne was killed by shell fire. His services to his company, both as supply sergeant and later as platoon leader in the front line, called forth the highest admiration from his officers and his comrades.

SERGEANT HARRY JUNE, No. 1678328, Co. K, 308th Infantry-11 or about October 15th, 1918, when the 3rd Battalion had taken its position on the Army Corps line along the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road it was learned that a German machine gun crew had worked in around the right. Accompanying Lieut. H. F. Gerold, CO. K, 308th Infantry, Sergeant June made his way around the machine gun crew and rushed them capturing four prisoners and the machine gun.

SERGEANT ROBERT HITLIN, No. 17o88o3, Co. F, 308th Infantry -on September 28th, 1918, southeast of Binarville, in the Argonne Forest, the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 308th Infantry had temporarily lost liaison and contact with one another due to their being separated by a ravine strongly held by the Germans. Sergeant Hitlin and two privates were selected at this time by the Commanding Officer, 1st Battalion, to locate and establish liaison with the 2nd Battalion on the right. Proceeding under continuous machine gun fire from all sides, Sergeant Hitlin found the 2nd Battalion held up by strong resistance. In trying to reach them, he was seen by the Germans and directly fired upon by two machine guns, one of the privates in his party being wounded. Sergeant Hitlin dressed the wound under machine gun fire and then worked his way to cover. At nightfall under cover of darkness and rain, he led the way through the German position in an attempt to rejoin his own Battalion. Finding it had been surrounded, he started back to the Intelligence Officer realizing his path led once more through the ravine filled with Germans. On reaching his destination safely he was able to give the Intelligence Officer first news that his Battalion had been cut off, the exact location of each company, and valuable information concerning the enemy.

SERGEANT JOSEPH QUAY, No. 1707853, Co. B, 308th Infantry-for extreme bravery and devotion to duty while acting as platoon sergeant in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and later in the Forest of Argonne. On the afternoon of September 28th, 1918, near Binarville, when the acting officer in command of the platoon had been severely wounded while reconnoitering an enemy machine gun nest, Sergeant Quay immediately continued the reconnaissance and discovered the location of the enemy, although he was shot through the right wrist while performing this task. He reported back to his company commander and assisted in organizing a patrol to attack the machine gun with bombs before he would consent to have his wound dressed.

CORPORAL FRANK J. BRIGGEMAN, No. 1710305, Co. M, 3o8th Infantry (deceased)--on or about September 14th, 1918, near Revillon, when his company moved forward in attack, Corporal Briggeman was in charge of a squad which held the left flank. Under intense machine gun fire he cut his way through a belt of wire, and after his men were all wounded or killed he personally manned the Chauchat rifle. Although wounded he continued to perform his duty until he was killed. His services were invaluable to his company, and his conduct set an inspiring example to his comrades.

CORPORAL JOSEPH HARTEL, No. 17o9639, CO. 1, 3o8th Infantry (deceased)-for bravery displayed on August 22nd, 1918, at Chateau du Diable. During an attack by the enemy and after all the men of his post had fallen, Corporal Hartel manned the Chauchat rifle until his ammunition was exhausted. He was killed by machine gun fire in this action.

CORPORAL CHARLES SEEWAGEN, No. 1709812, Co. K, 308th Infantry-for unusual gallantry and heroism displayed on or about September 14th, 1918. During an attack by his Battalion in an effort to reach Revillon, his company was ordered to take up a position in an open field. Corporal Seewagen (then Private), acting as runner for his Commanding Officer with utter disregard for his own personal safety volunteered to deliver messages across this open field under direct observation of the enemy. His services were invaluable to his Company.

CORPORAL DANIEL TALLON, No. 1708574, 2nd Battalion, 308th Infantry (deceased)-Corporal Tallon was a clerk assigned to the 2nd Battalion at the time that organization was cut off and surrounded in the Argonne Forest from October 3rd to 7th, 1918. Throughout the period of five days of enemy fire, suffering and starvation, Corporal Tallon displayed the highest degree of courage and devotion to duty. On October 6th, 1918, during a period of heavy shellfire, he deliberately left his own funk hole in a position of comparative safety, to administer first aid to a wounded comrade who had fallen in an exposed position in the ravine. He dressed the wound, although in constant danger of his own life from shell fire and was about to assist his comrade to a place of safety when he himself was killed by a bursting shell.

PRIVATE, 1ST CLASS, WILLIAM C. HALLIGAN, No. 1683185, CO-D, 3o8th Infantry (deceased)-for extreme bravery, devotion to duty and indifference to hardship displayed throughout the operations of the 308th Infantry in France. In the Baccarat Sector near Badonviller on the morning of June 24th, 1918, when enemy storm troops raided a section of the trenches held by Company C, 1st Battalion, 308th Infantry, Private Halligan was on duty as an observer in a forward observation post. Throughout a terrific bombardment of gas and high explosive shells he stuck to his post, reporting to the Battalion Intelligence Officer as soon as the attack concluded, with valuable information concerning artillery and aerial activity of the enemy. In the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and in the Forest of Argonne, this soldier was constantly exposed to shell fire and machine gun fire in performing his duties as company runner. He was wounded slightly by a sniper's bullet but hastened away from the forward dressing station to rejoin his company, informing the Lieutenant in command that he had heard there was to be an attack in the morning and he wished to be on hand. While serving faithfully with the small detachment of " B " Company men which was cut off and surrounded with companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 3o8th Infantry near Charlevaux, from October 3rd to 8th, 1918, Private Halligan was killed by shell fire.

PRIVATE ANGELO BOLOGNA, No. 1709611, CO. 1, 308th Infantry -for extreme bravery and steadfastness in duty displayed on August 23rd, 1918, when his company was attacked by a superior force of the enemy near Chateau du Diable, north of the Ves e River. All the members of his squad were either killed or wounded except Private Bologna. He remained at his post, inflicting losses on the enemy with a Chauchat rifle from his shoulder and holding the enemy back from his position until assistance reached his platoon.

PRIVATE JAMES W. BOOKS, No. 1679458, CO. M, 3o8th Infantry (deceased)-for exceptional heroism and bravery displayed on or about October 13th, 1918, along the runner posts behind Chevieres. When the 3rd Battalion had taken its position along the St. Juvin-Grand Pre Road-a system of runner posts were established from the front line to the Regimental P. C. at La Follie Ferm. Private Brooks stuck to his post under the most intense artillery fire, and when mortally wounded in the abdomen he refused to leave his post until another runner had been sent to relieve him.

PRIVATE NAZARENO CIMARELLI, No. 17o9663, CO. 1, 308th Infantry-for extreme bravery and steadfastness ;n duty displayed on August 23rd, 1918, when his company was attacked by a superior force of the enemy near Chateau du Diable, north of the Vesle River. Although wounded severely in the back he insisted upon helping Private Bologna, the surviving member of his squad, as magazine loader and refused to be evacuated until relief arrived for his post.

PRIVATE GEORGE E. DE FOREST, No. 1709843, CO. K, 308th Infantry-who on August 22nd, 1918, near Ville Savoye, when he was detailed as special runner for his Company Commander, gave invaluable service to his company. During an attack by the enemy, Private De Forest carried messages up and down the line under artillery and machine gun fire, displaying absolute coolness and complete disregard for danger. He also volunteered to deliver a message to Battalion Headquarters after several other runners had failed in the attempt. Passing through a heavy enemy barrage, he reached the Battalion Commander bringing a message of extreme importance.

PRIVATE DAVID CIPIS, No. 1725096, Co. F, 3o8th Infantry-Private Cipis was a member of an ammunition detail on September 29th, 1918, which, under the charge of three officers was being conducted to the line companies of the 2nd Battalion, 308th Infantry, in the Argonne Forest. On account of the dense undergrowth and woods, the party lost direction, went too far forward and to one flank, and were suddenly fired on by enemy machine guns, One of the officers, Lieut. Col. Frederick E. Smith, 398th Infantry, immediately opened fire on a machine gun nest directly ahead, at the same time ordering the rest of the party to scatter. Although under intense machine gun fire, Private Cipis remained with Lieut. Col. Smith, handing him grenades with which to attack the enemy and when the Lieutenant Colonel was mortally wounded, offered his first aid. This soldier displayed a courage and a devotion to duty worthy of the highest praise.

March 8th, 1919. General Orders No. 20.

1ST LIEUT. MAURICE V. GRIFFIN, 308th Infantry-for heroism in action west of Bois le Burionne, October 2nd to 8th, 1918. Lieut. Griffin was in command of a platoon on the extreme left of a detachment of companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 3o8th Infantry, west of Bois le Burionne during the period October 2nd, 1918-October 8th, 1918, when the detachment was cut off from friendly troops. Although wounded severely on the second day and although unable to visit his posts he still continued to encourage and steady the men close to him and in the five closing attacks of the enemy, he fired a rifle with good effect. The splendid courage and fortitude set a fine example to his men and in a large measure was

responsible for their high morale.

1ST LIEUT. WILLIAM McILWAIN, M.C., 3o8th Infantry-for heroism inaction at Bazoches. On or about August 27th, 1918 when Company G of the 306th Infantry advanced from the south side of the Vesle River' to attack to go over the top with the infantry platoons. He crossed the Vesle River under heavy artillery and machine gun fire and entered Bazoches when the enemy was making a strong fight to retain possession of the town. When the attacking company had to fall back, the task of administering first aid to the wounded became fraught with great difficulty and danger. Without considering his own welfare, Lt. McIlwain displayed extraordinary heroism, electing to remain across the river until the wounded had been evacuated. Without shelter and under direct machine gun fire, he insisted upon giving personal attention to the wounded, his gallantry affording the highest example to his comrades.

ROBERT ALEXANDER,

Major General, U. S. A.,

Commanding.

April 10th, 1919. General Orders No. 27.

CORPORAL FRED A. KIRK, No. 1708962, Co. F, 308th Infantry -near Blanzy les Fismes, on September 9th, 1918, at a time when the advance of the line battalion had been temporarily checked by enemy fires this noncommissioned officer voluntarily crawled out to a position of extreme danger in order to rescue a private of another company who had been wounded. In reaching and bringing the man in, he was continuously under heavy shell and machine gun fire, and only by extreme bravery and courage was he able to accomplish his object.

MICHAEL J. LENIHAN, Brigadier General, U. S. A.

Commanding.

April 16th, 1919.

General Orders No. 31

2ND LT. HENRY WILLIAMSON, 308th Infantry-for extraordinary heroism displayed from October 3rd to October 8th, 1918, when companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, under commander Major Whittlesey, were cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest near Charlevaux Mill. During this period, Lieut. Williamson, always showed absolute coolness and great bravery when under heavy fire. His heroism was proved by his forgetting his own safety in leaving shelter that he might better look after his men when the position held by Major Whittlesey's men was attacked by the Germans. Although wounded, this officer continued to visit his men and look after their welfare until relief came. His fearlessness and disregard of danger set a splendid example to the men.

BATTALION SERGEANT MAJOR BENJAMIN F. GAEDEKE, No. 17 10668, 1st Battalion 3o8th Infantry (deceased)-for. extraordinary heroism displayed during the advance through the Forest of Argonne. From September 26th, 1918 until October 4th, 1918, when he was killed while fighting against the Germans who had surrounded companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, near Charlevaux Mill, Sergeant Major Gaedeke was an inspiration to the men in Major Whittlesey's Headquarters Detachment. He aided, personally, in cutting the barbed wire entanglements which threatened to check the Battalion. Although not armed with a rifle, he borrowed one on or about September 29th, 1918 and shot and killed, during an attack on our outposts, a German officer from whose body valuable papers for the Intelligence Department were obtained. After Major Whittlesey's command was surrounded by the enemy, this noncommissioned officer displayed extraordinary heroism in helping to repel repeated attacks made by the enemy. He was killed during one of these attacks on October 4th, 1918.

SERGEANT HARRY MURPHY, No. 1708807, Company F, 3o8th Infantry-then acting- Lieutenant, on September 29th, 1918, in the Argonne Forest, near La Harazee, went to the aid of two wounded comrades, under heavy shell and machine gun fire, bound up their wounds and carried them to a place of safety. In performing this act with complete disregard for his personal safety, he served as a fine example to his platoon.

CORPORAL JOHN JOSEPH BOWDEN, No. 1709374, Company H 308th Infantry-for extraordinary heroism in action. Corporal Bowden served with Company H in every engagement in which the organization had taken part, and under all conditions exhibited a high degree of courage and coolness. While the 2nd Battalion was cut off and surrounded in the Argonne Forest from October .3rd to 9th, Corporal Bowden, in repelling the attacks of the enemy, in maintaining the watch at night, in aiding the wounded showed an utter disregard for his own safety and gave an exceptional example of bravery to those around him. On or about October 6th, though wounded and weak from hunger, this soldier went out under fire three different times, and lying flat on his back, waved a towel in an attempt to signal to a friendly airplane. When the surrounded troops were relieved he was ordered to the first-aid station and evacuated.

SERGEANT MICHAEL GREALLY, No. 1709093, (deceased), PRIVATE JAMES BRUTON, No. 1709136 (deceased), Company G, 308th Infantry-these two soldiers were with companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 3o8th Infantry, when Major Whittlesey's command was cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest, near Moulin do Charlevaux from October 3rd to October 8th, 1918. Throughout this ordeal, until they were killed, they displayed the highest devotion to duty and extreme courage, remaining cool and steadfast under all conditions or fire and fatigue.

April 17th, 1919. General Order No- 32.

MAJOR THOMAS F. McNEILL, former commanding officer 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary courage displayed under"', shell fire on or about September 6th, 1918, near Serval during the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne Canal. When orders were received to advance through Serval, then occupied by the enemy, Major McNeill, without thought of his own safety, set forth to reconnoiter in enemy territory in' search of the safest route by which he might lead his battalion into position. He personally took a patrol through Serval when the town was, drenched with gas and under artillery fire, and succeeded in finding an unguarded pass through which he penetrated the enemy lines for more thaw a kilometer without being discovered. By this maneuver and the judicious disposition of his forces, he outwitted the enemy and gained his objective without suffering any casualties.

MAJOR JAMES A. ROOSEVELT, former Regimental Unit supply Officer, 308th Infantry for remarkable bravery and devotion to duty displayed during the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne Canal and later, in the Forest of Argonne. Major Roosevelt then a captain, frequently went forward of the infantry outposts. by day and by night to reconnoiter personally, the roads and paths by which he planned to forward rations and ammunition to the regiment. A few days after the Argonne drive began, he reconnoitered a large portion of the sector covered by the Division on the left of the 77th Division to discover new channels for the rushing forward of food to the advancing infantry. Major Roosevelt believed that a supply officer's place, was in the front line where he could supervise, personally, the difficult task of getting up supplies. His extraordinary devotion to duty was an inspiration to the entire regiment.

CAPTAIN CHARLES M. HARRINGTON, former commanding officer of Company L, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary bravery and leadership displayed under shell fire on or about August 22d, 1918, on the north side of the Vesle River near Ville Savoye. During the attack made by the enemy against Company L, all means available, gas, high explosive shells, and liquid fire, were used to break down the morale of our troops. As the attack developed, Captain Harrington took personal charge of his men, went where the fighting was most desperate, rallied his forces, encouraged them to further effort, and throughout the attack displayed the highest type of leadership.

1ST LIEUT. HARRY FELDMAN, M. C., Medical Detachment, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty displayed from August 24thto August 27th, 1918, near Ville Savoye on the Vesle front. On discovering that forty wounded men, some of whom had serious injuries, were lying in a large cave in the side of the hill above Ville Savoye this medical officer left the P.C. and first aid post of the 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry and made his way, under heavy shell fire, to the cave. There he established an aid post and began to evacuate the wounded by stretcher to Mont St. Martin, one kilometer away, where they could be picked up by ambulance. Lieutenant Feldman remained in the cave for, three days, working under great difficulties owing to the poor lighting facilities and lack of supplies. He attended to all the wounded brought to him during the attack made by the ist Battalion, 308th Infantry, and successfully evacuated the wounded, although the mouth of the cave was under direct ob-servation from the enemy batteries and was shelled almost continuously, day and night.

1ST SERGEANT JOHN T. E. MONAHAN, No. 1707790, Company B, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary bravery and inspiring leadership under fire displayed on September 28th, 1918, near Binarville in the advance through the Forest of Argonne. While acting as an officer and in command of a platoon he found his progress checked by an enemy machine gun nest. First Sergeant Monahan was the first to crawl forward to discover the location of the machine guns which were causing casualties in the company. In making this reconnaissance he was seriously wounded in the head. During the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and in the Argonne up to the time of his being wounded, this noncommissioned officer displayed at all times the highest devotion to duty, fearlessness under fire, and splendid leadership of the platoon to which he was assigned, his conduct being of invaluable assistance to his company commander.

SERGEANT THOMAS OWENS, No. 17079o8, Company B, 308th Infantry. For extreme bravery, devotion to duty and inspiring leadership when an acting officer in command of a platoon in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and later in the Forest of Argonne. He displayed in these operations absolute disregard for his own safety, exposing himself frequently to shell and machine gun fire to look after his own men and assist them in finding shelter. Under the most trying. circumstances, when rations were low and the men were suffering from exposure to the min in the Argonne advance, Sergeant Owens' indifference to hardship, set a high example to the platoon and was of great assistance to his company commander. This noncommissioned officer also displayed remarkable aggressiveness from October 3rd to October 8th, when he was frequently placed in charge of ration parties and carrying details which were attempting to forward supplies to companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 308th Infantry, which had been surrounded by the enemy near Charlevaux.

SUPPLY SERGEANT NATHAN MESSINGER, No. 17o8782, Company F, 308th Infantry-near La Harazee in the Argonne Forest, Sergeant Messinger insisted on staying in the line with his company taking charge of rations. As supply sergeant it was not his duty to be in the front line and his coolness under fire and exercise of good judgment was an inspiration to his comrades.

SERGEANT STEPHEN E. BICKARD, No. 1707788, Company B, 3o8th Infantry. For extreme bravery, devotion to duty, and inspiring leadership when an acting officer and second in command of the company in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and later in the Forest of Argonne. He displayed in these operations absolute disregard of his own safety, exposing himself frequently to shell and machine gun fire to visit the several platoons, steadying the non-commissioned officers and encouraging the men. Under the most trying conditions, when rations were low and intense suffering was caused by exposure to rain in the Argonne, Sergeant Bickard's indifference to hardship, his cheerful willingness to for-get himself in looking after the welfare of others, set a high example to the company. He was of the greatest assistance to the lieutenant commanding the company, displaying at all times excellent judgment, coolness under fire, and the highest type of personal bravery. While advancing near Binarville on September 28, 1918, he was seriously wounded in the shoulder by a machine gun bullet.

SERGEANT JOHN H. KING, No. 1708469, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For extraordinary bravery displayed on September 28th, 1918, in the Forest of Argonne north of La Harazee when, as a private, he was in ca6huamirge of a Chauchat team. When his company attacked Karlplatz Trench, Private King continued to operate his Chauchat rifle after the rest of his tea had been either wounded or killed. By his courageous example he inspired his comrades to increased efforts and assisted, materially, in the success of his company in making the objective against active opposition.

SERGEANT HARRY C. LEVINSON, No. 171358, Company M, 308th Infantry. For exceptional bravery and valor displayed on or about October 7th, 1918, at Toter Mann Lager in the Argonne Forest. When his company was attacking in an effort to reach Moulin de Charlevaux Sergeant Levinson led his platoon and with utter disregard for his own personal safety placed his men under cover, meanwhile exposing himself to most intense rifle and machine gun fire. Although seriously wounded he con-tinued to urge his men to further effort until he was carried off the field. exhausted.

SERGEANT MICHAEL PURTELL, No. 17o9878, Company K, 308th Infantry. For unusual bravery and valor displayed on or about October 14th, 1918 when the 3rd Battalion occupied a position south of the Aire River and north of Chevieres, this Sergeant was sent out at the head of a patrol, under intense artillery fire to find a suitable fording place. Finding that this patrol was under observation he insisted on his men taking cover and patroled the river alone. He located a fording place and returned with valuable information which enabled his company to make a successful attack.

SERGEANT JULIUS 0. SAUERMAN, No. 1708810, Company F, 308th Infantry. Who on October 2nd, 1918, in the Argonne Forest after being wounded in the head by a machine gun bullet, insisted on staying with his platoon although badly in need of medical attention. His action and conduct in this engagement served as a valuable example to his men.

SERGEANT MARTIN F. TUITE, No. 17o8071, Company C, 308th Infantry. For extraordinary bravery and indifference to hardship during all operations of his company in France. On or about September 30th, 1918, near Binarville in the advance through the Forest of Argonne, this non-commissioned officer, in command of a platoon, attacked and cleaned out two enemy machine gun positions which had checked the advance of the 1st Battalion, 308th Infantry. From October 3rd to October 8th, while his company together with other companies from the 1st and 2nd Battalions, under command of Major Whittlesey, were surrounded by the enemy near Moulin de Charlevaux, Sergeant Tuite displayed heroism and leadership of the highest type. After the lieutenant in charge of the company was killed, he rallied the men, encouraged them to put up stiff resistance against enemy attacks, and exposed himself, fearlessly in looking after the welfare of his men.

SERGEANT PHILIP BRAUNEIS, No. 1700282

SERGEANT WILLIAM SOLLAR, No. 17o8288 All of Company D,

SERGEANT WILLIAM DUFFY, No. 17o8381 3o8th Infantry.

SERGEANT FRANK TAFE, No. 17o8341 I

For their remarkable leadership and disregard of personal danger displayed on August 24th, 1918, when F Company was engaged in an attack against the enemy on the Vesle River near Ville Savoye. These sergeants, in command of platoons, brought forward the right flank of the company, advanced in spite of intense machine gun opposition and caused the Germans to fall back, thereby permitting the company to take its objective. All four were severely wounded during this fight.

SERGEANT EDWARD WALSH (deceased), Company A, 3o8th Infantry. For splendid leadership and fearlessness under fire displayed on the morning of September 26th, 1918, when, as an acting lieutenant, he led his platoon in an attack against enemy machine gun nests which had checked the advance of the 1st Battalion to the Corps objective in the first day of the advance through the Forest of Argonne. In the face of terrific machine gun fire he gallantly led his men forward until he fell.

CORPORAL CHARLES P. JACKSON, No. 1707833, Company B, 308th Infantry. For extreme bravery, devotion to duty, and inspiring leadership, while acting as an officer in command of a platoon in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and later in the Forest of Argonne. This noncommissioned officer, called suddenly from his squad to take command of a platoon in action, owing to the existing shortage of officers and sergeants in the company, distinguished himself for his remarkable qualities of leadership. He displayed absolute disregard for his own safety, exposing himself frequently to shell and machine gun fire to look after his men and assist them in finding shelter. Under the most trying circumstances, when rations were low and intense suffering was caused by exposure to rain in the Argonne, Corporal Jackson's indifference to hardship set a high example to his platoon. He was of invaluable assistance to the lieutenant commanding the company. On October 1, 1918, he was wounded seriously by machine gun bullets while advancing with Company A, 308th Infantry, to which he had been temporarily attached.

CORPORAL WALTER J. KINKEL, No. 1707801, Company B, 3o8th Infantry (deceased). For extreme bravery and devotion to duty displayed while acting as platoon sergeant in the advance from the Vesle to the Aisne and in the Forest of Argonne. He exposed himself fearlessly to machine gun and shellfire while looking after the welfare of his men, his faithful service being of great value to his platoon and company commanders. While advancing with his company near Binarville on September 28, 1918, he received a bullet wound which caused his death.

CORPORAL JOHN F. RYAN, No. 1709887, then Private, Company K, 308th Infantry. On or about October 14, 1918, during an attack across the Aire River between Chevieres and St. Juvin, liaison with the elements on the right having been lost, three patrols were sent out, the members of which were captured, killed or wounded, without accomplishing their mission. Corporal Ryan together with Private Lynch, Company 1, 308th Infantry, was sent out from a point near Chevleres to gain contact with the 3o6th Infantry. At St. Juvin it was necessary for him to make his way in the open for a distance of more than two kilometers and cross the Aire River near St. Juvin, being at all time subjected to heavy rifle, machine gun and shell fire. He accomplished his mission and exhibited the highest type of devotion to duty and utter disregard to his own personal safety.

CORPORAL JOSEPH ROBERTS, No. 17o83I3 (deceased), Company D, 3o8th Infantry. During an attack by the ist Battalion against the enemy on the Vesle River near Ville Savoye on the morning of August 23, 1918, Corporal Roberts, one of the Battalion Scouts, was placed in charge of stretcher bearers who were carrying wounded from Company D's positions across the river to the first aid station, located in a natural cave on the side of a hill in plain view of the enemy artillery observers. The en-trance to the cave was under constant bombardment. Corporal Roberts displayed extreme bravery and devotion to duty in arranging for the successful evacuation of the wounded to the cave, under artillery fire. While performing this duty, he was himself severely wounded by shell fragments and died in the hospital to which he was evacuated.

CORPORAL RUBEN NEWIDOSKY, No. 17o8400, Company D, 308th Infantry. While acting as a runner in the advance through the Forest of Argonne near Binarville on or about September 30, 1918, this soldier volunteered to carry a message of great importance across ground which was being swept by an enemy barrage. He succeeded in his mission, displaying coolness and bravery under intense artillery fire, and delivering a message of importance to the Battalion Commander, Major Whittlesey.

CORPORAL FRANK WILSON, No. 1708428, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. For a high sense of duty and disregard of personal safety displayed on November 4th, 1918, during the advance from the Argonne Forest to the Meuse, when he volunteered to lead a patrol to locate an enemy machine gun nest. The patrol had to advance in plain view of the enemy. Although wounded severely by fire from the machine gun nest, this noncommissioned officer sent back a message to his platoon leader, giving the exact location of the enemy. He remained alone and helpless under direct machine gun fire until brought back by stretcher bearers after the enemy had been driven out.

CORPORAL ALBERT V. COPSEY, No. 168ooo4 and PRIVATE MARTIN 0. LOKKEN, No. 1426132, Company B, 308th Infantry. Both these soldiers acting as sergeants, during the advance through the Forest of Argonne from September 26 to October 9, 1918, displayed at all times extreme personal bravery and indifference to hardship. Both were members of a patrol of twenty men, under command of acting sergeant Copsey, sent out on October 4, 1918, to reconnoiter and attempt to silence an enemy trench mortar which was firing on the position held by companies of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, under command of Major Whittlesey, which were surrounded by the enemy near Moulin de Charlevaux. The patrol came under heavy enemy machine gun fire, all but four members being killed or wounded. These two soldiers helped the wounded get back to safety, and reported to the Battalion Commander with information on the location of the trench mortar. They were a constant inspiration to the B Company detachment during the six days when Major Whittlesey's command was cut off from friendly troops.

PRIVATE JOHN R. MONSEES, No. 1683393, Company B, 308th Infantry, (deceased). For extreme bravery and devotion to his squad displayed while acting as a corporal in the advance through the Argonne on September 28, 19M, southwest of Binarville. The progress of the at-tack had been checked by fire from an enemy machine gun nest on the left flank. In attempting to crawl forward to ascertain the location of the enemy before permitting his squad to advance, Private Monsees was killed by a machine gun bullet.

PRIVATE FRANK CONWAY, No. 17o886o, Company F, 308th Infantry. For extreme courage under fire displayed on September 29th, 1918, in the Argonne Forest near Binarville. This soldier, in charge of a Chauchat automatic rifle team, was sent out, in the face of obstinate opposition, to establish liaison with the unit on his company's right. They succeeded in assisting in silencing three machine guns, the removal of which opposition opened the way for food and water to be brought to their company.

PRIVATE ROBERT GAFONOWITZ, No. 1709092, Company G, 3o8th Infantry. Was a member of a Chauchat team from October 3rd to October 8th, 1918, when his company together with other companies in the 1st and 2nd Battalions, under command of Major Whittlesey, was surrounded by the enemy near Moulin de Charlevaux in the Forest of Argonne. He manned his Chauchat rifle faithfully for four days until he was wounded severely by an enemy hand grenade. After this injury he refused to leave his post, insisting upon acting as Number 3 man in the team and encouraging his comrade who took over the manipulation of the weapon.

PRIVATE PAUL ANDREWS, No. 1709199 (deceased), Company G, 308th Infantry. Who volunteered twice to lead patrols while his company was with the beleaguered battalions near Moulin de Charlevaux in the Forest of Argonne and who, each time, brought back valuable information of the enemy. While leading a squad in a fight to defend their position against the attacking enemy, this soldier was killed on October 4, 1918.

PRIVATE GEORGE A. GREB, No. 1710401 (deceased), Company M, 308th Infantry. On or about October 7, 19x8, at Toter Mann Lager in the Argonne Forest, while his company was attacking in an effort to relieve the 1st and 2nd Battalions who were surrounded by the enemy, Private Greb, acting as platoon sergeant, with utter disregard for his own personal safety, continually exposed himself to rifle and intense machine gun fire, placing his men in position where they would be of most service. He rendered invaluable service to his company until he was killed.

The following named soldiers, Company E, 308th Infantry. For unusual bravery and disregard of personal safety. These men volunteered to establish liaison with the organization on their company's left during the engagement on the Vesle River near Bazoches on the 18th of August, 1918. Although under direct observation of enemy snipers and machine gunners this patrol crossed a wide area and succeeded in establishing liaison with unit on their company's left bringing back valuable information regarding disposition of friendly troops:-

CORPORAL IRVING GOLDBERG No. 17o862 I

PRIVATE SAVERIO CARRUCCI No. 17o859i

PRIVATE FRANK DENINO No. 17o86oo

PRIVATE GIAMBATISTO NOBILI No. 17o8673

PRIVATE JAMES M. LYNCH, No. 1681641, Company E, 3o8th Infantry. During August 15 to 19, 1918, on the Vesle River near Fismes and in the Argonne fighting, Private Lynch as company runner displayed remarkable heroism in the execution of his duties, never failing to deliver every message entrusted to him. He was always a source of valuable in-formation concerning disposition of troops due to his intelligence, good judgment, and keen observation. In the performance of his duty in the Argonne Forest he was killed on October 2, 1918.

PRIVATE PETER LEVINSKY, No. 1709937, Company K, 308th Infantry. On or about August 23, 1918, at a point southeast of Ville Savoye on the Vesle River, while walking in the woods Private Levinsky came upon an enemy patrol which was working its way around the rear of our lines. With utter disregard for his personal safety, this soldier captured a German scout in advance of the patrol, delivered him to his Commanding Officer, and materially assisted in capturing the -other four Germans who made up the party.

PRIVATE THOMAS P. LYNCH, No. 1709604, Company I, 308th Infantry. On or about October 14, 1918, during an attack across the Aire River between Chevieres and St. Juvin liaison with the elements on the right having been lost, three patrols were sent out, the members of which were captured, killed or wounded without accomplishing their mission. Private Lynch, accompanied by Corporal Ryan, then Private, Company K, 308th Infantry, was sent out from a point near Chevieres to gain contact with the 306th Infantry. At St. Juvin it was necessary for them to make their way in the open for a distance of more than two kilometers and cross the Aire River near St. Juvin, being at all times subjected to heavy rifle, machine gun and shell fire. He accomplished his mission and exhibited the highest type of devotion to duty and utter disregard to his own personal safety.

PRIVATE WILLIAM SIPPLE, No. 1708417, Company D, 3o8th Infantry. Who volunteered to break through an enemy machine gun bar-rage to deliver an important message from the Company Commander to lieutenant Charles W. Turner, who, with a small detachment of men, had been surrounded by the enemy on October 14th in the advance through the Argonne. Private Sipple was wounded, severely, while attempting to deliver the message. Lieutenant Turner and his men were killed before the attacking troops could reach their position.

PRIVATE HENRY ERICKSON, No. 3126291, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. Serving in the detachment from his company, which together with other companies in the 1st and 2nd Battalions, under command of Major Whittlesey, were cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest near Moulin de Charlevaux, did excellent work on October 7th in reducing the fire of enemy snipers. After being wounded he still stuck to his post and aided in the repulse of several attacks launched by the Germans against the isolated companies.

PRIVATE ANTHONY HIDUCK, No. 1676739, Company A, 3o8th Infantry. While serving in the detachment from his company which, together with other companies in the 1st and 2nd Battalions, under command of Major Whittlesey, were cut off and surrounded by the enemy in the Argonne Forest near Moulin de Charlevaux, was severely wounded on October 7, 1918, by shrapnel He inspired his comrades to renewed effort to repulse counter attacks by the enemy by his personal bravery and indifference to suffering. He held his position until relief came.

PRIVATE HARDY M. LOCKWOOD, No. 1429235 (deceased), Company B, 3o8th Infantry. For extreme bravery displayed when he met his death gallantly on September 29, 1918, near Binarvile during the advance through the Forest of Argonne. Private Lockwood in charge of a Chauchat team, went forward in advance of the scouts, to bring the fire of his automatic rifle on the enemy machine guns. He located the enemy and was directing his team to place the gun but, in so doing, he exposed himself and was killed by a sniper's bullet.

SERGEANT JAMES J. QUINN, No. 17o9548, CO. I, 308th Infantry -for extraordinary bravery displayed in action on or about September 10, 1918, near Rdvillon. ' The Battalion in the outpost zone had received orders to send out a patrol under an officer for the purpose of capturing prisoners. Sergeant Quinn volunteered for this patrol, which crawled out through No Man's Land until it came upon an enemy outpost about twenty yards in front of the enemy front line. The patrol quickly over-powered the two Germans occupying the outpost and started back toward our own lines. But the noise of the struggling prisoners aroused the enemy and a heavy barrage of rifle grenades and rifle fire was directed at the patrol. It was largely due to the coolness of Sergeant Quinn that the patrol was able to makes its way through this fire and turn the prisoners over to the Battalion Commander.

Next of kin:-Mrs. Mary E. Quinn, Mother, 1660 Mt. Hope Avenue, New York City.

ROBERT ALEXANDER,

Major General, U. S. A.,

Commanding. OFFICIAL:

LOUIS B. GEROW,

Adjutant Genera,

Division Adjutant.

G. H. Q. American Expeditionary Forces WASHINGTON, D. C., March 1, 1920. Citation Orders, No. 8.

CAPTAIN LUCIEN S. BRECKINRIDGE, 3o8th Infantry. For gallantry in action on the Vesle River, France, August 21-23, 1918, while directing the consolidation of ground taken.

SERGEANT JOHN DAVIS, No. 1708283, Compan3r D, 308th Infantry. For gallantry in action near Moulin de Charlevaux, France, October 4, 1918, in attempting to deliver an important message to a battalion that had been surrounded by the Germans.

By Command of General Pershing:

FOX CONNER,

Chief of Staff . OFFICIAL:

ROBERT C. DAVIS,

Adjutant General.

MERITORIOUS SERVICE CITATION CERTIFICATE

MONAHAN, JOHN (deceased), Sergeant, Co. B, 308th Infantry. Awarded Meritorious Service Citation Certificate, May 16, 1919, for services with Co. B, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

FOREIGN DECORATIONS

AWARDED TO MEMBERS OF THE 3o8TH INFANTRY

FRENCH LEGION OF HONOR

BUDD, KENNETH P., Major, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. French Legion d'Honneur (chevalier), by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919

and Croix de Guerre with palm, under Order No. 16-047 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

.6 Although severely affected by gas at his post of command, he refused to be evacuated for three days and until his battalion had been relieved and all of his gassed men evacuated."

McMURTRY, GEORGE G., Captain, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. French Legion d' Honneur (chevalier), by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919, and Croix de Guerre with palm, under Order No. 16.043 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

" An admirably courageous and devoted officer. During the period from October 2-8, 1918, the battalion which he commanded having been completely isolated in the Argonne Forest, he organized the position which he occupied in such manner that he was able to resist all attacks. Although wounded on several occasions he held his unit well in hand by his personal action under violent bombardment, repulsing several attacks and bringing back his unit in good order when it was disengaged."

MILES, L. WARDLAW, Captain, 308th Infantry, 77th Division, French Legion d'Honneur (chevalier), by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919 and French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.043 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"An officer of admirable courage and zeal. On September 14, 1918, he asked to be detailed with his company to attack a position across the Aisne which had not yet been possible to take. Having been wounded five times while personally participating in cutting the wire entanglements, he had himself placed on a litter and remained two hours in the captured enemy trench until it was completely organized."

SMITH, FRED E. (deceased), Lieutenant Colonel, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. French Legion d'Honneur (officer), by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919 and French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.043 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"An admirably courageous and devoted officer. On September 29, 19x8, the liaison between the advanced post of command of his regiment and that of the attacking battalion having been cut by enemy patrols armed with machine guns, he took command of a group of 2 officers and 10 men -for the purpose of reestablishing the communications. Coming face to face with the enemy detachments he advanced several times in front of his group killing several adversaries with his revolver and endeavoring to discover the location of the others until he was severely wounded."

WHITTLESEY, CHARLES W., Major, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division. French Legion d'Honneur (officer), by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919, and French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.043 "D," dated April 13," 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"An admirably courageous and devoted officer. On October 2, 1918, in the Argonne, having gained with his battalion the objective assigned to him, he held the occupied position for five days although surrounded by the enemy. At the head of his 465 men and officers, he resisted a force greatly superior in number. Called upon to surrender on the fourth day when he had no more provisions and had lost half his men, he refused to respond to this proposition."

FRENCH MEDAILLE MILITAIRE

HERSCHKOWITZ, JACK, No. 17o8138, Private first class, Company C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Medaille Militaire, by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919,

and French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. r6-044 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"A very courageous soldier who on September 29, 1918, accompanied an officer and one soldier in an endeavor to reestablish the communications and the supply of ammunition and rations between the battalion and the regimental post of command. Attacked by a small group of Germans they repulsed them killing one. At night they crept into an enemy camp where they were discovered three hours later. In order to protect his officer, Pvt. Herschkowitz drew the fire of the enemy upon himself and succeeded in escaping and in transmitting his message the next morning."

KAUFMAN, Benjamin, No. 1709789, 1st Sergeant, Company K, 3o8th

Infantry, 77th Division.

French Medaille Militaire, by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919, and

Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.043 " D, " dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East with the following citation:

"An admirably courageous and devoted noncommissioned officer. Going out with a patrol to reduce an enemy machine gun nest, he became separated from his men and though seriously wounded in the arm, advanced alone on the enemy nest and reduced it to silence with grenades, bringing in one prisoner with the machine gun after having dispersed the remainder of the crew."

MONSON, JOHN J., No. 1707736, Private 1st Class, Co. A, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Medaille Militaire by Presidential Decree of May 5, 1919, and French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16-044 "D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"A very courageous soldier who on September 29, 1918, accompanied an officer and one soldier in an endeavor to reestablish the communications and the supply of ammunition and rations between the battalion and the regimental post of command. Attacked by a small group of Germans they repulsed them, killing one. At night they crept into an enemy camp where they were discovered three hours later. In order to protect his officer, Private Monson drew the fire of the enemy upon himself and succeeded in escaping and in transmitting his message the next morning."

FRENCH CROIX DE GUERRE

BUDD, KENNETH P., Major, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.047 " D, " dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "French Legion of Honor" above.)

CONN, ROBINS L., 1st Lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 "D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"He voluntarily took command of a patrol designated to obtain prisoners and advanced to within a few meters of the enemy lines, captured two sentinels and brought them back in spite of a violent enemy artillery fire."

CRONKHITE, LEROY GERARD, 2nd Lieutenant, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 20.019 "D," dated July 2, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"An officer of great coolness who was conspicuous near Binarville on September 28 and October 1, 1918. He went up to the enemy lines and brought back a severely wounded soldier. Later he went out to reconnoiter a nest of machine guns which was eventually destroyed. Although severely wounded, he refused to be evacuated."

DOLAN, JAMES, No. 17ogo86, Corporal, Co. G, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre, with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 "D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"Although cut off with his section of automatic riflemen and severely wounded, he continued to exercise command of the unit until its relief."

FAHNESTOCK, SNOWDEN A., Captain, Company C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 11-446 "D," dated November 10, 1918, General Headquarters, French Armies of the North and Northeast, with the following citation:

"An admirably courageous officer. On June 24, 1918, during a violent bombardment preceding an enemy raid, he went out to the place of action into the midst of his men and encouraged them by his presence and later devoted himself to the care of the wounded."

FELITTO, CARMINE, No. 17o8328, Corporal, Company D, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.-98 "D," dated April 26, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"His platoon commander having been surrounded by the enemy and subjected to the fire of enemy artillery and machine guns, he volunteered to carry a message to the Company Commander, cutting his way through the enemy lines, notwithstanding that a similar attempt had already cost the lives of several men."

FLOOD, JOHN VINCENT, 2nd Lieutenant, Co. C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 10.804 "D," dated October 22, 1918, General Headquarters, French Armies of the North and Northeast, with the following citation (Citation of 2nd Platoon Of CO. C, 308th Infantry, 77th Division):

"Under a violent and precise bombardment preceding an enemy raid this platoon under the command of 1st Lieutenant John Flood demonstrated remarkable courage and tenacity, fearlessly awaiting the attack. By the energetic resistance in defense of its trenches and in spite of losses, it prevented the enemy from entering."

HERSCHKOWITZ, JACK, No. 17o8138, Private 1st Class, Company C, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix -de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.044 " D, " dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation tinder "French Medaille Militaire" above.)

KAUFMAN, BENJAMIN, No. 1709789, 1st Sergeant, Company K, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, tinder Order No. 16-043 " D, " dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "French Medaille Militaire" above.)

KESSLER, HENRY 0., No. 17o8151, Private, CO. C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 "D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

" He volunteered to assist a severely wounded soldier and crawled out under an intense fire of machine guns and artillery and brought him in. Was severely wounded in the course of this exploit."

LINDEN, HARRY, No. 1709302, Sergeant, Company H, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 "D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"All the officers of his company having been evacuated for gas, he took command of this unit on a position which was very dangerous and subjected to a violent bombardment. Although affected by gas himself, he assisted in the replenishment of the ammunition under the fire of enemy artillery."

McMURTRY, GEORGE G., Captain, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.043 I'D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "Legion of Honor" above.)

MILES, L. WARDLAW, Captain, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16-043 I'D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "French Legion of Honor" above.)

MONSON, JOHN J., No. 1707736, Private 1st Class, Co. A, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16.044 I'D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Cita-tion under "French Medaille Militaire" above.)

QUINN, JAMES H., No. 1709546, Sergeant, Company I, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.o98 " D," dated April 26, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"He volunteered to accompany a patrol sent out to capture prisoners and surprised two enemy soldiers who, were occupying an advanced post and returned with them, under the fire of the enemy infantry.

ROSSUM, HAAKON A., No. 17098067, Corporal, Company G, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.o98 I'D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"His battalion having been surrounded by the enemy and without sup-plies for five days under violent attacks, he constantly occupied an advanced post in spite of the fire of the machine guns, trench mortars and grenades. By his bravery he continually checked the enemy attempts and largely contributed in the defense of his sector."

SMITH, FRED E. (deceased), Lieutenant Colonel, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. x6.043 I'D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "French Legion of Honor" above.)

TABARA, WLADYSLAW, No. 1710369, Private, Company, M, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

"He went out in front of the lines to discover a machine gun that was stopping the advance of his company. He captured four machine guns, and killed, wounded or made prisoners all the gunners."

WHITTLESEY, CHARLES W., Major, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. French Croix de Guerre with Palm, under Order No. 16-043 I'D," dated April 13, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East. (Citation under "French Legion of Honor" above.)

WOOD, MEREDITH, 1st Lieutenant, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. French Croix de Guerre with Gilt Star, under Order No. 16.098 I'D," dated April 16, 1919, General Headquarters, French Armies of the East, with the following citation:

" An observation officer who penetrated the lines of the enemy by following a telephone line which led to a listening post. He cut this line and returned with important information. He was quite severely gassed by taking off his mask to search for the missing and to give aid to a mortally wounded soldier."

General Headquarters of the Army of the North and Northeast

Staff

Personnel Bureau (Decorations)

Order No. 10804, " D " (Extract)

With the approbation of the Commander in Chief of the A. E. F. in France, the Commander in Chief of the French Armies of the North and Northeast cities in the order of the Army Corps ...

The Second Platoon, Company C of the 308th Regiment , of American

Infantry,

"During a violent and accurate bombardment preceding a surprise attack of the enemy, under the orders of Lieutenant John Flood, showed remarkable tenacity and courage, awaiting the attack of the enemy without fear. In spite of the losses sustained, it prevented the enemy from penetrating that part of the trenches which it was guarding, by its energetic resistance . . . "

At General Headquarters, October 22, 1918. The Commander in Chief,

(Signed) PETAIN.

For original extract

The Lieutenant Colonel

Chief of Personnel Bureau

ITALIAN CROCE DI GUERRA

(No specific citations)

CHRISTIANSON, ENOCH, No. 1707578, Private, 1st Class, Company A, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra.

KAUFMAN, BENJAMIN, No. 1709789, 1st Sergeant, Company J;C, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra, awarded by the Chief of Staff, Italian Army, December 9, 1921.

KLEIN, IRVING, No. 1707,558, Corporal, Company A, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra.

MAcDOUGALL, ALLAN J., Captain, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra.

MERCER, HOWARD F., No. 1708040, 1st Sergeant, Company C, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra.

McMURTRY, GEORGE G., Captain, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra, awarded by the Chief of Staff, Italian Army, December 9, 1921.

MILES, L. WARDLAW, Captain, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra, awarded by the Chief of Staff, Italian Army, December 9, 192 1.

SMITH, FRED E., (deceased), Lieutenant Colonel, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra.

WHITTLESEY, CHARLES W., (deceased), Major, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Italian Croce di Guerra, awarded by the Chief of Staff, Italian Army, December 9, 1921.

MONTENEGRIN ORDRE DU PRINCE DANILO I

(No specific citations)

McMURTRY, GEORGE G., Captain, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

Montenegrin Ordre du Prince Danilo I (officier), by Royal Award of June 14, 1919.

MILES, L. WARDLAW, Captain, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.

Montenegrin Ordre du Prince Danilo I (officier), by Royal Award of June 14, 1919.

WHITTLESEY, CHARLES W., (deceased), Major, 3o8th Infantry, 77th Division.

Montenegrin Ordre du Prince Danilo I (commandeur), Royal Award of June 14, 1919.

MONTENEGRIN MEDAILLE POUR LA BRAVOURE MILITAIRE

KAUFMAN, BENJAMIN, No. 1709789, 1st Sergeant, Company K,

308th Infantry, 77th Division.

Montenegrin Medaille pour la Bravoure Militaire. (No specific citation of record.)

THE GERMAN INTELLIGENCE SYSTEM

CAPTAIN (THEN LIEUT.) GINTER'S ACCOUNT OF HIS EXPERIENCE

AFTER HIS CAPTURE AT THE VESLE ON AUGUST 22D, 1918

THE first encounter I had with the German Intelligence System was at Company Headquarters. Their principal concern here was as to how we entered their lines, whether we were planning a general attack on their line, and why the United States entered the War. They were much worried over the possibilities of our attacking them, and their morale was very low from the effectiveness of our artillery fire.

They called in one of my men' who could speak German somewhat. At this time there were three officers in the dugout, two of whom could speak English. Now the thought of being captured never occurred to us until it happened. Consequently our men had no instructions as to how to conduct themselves, and I was afraid that, without thinking of the consequences, they might give away information. So I told Mallov that he was to be questioned, that two of the officers understood English, that he could tell them anything that he saw fit, but that he should remember that the lives of the rest of the company might depend on what he said. Well, those Germans went crazy and raved, telling me to remember that I was a prisoner, to keep my mouth shut, and that they would do all the talking that was necessary. They got so violent that I had to cool them down, so I told Mallov to tell them anything he wanted to, and that seemed to appease them, but meanwhile I had conveyed the idea to him, and knew they would get no vital information.

From here I was passed back through a system of double runner posts to Battalion and Regimental Headquarters. These posts were maintained even in the open fields in camouflaged shallow dugouts, two men being at each post.

The Colonel was absent from Regimental Headquarters, but his Adjutant could talk English (most of the German officers could) and we were once more discussing the cause of America's entry into the War, when he came in. It was impossible to convince them that submarines had anything to do with the matter, and they firmly believed that money was responsible, but they could not explain how. The Colonel sat down and seemed to pay no attention to our argument, so I concluded he could not understand English, when suddenly he looked up at me and said, " Where is the place of your Regimental Commander? " It almost knocked me flat it was so unexpected, but I replied that he was a soldier by profession and could therefore understand why it was impossible for me to answer that question. He got up and walked out and I didn't see him again.

At Division Headquarters, which was in a wonderful place excavated from solid rock by the British when they occupied that territory, two officers formed the intelligence force. Both spoke English very well, and one had spent considerable time in the States. They wanted to know the exact location of our companies. They had a very large scale map, showing the sectors of our various divisions, and even the Regimental sectors, and it was extremely accurate. I said I couldn't tell them, and one (not the one from America) got extremely nasty and said they had heard that the English and French and Americans threatened but did not shoot officers and men who refused to give information, so I told them we heard the same thing about them, and he denied it, before he realized that it took the sting out of his threat. The man from the States was quite decent and at my request got the men and myself some hot soup, which was the first we had eaten for about twenty-four hours.

The next place I ran into the German Intelligence Section was at the Hotel in Karlsruhe. There are some strange tales about this place, one of them being that each room is equipped with a dictaphone. Three of us were put in one room and I lay down on my bunk as soon as we entered. There on the wall in fine pencil writing was the warning "Careful, enemy hears all." We were locked in that room for two days, then two of us were transferred to another room with an aviator for several hours, and two new men took our place in the old room. Then all of us were collected together and sent to the regular prison camp in the town. The same shifting performance had happened to all of them. It was a queer business, to say the least. Some of the aviators had peculiar experiences. One stayed there two weeks because he refused to give his squadron number. A German dressed in civilian clothes visited him finally, saying he was writing a history of the war and wanted to include a story about the aviator, and had the Government's permission to interview him. After asking for some general information about the officer he asked in a casual way, "What was your squadron number?" The aviator laughed at him and refused to answer, whereat the interviewer went up into the air and revealed the fact that he was after the information for the Government-The Huns weren't strong on tact in trying to get information.

At Rastatt they sold us diaries and lead pencils for practically nothing and at Karlsruhe they searched us (the first time since being captured that we had a thorough physical search) and took the diaries away to be translated. This was also a good way to get information, but the laughable part about it is that they censored mine, blotting out the word "Hun" and "Boche" wherever I had used it. Evidently they do not like those names!

The Army of Occupation is being subjected to insidious propaganda, and it cannot help but have some effect on the intensity of the men's feelings. As prisoners of war the Americans were also subjects of that same propaganda, but things which came to my notice more than offset its effects. Anything I can do to remind our men and friends of the other side of the Boche nature I want to do, so I am including some of those things that came to my notice.

In a little cleft in the rock, outside a German First Aid Post in the Vesle valley, I found an American. His body was covered by a blanket, but the flies were swarming over his face, eating at several open holes-the face was puffed up and yellow from pus. I thought he was dead and inquired about him, but he opened his eyes and said: "My arms are broken and my legs shot, but my body is all right." He had lain there two days, and no attempt had been made to get him to a hospital, and they had not even covered his face with a handkerchief to keep the flies away, so he was gradually being eaten, as he could not use his hands to chase them away. I insisted on his being taken to a hospital and finally got him out on his way, but I doubt if he lived. I'm sorry I do not know his name, but he was from Company I of this Regiment.

At Montcornet (Camp Lislet) the men worked all-day, loading and unloading freight. The rations consisted of coffee made from roasted barley for breakfast, a thin soup for dinner and perhaps soup for supper, although they usually had tea instead; three slices of sour bread a day, and every other day a small portion of "vegetable marmalade," artificially colored; once in a while they were served a piece of horsemeat, perhaps two bites, about twice a week. I could see our men shrinking up tinder the hard work and lack of food, but some of the Frenchmen had been there two months and more, and were wrecks. One morning five of them were too weak to work and so the guards put them into a small wire enclosure for twenty-four hours, with no blankets and nothing to eat. I have seen such men, almost starved to death, pick potato peelings out of the most unspeakable places and eat them, in order to keep alive. One officer from another camp where there were some British soldiers told me the Huns would throw the peelings into such places and laugh at the starved " Tommies " trying to recover them. And now they are asking England and France and America to feed them!

Medical attention at this place was a scream, except that it was pathetic. The doctor pulled all aching teeth, by using a pair of pliers and prying the tooth out. One French soldier had an abscess under his arm, showing in the form of a lump; the doctor opened it by thrusting a scissors point into it, although he had surgical knives that he might have used.

The first night I spent at Rastatt was in the prisoners' hospital, with some British officers. One had a wound in the foot and it had to be opened to cleanse it. The German surgeon cut the foot from che tendon to the front of the foot, doing nothing to counteract the pain, and laughing at the agony of the Englishman. This surgeon was generally known as the Berlin Butcher, on account of his cruelty. While out walking on the grounds that evening a crippled "Tommy" happened to get in the way of a German sergeant, and was kicked into a doorway because he was unable to walk,

The above are but a few instances that I personally know of; the stories of others would fill a book. One officer who had a shell fragment in his brain back of the left eye, which was blind as a result, told me of riding for thirty hours with nine wounded Boche in a car which had just been vacated by horses, and not cleaned out. Seven of the ten of them died on the way from lack of attention. And so on and on, until I have determined that I shall never have anything to do with things German.

THE MEDICAL DETACHMENT

The Medical Detachment started on September 9th, 1917, with seventeen enlisted men under Lieutenant Brant, as Regimental Surgeon, and Lieutenants Everhart, Floyd, and Freeman as his associates. In January, Captain Brant was ordered to a Red Cross hospital and succeeded by Captain Condon, who served without interruption until wounded by shell-fire, near Pexonne on July 14th. Captain Condon proved a most capable as well as a most considerate officer and is warmly remembered by officers and men. His coolness and indifference to personal danger at the time of the Badonviller raid of June 24th won him a Division Citation for gallantry. Captain Wagner, previously 3rd Battalion surgeon, succeeded Captain Condon. Lieutenant Koenig became surgeon of the 3rd Battalion and Lieutenant Morgan of the 1st.

The Detachment suffered many casualties on the Vesle. Lieutenant Cooley and six enlisted men were all evacuated gassed, and Private Umstot died in an ambulance August 18th, from a shell wound received at Les Pres Farm, when he was leading a sick man to the Battalion Aid Posts. In the advance near Blanzy, September 5th, Lieutenant Koenig was severely wounded at a time when his encouragement of the troops and personal bravery had been of the greatest aid. He was later cited in Division Orders, as was Sergeant Matelusch, who found Koenig lying in a shell crater, dressed his wounds under heavy enemy fire, and personally attended to his evacuation by litter across an open field to the ambulance.

The Argonne offensive took a heavy toll of the enlisted personnel and officers of the Detachment. "Abie" Shapiro was killed instantly September 29th, on his first night after joining Company H to give aid to the wounded. A day earlier big Bill Baxter had been wounded and evacuated after a series of deeds on the Vesle and in the Argonne that won him the D. S. C. Otreba also was wounded on the 28th and Hinman on the 30th-On October 5th, when his little first-aid shack was blown to bits by a shell, with two men killed and five wounded, Jack Gehris was among the latter-But he waited until he cued for the others and arranged to get them to the Battalion Aid Post before bothering about himself. This and other work while with Company F earned him the D. S. C. The third day of the Lost Battalion, Walker was wounded while with Company G, and lay for three days with some fifty holes in his back till he could be evacuated. Bragg, with G, and Sirota, with D, were left to carry on in the Pocket, and night and day they answered the imperious "First Aid! " call, running through the woods to dress the wounded, besides enduring all the privations, dangers, and apprehensions of those critical six days. Both were sent to the hospital October 8th, completely exhausted. Later on the personal recommendation of Lieutenant Colonel Whittlesey, they were awarded the D. S. C. In the Argonne Captain Morgan, Captain Hinrichs, Lieutenant Sellers, and Lieutenant Athey were with us for comparatively short periods. Lieutenant Feldman, after three months of exacting duty at the front, went to the hospital sick at the end of October,

On October 14th, Captain McKibbin was severely wounded near Chevieres while dressing the wounds of an officer and a sergeant. Lieutenant Powless, a full-blooded Indian and a most picturesque though unpretentious figure, hurried at once to the side of his colleague. On his return, after arranging for the evacuation of Captain McKibbin, Powless was himself seriously wounded. Both officers died in Base Hospitals, Captain McKibbin on October 24th, and Lieutenant Powless on November 6th, and both were posthumously awarded the D. S. C.

Two officers, both cited in Division Orders for bravery deserve particular mention, Lieutenant Feldman, and Captain Morgan. And finally Major Wagner's work, particularly in the Argonne, deserves the highest praise. Its net result was of incalculable value to the regiment, but only the other Medical Officers and those who were close to him realize in how steady a hand he held the multitude of minute and confusing details of his work, how eager he was to be constantly in touch with every Aid Post, so far as practicable, and how important was his response to every demand for a workable plan in a crisis. Such a problem was presented when, sixty hours after the Argonne drive started, troops had advanced into the heart of the forest and the farthest point that an ambulance could reach was the cross-roads at LaHarazee. Five kilometers up in that jungle were wounded men urgently in need of evacuation. The men of the regimental band were pressed into service as litter bearers, supplemented by men from the, 306th and 307th Ambulance Companies and volunteer riflemen from our own regiment, and for thirty-six hours the wounded were brought down by long litter carriers, each trip requiring twelve hours. The stretcher bearers, some of them of slender physique and unprepared for the strain, often arrived at La Harazee faint and exhausted, but after a short rest they returned with empty litters and medical supplies. It was heroic work.

When the narrow-gauge railway path was opened up, and later when the road from Le Four de Paris became usable by day, the situation was relieved. But even then, if it had not been for the constant watchfulness of the regimental surgeon, supplemented by the cooperative effort of the Ambulance Companies, and the faithful and courageous work of the S. S. U. drivers, who did such magnificent service on four fronts, evacuating upward of two thousand men for us, the story would have been a tragic one for the regiment. The day the companies were rescued from the Pocket, the wounded were dressed by teams, each under a medical officer, which left the German hospital camp at L'Homme Mort early in the morning; the ambulances came up to within a few yards of the point where the wounded had been collected, and all were evacuated by early afternoon. Major Wagner's carefully laid plans and energetic execution of measures to coordinate the first-aid work of the detachment helped in a like manner to bring us through the Vesle and the rest of the Argonne. He never spared himself nor considered his own convenience or safety at the front, constantly endangering his life for the sake of assuring himself that all was going well; and through it all he remained confident, self-possessed, and ready, with the least easing of the strain, for a hearty laugh over some amusing incident of the day. In one instance his bravery won him a Division citation-when on October 5th, he faced machine gun fire in the Argonne north of the aid post at L'Homme Mort to minister to a man who had been deserted by his bearers and lay bleeding to death one hundred yards from the firing line.

It is fitting to close an account of the 3o8th Medical Detachment with the venerated name of Captain McIlwain, a Westerner by birth who was warmly adopted by "New York's Own" and who will always be cordially remembered by these associates as Doc. This Grand Old Man (as irreverent juniors were wont to call him) joined the Regiment when it was in battle, and soon won his way to men's hearts by his cheerfulness, disregard of danger, and devotion to duty. For his splendid work on the Vesle Captain McIlwain was cited in Division Orders, and perhaps many a prayer was offered for him by those he attended.

THE PERSONNEL DEPARTMENT

It was shortly after the departure of the Regiment for overseas service that the new office of Regimental Personnel Adjutant with the rank of Captain was created. At the same time an additional Regimental Sergeant-Major and two additional Sergeants were authorized, together with such other enlisted assistants as might be necessary for the work contemplated. Thus was created the Personnel Department of an Infantry

Regiment. One of the most important functions assigned to the Regimental Personnel Adjutant was the taking over of the responsibility for the preparation of the payrolls for each organization of the Regiment. This was decidedly an innovation, since the preparation of payrolls and the keeping of the proper records from which to prepare them had always been one of the most important and most onerous parts of Company administration.

The idea of making the payrolls in Regimental Headquarters under the supervision of the Personnel Adjutant seemed worthy of elaboration. Why not remove all regimental paper work from the scene of active operations and thus leave the minds of the Company Commanders entirely free, or almost so, for the conduct of purely military operations? It was the 308th Infantry, which at the direction of its Commanding Officer first put this new idea into actual and successful practice. Captain G. C. Graham was appointed Regimental Personnel Officer in June, 1918. The Company Clerks of all Companies were assembled at Regimental Headquarters together with all the Service Records, all correspondence files, all payrolls, typewriters, and even Company Fund records where the Company Commander so desired. From that time on, the administrative work imposed upon the Company Commanders was negligible. This was going further than existing orders required or prescribed, but it soon proved an excellent idea and was adopted, as will appear later, by higher authority.

The Personnel Department of the 3o8th Infantry was first assembled in accordance with the plan outlined above, while the Regiment was attached to a British Division in Flanders. This happened, however, so shortly before the whole Division moved to the Baccarat Sector that the department did not begin to function properly and entirely until the new sector was reached. The Company Commanders, it is true, had to submit daily a change report and had to maintain such clerical functions as were necessary to keep track of their men in lines. But outside of this minimum, everything else was done for the Companies by their Company Clerks in the Personnel Department.

The idea of centralizing the paper work spread. It was only one month or so after the organization of the Personnel Department of the 308th Infantry that most of its members and the bulk of its work was taken over by the Statistical Section, Headquarters, 77th Division. The clerks went with all of their service records to the Division Statistical Section where were assembled similar units of the other organizations of the Division, creating a sort of Divisional Personnel Department or Statistical Section, precisely on the principle on which the Regimental Personnel Department had been created.

Since the service records accompanied the clerks to the Division Statistical Section at Division Headquarters, the work was now divided between that higher department and the Regimental Personnel Department which still remained to function as an individual unit. The Personnel Department, greatly reduced in numbers, continued its work of relieving the company commanders as far as possible of paper work, forwarding for proper attention to the Division Statistical Section such matters as required the services of the company clerks on duty there. Naturally, the work of the Personnel Department could not be performed in the front line trenches; but neither was it performed in a suite of offices. It is recalled that on the Vesle sector not even a tent was available, and the only shelter was a piece of canvas rolled in the mud with studied carefulness to avoid attracting the attention of enemy aeroplane observers. But the rain beat in on every side and there was nothing to check the wind. One of the greatest problems in the midst of all the rush and hurry was to keep the papers from being blown away. The men did their work with their helmets on, and it was not because these head dresses were comfortable or ornamental. Where combat conditions made it difficult for company commanders to forward reports, a representative of the Personnel Department, as well as of the Division Statistical Department, was stationed day and night in the advance dressing stations, and in the " triage " from which all the wounded were evacuated to the hospitals in the rear, so that not a single casualty might escape unreported. The regimental chaplains Cooperated by turning in their reports. Members of the Personnel Department on occasion accompanied the burial parties.

It will require little imagination to appreciate the difficulty of keeping track of the twelve hundred new men who arrived before the Argonne offense. Unknown to their comrades and to their commanding officers, they were put into action where numerous casualties immediately resulted. To have kept track of these replacements and to have made the proper record of the casualties among them as the fighting of the Argonne Forest continued was an achievement in itself. One particular instance may be cited to illustrate the difficulty of the situation. Among these replacements there were three men of the name of "Hansen" and two of them, by some strange error, had identical army serial numbers. In the course of the fighting one of these two gave his life for the cause. Reams of correspondence passed between the Personnel Department and the Divisional Statistical Section definitely to identify the man who had been killed and to persuade higher authority that the whole report was not in error, This is one instance of the many that might be cited. Two other lots or replacements in almost equal numbers arrived subsequently and the same process had to be repeated. In the meanwhile also, there was a steady stream of former members returning to the organization from the hospitals, all of whom reported in the first instance at the Personnel Office and were there sent and assigned to their proper companies. In the meanwhile, also, other work was proceeding. Authority had to be granted in written orders to each wounded man for the wearing of a wound chevron and to each man who had seen six months service in France for the wearing of a war service chevron. Special orders were entered appointing and promoting non-commissioned officers who had proven their worth in the face of the enemy. Recommendations were prepared and forwarded for the awarding of Distinguished Service Crosses and Medals of Honor. The work of the Personnel Department in connection with the soldiers' mail was constant.

On February 1st, 1919, the Statistical Section at Division Headquarters was broken up and the company clerks who had been on duty there were returned to the regiment. The Personnel Department was reorganized in its original numbers and all the company records were kept and all the company paper work was once more done under the immediate supervision of the Regimental Personnel Adjutant. The work of preparing for embarkation for the United States was done in the same manner and required additional assistance. All the work was performed with a view to the preparation of the passenger lists which had to be done in thirteen copies. Certain prescribed forms and rules were to be followed, and any deviation was considered a grievous error. The work progressed rapidly. Word came by telephone from the Division Adjutant one evening at 6 p.m. that everything-passenger lists included-was to be finished within two days next succeeding. It was suggested that night-shifts might be necessary, and there were, in fact, long hours of work after midnight. But it was all performed by the same men who had worked all the day. The final test came when the embarkation center inspectors arrived for their final inspection. They were plainly astonished at the accuracy with which the work had been done, Their work was to find errors and to wait for their correction, and they had announced that they were prepared to stay up all night. But by 9 o'clock that evening the inspection was completely finished and the inspectors stated in all frankness that the 77th Division was easily the best they had ever inspected, and that the 3o8th Infantry made the best showing in the 77th Division. Upon arrival at the port of Brest for embarkation, all the records were checked against the service records. It was amusing to observe the blank look of astonishment with which one of the clerks who did the inspecting at the port of embarkation went through the passenger lists and records of one of the companies of this regiment without finding a single point for criticism. When the passenger lists were turned over to the Personnel Adjutant of the Port they bore the notation in large letters "No Errors." The Regiment embarked without the slightest difficulty of any kind with its records or passenger lists. The highest praise is due Captain Graham, Sergeant -Major Cohen, Sergeants de Dufour and Chapman and their hardworking associates Of the Personnel Department.

THE 3o8TH INFANTRY ASSOCIATION

The 308th Infantry Association was organized at the suggestion of Colonel Averill two weeks previous to the sailing of the Regiment for France. On March 27th, 1918, the wives, mothers, and sisters of officers in the Regiment met for the first time in the Ladies Annex of the Metropolitan Club, where the Colonel spoke to them on the aims and purposes of the proposed association. We are all convinced that the inspiration of Colonel Averill's address on that occasion, which remained with the women of the association, was responsible in no small degree for the success of their efforts.

The first officers selected for the Association were: Mrs. Averill, president; Mrs. Snowden A. Fahnestock, vice-president; Mrs. Allen Lindley, secretary, and Mrs. George McMurtry, treasurer. Owing to the subsequent resignation of Mrs. Averill. and Mrs. McMurtry, the following officers were later appointed and served until the return of the Regiment: Mrs. Fahnestock, president; Mrs. Lindley, vice-president; Mrs. Lucien Breckinridge, secretary, and Mrs. Belvidere Brooks, treasurer.

An advisory committee was formed consisting of Mr. S. R. Bertron; Mr. Adrien Larkin; Mr. Joseph McAleenan, and Mr. Frank K. Sturgis. The executive committee, in addition to the officers of the Association, included Mrs. Bertron, Mrs. George Blackwell, Mrs. McAleenan, Mrs. Charles N. Schenck, Mrs. George Harvey, Mrs. Francis M. Weld, and Mrs. William F. Whitehouse.

It was decided that the relatives of the entire Regiment should constitute the membership of the 308th Infantry Association-the women relatives of the officers being the active members responsible for the direction of the Association,

A "Guaranty Fund" of $5,000 was pledged by five supporters of the Association to cover all expenses for the year; needless to say this amount was more than sufficient, and we therefore had the satisfaction of using all the contributions which we received directly for one of three purposes: the sending abroad of comforts to the Regiment,-the helping of needy relatives of the men, and the setting aside of a fund with which to erect in New York a bronze memorial tablet to the dead of the Regiment.

Rooms for the use of the Association was secured at 15 East 40th Street, and on April 1st, the office was opened. Every man in the Regiment was notified that such an organization had been formed, and was told to place its services at the disposal of his family. As a result, the relatives began coming to us the day our office was opened-and it is our earnest hope that we may never have failed them when they needed us,

A Supply Committee and a Welfare Committee were organized-the former to consider the needs of the men in the Regiment, and the latter to consider those of the relatives here at home. In addition, there was formed a Brooklyn Auxiliary under the chairmanship of Mrs. Charles N. Schenck, and this Auxiliary was at all times of the greatest Possible help and support to the main association.

Mrs. McAleenan, who was chairman of the Supply Committee sent out to our mailing list an exceedingly effective appeal, which brought in a large number of contributions for the purposes of this committee, and from July 1st, 1918, to January 1st, 1919, five thousand, three hundred and eighty-five knitted garments were shipped from the Association to the Regiment, through the agency of the American Red Cross. These socks and sweaters were collected by the Supply Committee, and a large proportion of the whole Association devoted itself to the making of them; in fact, garments were contributed from all over the United States. Owing to the stringent regulations made by the government, it was impossible for the Association to ship its cases direct to the Regiment, and so we were obliged to leave the matter of transportation entirely to the American Red Cross; but when we entered into this arrangement, it was with the assurance from Red Cross Headquarters that every effort would be made to insure the delivery of our cases to the 308th Infantry in France.

For the first four months after the Regiment sailed, the Association sent monthly a draft of five hundred dollars for the purpose of tobacco for the men, but in August we received the information that it was impossible to procure tobacco in sufficient quantities for this money to be used; so our drafts were then discontinued, but with the understanding that we would hold these funds on hand ready to be used for "smokes" whenever they might be needed.

The Welfare Committee, of which Mrs. Bertron was elected chairman, undertook the direction of all relief work which was necessary among the families of the Regiment, and a professional Social Service Worker, who was also a trained nurse, was engaged to visit every home which required our care and attention. As the Home Section Service of the American Red Cross already existed for the purpose of aiding the needy relatives of soldiers, the Association was in many instances able to obtain the necessary assistance by appealing to this branch of the Red Cross, and without recourse to the funds of the Association itself. But of course in a great many other cases, upon the decision of the Welfare Committee -financial aid was given directly by the Association in the payment of rent and in the purchase of food, coal, clothing, and other necessities.

We were fortunate in obtaining the cooperation of a number of doctors and of several hospitals, and were thus able to provide medical examination and treatment for many cases of illness of all kinds; we also urged and arranged dental care for a number of those who needed it. All the mothers who desired it, were offered exceptional opportunities for care and comfort at the time their babies were born; and a complete "baby kit," sufficient to last six months, was given to the infants whenever we were informed of their expected arrival. Our Social Service Worker kept in continuous touch with all these sons and daughters of the Regiment, whose development was a matter of the greatest interest to the ladies of the Welfare Committee-and in the autumn each of these children received a warm coat. In addition, a large amount of clothing was collected and distributed among children of all ages, who were related to the men of the 308th and who had need of these garments.

As is well known, one of the chief causes of distress among the families of soldiers everywhere was the frequent long delay in the payment of allotments by the government. When the allotment became months overdue, there was uneasiness, discomfort, and sometimes-actual want in a case where the soldier's wife or mother was totally dependent upon this money. The Association soon came to know that this was one of the most pressing questions, which it had to meet-and we were wonderfully fortunate to discover in Washington a valuable friend and ally in Mr. John Cravens of the Council of National Defense. Mr. Cravens constituted himself our personal representative with the government departments which had this matter in charge,-he brought to their attention every instance of delayed payments which we sent him, and was instrumental in straightening out three hundred and one allotments for families of the 308th Infantry.

There is much to be said of all these practical activities to which the women of the Association gave their time and thought-but there is also a great deal concerning another side of our work, that could never be told in full. During those long and anxious days of fighting through the summer and autumn, when the 308th was continuously in the worst sectors of the front, an unending stream of visitors came to our rooms in search of information, encouragement and cheer. How often needless anxiety was relieved, and misinformation corrected, no one could well remember. And in the days when the worst tidings came more quickly by word of mouth, or by a "buddy's" letter than from official source, women of the Association had often the tragic task of breaking bad news to other wives and mothers of the Regiment. But there was also the cheerful side to be considered-the comfort which those whose letters were overdue might obtain from all the other letters which were kept posted on the bulletin boards at the office, and sometimes the consolation of knowing that we were all in the same state of uncertainty, with no news less than six weeks old!

Every Monday evening from June 1st to December 1st, the rooms of the Association were open till after 9 o'clock to any of the relatives who cared to drop in for news and congenial company. There were always knitting teachers, surrounded by their pupils, and interesting letters from the Regiment to be read aloud. Wives and mothers of officers were always in charge on those evenings, and it is also a noteworthy fact that during all the long strain of the summer, there was never one day when Willing volunteers were not " on duty " in the office.

It would be utterly impossible for any one not connected with this work to realize the value and the importance to the Association of Father Halligan's letters; written as they were in the scant moments of leisure at his disposal and at times under conditions of the greatest difficulty and strain, they brought to us all a sense of comfort and reassurance which is indescribable. As soon as we realized what these letters could do to stimulate the morale of the families, we determined to publish them-and in June there was issued the first number of our little Bulletin; through the kindness of the Harvey Press Company, the printing was contributed as a gift to the Association, and from June, 1918, through April, 1919, the Bulletin was sent monthly free of cost to three thousand, nine hundred and twenty relatives and friends of the Regiment. It contained, in addition to the Chaplain's letters, items of interest such as the award of decorations -and always the Roll of Honor for the month, as complete as our imperfect knowledge of casualties would permit. It is a pleasant fact to consider that wherever there was a home which had sent its soldier overseas with the 308th Infantry, there the Bulletin was regularly received. This, of course, was unfortunately an impossibility in the case of the men who came to the Regiment as replacements-for of these we had no record, nor did we know the address of their relatives except when notified by the soldiers themselves from France.

At Christmas time, the Association endeavored to provide the best celebration possible under the circumstances by sending five thousand dollars as a gift to the Regiment. Every returned wounded soldier who could be located in a hospital here received from us a Christmas box, containing a pair of gloves, two handkerchiefs, a box of candy, a pad and pencil, and five packages of the inevitable "Camels." At the hospitals in or near New York, the distribution of these boxes was made personally by the officers of the Association, and of all the pleasant memories which we have retained of this memorable year, there is none which we will more gladly recall than that of Christmas Eve in the big military hospitals, with the cheeriness and appreciation of the wounded men from "our regiment" and the satisfaction of wishing each one of them a "Merry Xmas. "

The Association also participated in the " 77th Division Christmas Party" which was held in the 71st Regiment Armory on the afternoon Of December 25th. Here there was a huge tree, beautifully trimmed, and brilliantly lighted-a military band, various side shows, and a toy and box of candy for every child. Two hundred and fifty-three children represented the 308th at this celebration, and two hundred grown-ups related to the Regiment also were present,-some with the children, and some admitted to escape a sad or lonely Christmas in their own homes.

With the signing of the Armistice, and the return to the United States of so many wounded officers and men of the 308th Infantry, the Association entered upon a new phase of activity. During the summer, the officers and men who came home to instruct almost without exception called at the Association rooms when an opportunity was afforded them of meeting the relatives of men in their own companies and of delivering innumerable messages. But when the wounded of the Regiment began to return in large numbers, we were of course eager to get in touch with as many of them as possible here. There was no official way in which we could be informed of these arrivals, but thanks to the interest of so many of the relatives, to the communications from the men themselves, and to the tireless study of lists in the various Debarkation Hospitals, we were soon able to hear from a large number of these wounded men from the 3o8th. From that time on, many of those who were able began to drop in at the office and scarcely a day passed when veterans of the Regiment did not meet in the Association Rooms--meeting for the first time since they had parted in France. In the matter of men who were assigned to hospitals at a distance from New York, we were able to be of some assistance, for by appealing to the War Department we obtained a transfer to a hospital near home for every man who asked this favor of us.

The intense interest felt by all these men in meeting each other and their former officers convinced us that some way should be found of providing for this desire on their part, as their loyalty to their Regiment seemed far too fine a thing to be ignored. So, at the suggestion of one of our re-turned officers, it was decided to hold a "smoker" for officers and men every Saturday afternoon in the rooms of the Association-and the providing of coffee, cake, and cigarettes was a small measure of the Association's enthusiasm for the plan.

These "smokers" started under the direction of Lieutenants Harold Bache, John Flood, and Alexander L. Barbour, proved a remarkable success, and clearly demonstrated the existing demand for some sort of Regiment Veteran Association to perpetuate the spirit of the 308th.

No account of the Association would be complete without mention of the big "Family Meetings, "-with an attendance of over a thousand people at each one-which were held from time to time in a large auditorium secured for the occasion. We arranged for these meetings an entertainment of music and moving pictures, but the climax of the evening came with a talk by some recently returned officer of the Regiment, which was invariably greeted with enthusiasm by the audience. There are two officers of the 308th who are endeared for all time to the families of the Regiment by their appeal of both personality and address-Captain L. Wardlaw Miles and Lieutenant John Flood.

It would be impossible to call by name all of the devoted and enthusiastic women who contributed their time and their interest to the " carrying on " of the 308th Infantry Association. Among them, there existed always an extraordinary degree of congeniality and cooperation, and it is their spirit which was so largely responsible for the success of their undertaking. The year of waiting and anxiety which they shared was made more bearable by the very fact of sharing it-and the experiences which they faced together were of those which create a firm and lasting bond. They realized, every one, that the Association was a responsibility which the officers of the 308th had entrusted to their keeping-and their single desire was to fulfill that trust with a faithfulness and a sincerity worthy of the glorious Regiment which they had the honor to represent.

ELIZABETH BERTRON FAHNESTOCK.

Information from the collection of Brian Quinn

George W. Quinn was a runner who was dispatching a message from Lt. Arthur McKeogh to Major Whittlesey when he met his fate at the hands of three Germans, who in turn also met their's. The attached document is the most complete story of George Quinn which we have kept in our family's history. It includes the poem written by Lt. McKeogh in honor of George Quinn. The poem was subsequently published in the Saturday Evening Post and when his mother read the poem in the Post it was the first knowledge she had of her son's death. Also included in the attached is the letter which was written to George's mother Caroline by Lt McKeogh as they were connected to each other through the Saturday Evening Post. I hope you enjoy reading both the poem and the following letters.

Brian Quinn

December 2001

George W. Quinn

George W. Quinn was born in Sweden, N.Y., September 3 1889, son of Nicholas and Caroline Quinn, of Greece, N.Y. Entered the service at Spencerport, N.Y. February 24, 1918, at the age of 28 years, as a Private, being assigned to Company D, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. He was trained at Camp Devens, Ayer, M.A.; and Camp Upton, Yaphank Long Island. Embarked overseas, April 6 1918. The last letter his mother received from him was dated June 2, 1918, which said that her son was encamped in an orchard in bloom, and was about to enter the trenches. After waiting months for further word, Mrs. Quinn moved from Charlotte, N.Y. to Hilton, N.Y.

Private Quinn was killed in the Argonne Forest on September 29, 1918, while attempting to carry a message between Major Charles W. Whittlesey and the latter's Adjutant, Lieutenant Arthur McKeogh, during the operations immediately preceding the German occupation of ground in the rear of Major Whittlesey's famous command, the "Lost Battalion" The Adjutant had been sent back with a score of light machine gunners to silence machine gun positions that had cut communications with the rear during the night, and gave Runner Quinn a message to Major Whittlesey, which was never delivered. Nothing was learned of Quinn's fate until four months after the Armistice. After lying out in the jungle depths of the Argonne all winter, almost buried by vines and underbrush, his body was accidentally found by an American burial squad. The message, with and unposted letter to his mother, was found on the body, the papers being hardly legible. The identification was made positive by the tag, which bore Quinn's serial number. Near the fallen runner were the bodies of three Germans. It was clear from the manner in which they had fallen that all three had been crawling up to Quinn, who must have killed them even as their bullets hit him mortally.

When military authorities tried to notify Mrs. Caroline Quinn, the mother, of the death of her son, the letter was returned because she had already moved. Later a poem written by Captain Arthur McKeogh, describing the incident of Quinn's death in detail, and dedicated specifically to him, was published in the Saturday Evening Post. Mrs. Quinn read this poem, and wrote to the Saturday Evening Post explaining that because she had moved to another village, leaving no forwarding address, poem was the first notice she had of her son's death. The poem is printed in full below:

Runner Quinn

(To Private George W. Quinn, Co. D, 308th Infantry, killed in action near Dead Man's Mill, Argonne Forest, Sept. 29, 1918)

They didn't give Quinn the D.S.C, for they don't know how he died,

But three still forms around him sprawled, they could have testified;

They could have told before he was cold -

If he hadn't plugged their hide.

No one was there when the thing was done, deep in the Argonne glade,

No one but Quinn and the three in gray, and there the four have stayed,

Where the night winds' hush through the soughing brush

Is a psalm for the Unafraid.

We'd never have known he was bumped save in the strangest way,

And that was when, from overseas, came a note the other day,

Which made it clear why we didn't hear

From the Major during the fray.

But Quinn would have reached the new P.C. if saint or devil could;

He'd have plowed that message through honeycombed hell - he was offspring of the wood,

And he knew its craft long ere the draft

Had sucked him in - for good.

A terrible hick from up the state, he fell in with the city bird,

And nobody knew who his buddy was - he was short on the spoken word;

But in rifle pits when they tallied hits

It was rare that his bullets erred.

Yet he shouldn't have drawn the infantry - with his sight in one eye bad,

And a mean little limp that he tried to hide, poor old lumbering lad…

Well farce was fin when they picked on Quinn

As a runner! … The best we had!

The best? … So you don't compree it eh? Well, neither did we at first,

But through all the Vesle and then the Aisne when Jerry sent his worst,

It was: "Private Quinn! This chit goes in

To the Major … Now show a burst!"

And despite the best that Fritz could spill, Quinn ever sifted through,

Ever until that morning - near a cemetery, too -

When they cut our line with their Maxims' whine,

And Quinn was two too few.

We had milled around their cushy nest till men and lead were low

When I started Quinn with a yelp for more, and - well I didn't know

That my jerky scrawl was the last roll call

He'd answer - for three below.

The Boche must have wormed around our flank on a path that had been clear,

A right of way that Quinn bought in a price you'd reckon dear,

But a runner's trail is long - its hail

Is "Where-Do-We-Go-From-Here?"

After he left there wasn't much chance to wonder if he was dead;

Another runner had wiggled through, and soon we pushed ahead

With never a thought that Quinn had fought

Till the trail was blazed in red.

And I didn't hear of his little show, things hummed so thick and fast,

Until from a Captain of pioneers there came the note at last:

"Quinn died as game as his racial name!

And it wasn't odds he asked."

The Captain had found him measured out with his fallen foemen three,

Had found the message- the torch you say? - that he bore for you and me;

It was tucked away for that certain day

When the trail's eternity.

No - the didn't give Quinn the D.S.C., but the tomb wherein he's laid

Was fashioned for all the ages from God's blessed sun and shade,

And the night winds' hush through the soughing brush

Is a psalm for the Unafraid.

A letter from Captain Arthur McKeogh to Private Quinn's Mother gave the following details:

I have your letter with inquiries concerning Private Quinn, whose gallant conduct in France I tried to extol recently in the Saturday Evening Post. It is a source of real gratification to me that this caught your eye because since learning of his death I have been eager to communicate with his Mother or some of his relatives as I know how keen their anxiety would be.

For about six weeks previous to his death Private Quinn was one of approximately fifty runners, assigned to me as Battalion Adjutant of Major Whittlesey's famous command, which you may have read of as the "Lost Battalion." It will gratify you, I know, to realize that your son served with this notable band.

I have only the finest things to say of your boy, I met him first some time in August, 1918 when as Battalion Adjutant, I asked Lieutenant Paul Knight, then in Command of Company D, for advance runners inasmuch as we had suffered considerable casualties from previous engagements. At the time George reported to me, we were in the second line of the Aisne Front, burrowed away in little holes on the protected side of a hill, which afforded us some protection from the German shells. I soon found that your son could be depended upon to discharge most satisfactorily any job given to him; he was one of my most dependable men, intelligent in the matter of forwarding messages, sometimes of very great importance, and the kind who could be counted upon to fulfill his mission where others might fail. He was serenely indifferent under shellfire and, quite frankly watching his coolness in moments of stress, served as an inspiration to me.

He was perhaps the quietest of my men, and I had learned that under the stress of trying conditions the man to do a thing was he who had previously done the least talking about his ability to do it. George had a reputation among his comrades for being somewhat shy, but equally a friend of all who sought his company, and he was noted for his liberality, on numerous occasions having loaned his associates money when they had spent their own.

When the Lost Battalion was first cut off I had left Private Quinn in charge of a runner post of three men just north of a little cemetery in the Argonne Forest on the forth day of that attack. His post was one of thirteen of which he and his two comrades constituted Post 12. The Germans had stationed machine guns in and around Post 10, and when I was first in command of a small party to try and drive them out it was your son who guided me to their position. On that morning, September 28th, we were having a rather bad time of it north of the cemetery near Dead Man's Mill. I met George where I had stationed him the previous day with another runner at Post 12, about one hundred and fifty yards south of the point where I had just left Major Whittlesey. I was on my way with fifteen men to attack some machine gun nests at the cemetery itself about two hundred yards still further south. When I tell you that I had left George at the Post I mean simply that I had designated during the advance of the previous day a certain spot just off a footpath which was just like any other spot in the woods - dense vines and bushes, close growing saplings and towering above them trees almost as old as France itself. When I came to George's Post he was alone because his fellow runner was attempting to deliver a message.

"Three Boche just came up the path about fifteen minutes ago, Lieutenant," Quinn said to me, "and they don't seem to know we're here because they were strolling along just as we might be some place in back of our lines, talking very excitedly over a piece of paper that one of them seemed to be reading. They stopped before the came up to me (George and his buddy had put up their pup tent a few feet off the path) and the fellow who was reading tore up the paper and they all turned around and went down the hill. I would have taken a crack at them if the other fellow had been with me."

And while we were having this conversation, George suddenly looked sharply over my shoulder, picked up his rifle and fired. I turned, quickly, having had my pistol in my hand since early morning, to hear the unearthly scream that a man mortally wounded always gives. Together we ran over to the spot where he had fired and found a German infantryman already dead, with his knees hunched up in way that would have been funny if it were not tragic. Several of my men immediately fell upon the German's knapsack and took from it his black bread and a can of some sort of hash. We were all quite hungry, not having had anything to eat for about a day and a half. I let the men collect what they could from the Boche, in the way of food, and I started forward with my little detachment with George at my side to guide me to the double trees where we suspected the machine guns were. It was then about half past nine in the morning. We began to engage the machine guns and exchange fire, after having had a parley with the German commander in which, lacking a sense of humor, he demanded that we surrender; and so on until about noon, when not having heard from Major Whittlesey and knowing that he must be hearing my fire, I decided to send Quinn with a message to the Major telling him that the Germans were pretty strongly lodged around a cemetery and that we would appreciate it if he would send me a Stoke's Mortar, a weapon that throws a small shell with high explosives contents. Now please remember that I had less fear for George's safety when I gave him this message than I might have had half a dozen times in other engagements, for the reason that the ground over which he was to travel, as we thought, had been cleared of the enemy by our troops in the previous day and the distance was not much more than 100 yards. So when he did not come back to me in half an hour or so, I was surprised and concluded that he had probably lost his way - that was very easy to do I assure you - and I sent another runner.

It was by an odd coincidence that I learned of your son's death, months later. I had inquired of the Regiment Infantry Association, but learned they knew nothing of him, then one day in April last, Captain Jack A. McGrady, who lives on Arkansas Avenue in Lorraine, Ohio, wrote to me through Colliers, in which I had published an article carrying a reference to your son. Captain McGrady had read the article and later while policing the area of the forest had found the body of Private Quinn.

Among George's effects was the message which he had tried to get through to Major Whittlesey and, as Captain McGrady writes me there were also letters to his Mother, and as he remembers it one to an Aunt in New Rochelle (Williamsville). Unfortunately the letters could not be preserved. In fact, it was so rare a chance as I can hardly make clear to you that his body was ever found, four months to the day after he had been killed. I say it was a rare chance because the forest is really a jungle and I have no doubt that there are many bodies there, which never will be recovered.

Private Quinn must have put up a very good fight before he went, to have taken along with him unaided as he was, three of the crack German Infantry. I am very proud of him. To me he typifies the kind of American doughboy who faithfully performed all his duties, without any grumbling, who took hardships as they came and who in the end gave everything he had without any blowing of trumpets.

Captain McGrady wrote me that Private Quinn was buried with full military honors, in a temporary cemetery along the Chalevaux road, where the Lost Battalion made its stand. It was Captain McGrady's company that fired the last salute above these graves. The Signal Corps he added had moving picture machines there at the time, and it may be that by inquiring of the Signal Corps in Washington, you can learn, if you are interested, whether or not you could see these pictures.

The bodies of those buried in the Charlevaux Valley have since been removed to the big American cemetery at Romagne, which will be a consolation to you to know will be well cared for. The exact location of his final resting place is Grave 20, Section 5, Plot 1 Argonne American Cemetery No. 1,232, Romagne-sous-Montfaucon, Meuse, France.

I am sorry indeed to learn that your misfortune was doubled in the loss of your husband at the time, and I hope you have taken consolation so largely due you from the fact that your son did the finest thing it was possible for a man to do in service of his country. For myself I shall be one of those who, when I revisit France, will pay very reverent tribute at his grave, aware as I must be that it was much more than I could ever hope to do.

A letter from Private Quinn's Mother said:

Mrs. Janes called and took George's picture and the poem that Lieutenant McKeogh wrote, and some letters. She told me she would call on you, for I am working and cannot leave my job at present.

I think it is very kind of you folks to look after our dead boy's history. Oh, how I wish I could have my boy back! I am glad to hear of the good he has done for all.

Answering your question, I never received any medals."

May

1. More mud and machine gun drill. Done MP at night for 3 hrs. Went into machine gun competition & came out 1st in company.

2. First real sunny day since we're in town. Machine gun drill. Some more speed tests at night. Letter home.

3. Another nice day. Getting better speed tests & loading drill mechanism.

4. Nice day. Same old machine gun drill. Bummed around and washed up. Started to rain about 11PM. Competition in elementary drill and passed.

5. Rain and cloudy all day. Went to St. Amar and had a grand spree. First time since I left the states that I really had enough to eat.

6. Nice and sunny day. Worked like a beaver at machine gun drill and wrote a letter home. Went to bed early. Bombarding again.

7. Rain all day. Machine gun drill traversing and searching. Dispatched rider in afternoon after drill. Bombarding all day and night.

8. Nice day. Machine gun frill rough ground and over mud. Dispatched rider to Division Hdqtrs. Bombarding all day and night. Air raid 2AM.

9. Nice day. Up at 5:30. Machine gun range all morning. Made pretty good score. Machine gun drill afternoon. Regular party at night. Bread, CW eggs, jam and beer. Bombarding stopped.

10. Cloudy day. Machine gun drill rough ground. Mud from head to foot. Drenched through and through. Bombarding again. 8 months in Army.

11. Nice day. Machine gun range in morning. Gas in afternoon. Phosphate and chlorine. Bath at night and cootie hunt. Haven't any as yet, thank the Lord. Bombarding stopped.

12. Rain in morning. Sunny afternoon. Had one swell dinner, about 4 pieces of steak. Borrowed a few francs and had a few drinks. Mother's Day. Letter home.

13. Rain all day. Machine gun drill in morning. Range in afternoon. Soaked through and through. Two letters from home, wife. Letter home. Air raid. Paid off 62 francs.

14. Nice day. Machine gun drill all day. Drunk as a lord at night. Dispatch rider 12 o'clock at midnight. All night to Erperlecque. No sleep. Paid off some debts. Air raid.

15. Nice day. Range in the morning. 400 & 500 yards. Back in the afternoon. Slept from 2-5. Air raid at night. One dropped a bomb 100 yards from house.

16. Nice day. Machine gun drill rough ground in morning and auxiliary mount drill in afternoon. 6 eggs after supper.

September

1. Rain. Still sick. Chills and fever. One decent meal all day. Getting colder. Expect to do another hitch in the line soon. I hope not. Acting Cpl.

2. Nice day. Bombarding all night. Expect a few over here. Camping in woods near Sergey. Airplane fight brought down balloon. Parachute. Letter home.

3. Guard 1-3AM. Getting to fell better. Pretty good eats. Aerial mount evening. Cold as hell. Captured hill. Expect to move up soon.

4. Hung around, picked flowers. Broke camp 7PM. Hiked to Fismes 11PM. Slept in open, no shelter. Starting to chase Jerry.

5. Up at 7. cooked own breakfast. Pulled out 11:30AM. Met Frank near Fismes. Shelled along road. Stopped in woods 3 kilos from Fismes and dug in. No eats all day. Kitchen lost. Still chasing Jerry. Rain. Camped near Serval.

6. Slept fine, good dugout. Finally found the kitchen. Expect eats. Pretty good breakfast. Shelled in afternoon. 6 horses killed. Mess sergh(sp??) and cook sounded. Good supper.

7. Nice day. Walked back to Fismes. Got a whole new rig, all but leggings. Hiked back. Issued iron rations. Plenty of steak, 3 pieces. Packed up, ready for action. Expect attack but didn't materialize. Rain at night.

8. Nice day. Hung in dugout all day. Pretty good eats. 3 letters, 1 from wife, sisters and Mary. Expect counter attack. Rain in evening. Barrage.

9. Up at 3AM. Stand to order cancelled. Expect relief soon. Hinchel hit by shrapnel. Rain in evening and all thru the night.

10. One year in army. Rain all day. Sloppy under foot. No relief in sight. Might have to go up front for another hitch. Two letters from home. Hiked 4 kilos in mud up to knees to front line for another hitch. Started 8AM, arrived 1AM. Longeval.

11. Mounted gun in position. Acting Cpl. Rain all morning. Little hole for a dugout and no relief in sight. Got to keep under cover all day long. Shelled hell out of this place. No eats, only what you can panhandle. This company is S.O.L. fixed dugout.

12. Slept pretty good all night. Rain all day. First good meal in 3 days. Moved gun to new position. Up all night. Dug in berm position near Merval.

13. No sleep and rain all morning. Jackassed ammo to position. Dug in some more. Expect attack tonight.

14. Nothing doing till 4AM. Woke up and had to make position under fire. Nobody hurt as yet. Thank God. Stood to all day. No sleep and then stood to all night. Nice day.

15. Nice day. No excitement outside of ducking Jerry snipers and machine gun bullets. Gun hit with piece of shrapnel. Jerry raiding party came over about 10PM. Fighting all night.

16. Relieved 5AM by Italians. Stayed in old dugout all night. Made flapjacks. Some job. Pulled out 8PM. Hiked in pouring rain all night. 20 kilos.

17. Arrived Vezilly 9:30AM. All tired out. Lost pack and all my personal stuff. Left Vezilly 7:30PM in Lorries. Rain all night.

18. Arrived Epanse 10:30AM. Backside sore from riding on a hard board bench and cramped up. First meal in 24hrs. Raised hell over in French YMCA. Helluva town. Can't buy a damn thing.

19. Slept fine all night. Going to move out tonight. Rolled pack and hung around all day. Had a oneway bath. Slept in a bed full of cooties.

20. Up at 1:30AM. Left Epense 3AM. Hiked all night. Stopped at St. Menchould in woods. Left St. Menchould at 8PM. Hiked 10 kilos to Florent, 11:30PM. 1 meal all day.

21. Slept till 10AM. Hung around all day. Not allowed to stick head out of door all day. Kitchen lost again as usual. Had to cook our own meal.

22. Up at 4:30AM. Went to 5 o'clock mass and came back to bed. Supposed to go to Achuseh tonight but orders came down to move at 8PM. Left Florent 10PM. Arrived Argonne woods 12PM. Rain like hell.

23. Stood in rain, soaked to skin, till 5AM. Made a cup of coffee and slept till ten. Hung around all day. No excitement at night. Wrote letter home.

24. Nice day. Received 4 letters form home. Wrote letter to Meck and Frances. Sick as dog all day. Paid off 106 francs.

25. sick. Rainy day. Cleaned guns and moved guns from one position to another. Move out tonight. Nine months married. Pulled out 8PM. Hiked with guns all night.

26. Traveled up and down trenches all night and morning. Supposed to pull off big drive over with first wave on the flanks. 7:30AM and still no excitement except local artillery duel. Misty. Lost battalions Hdqtr. Hung around all day waiting for orders. Found a dugout and went to sleep.

27. Rain all morning. Finished up lat of iron rations. Hung around all day. Supposed to move up tonight but wait till tomorrow. First meal in 3 days, bread and coffee. Letter from home.

28. Nice day. Had breakfast and dinner. All ready to pull out. Pulled out 2PM. Hiked about 5 kilos. Rain all night, no slickers. Finally found an old Jerry dugout and went in out of the rain. Soaked through and lost, as usual. 1 man hit shrapnel.

29. Up all night, no sleep. Moved guns up about 500 yrds and then back again. Jerry sniper some place in back of us but can't locate him. Leut, Barfield killed, shrapnel, 3:30PM. No officers left in company. Moved to new dugout about 300 yrds back. 1 meal.

30. Rain and mud. Hung around all day. Caught hell off Colonel. Expect orders to go to front tonight. No orders, 1 meal all day. New Leut. McGuire.

October

1. Rainy and misty 8AM. Pulled up forward again about 200 yrds. Mud up to knees. New officer in charge. Regimental reserve. Cpld as hell and no blankets. Couldn't sleep all night/ Letter from home. Busted.

2. Nice day. No eats arrived as yet. But leave it to me to get some. Moved up further front on meal of bread and corn willie. Sniper chased me for about 50 yrds. Guard 8-10PM. Sniper shooting all night.

3. Nice day. Slept in dugout sitting up. Took a detail of 40 men for chow. First meal that was worthwhile in 8 days down at Festcheri. Carried Stokes motor ammo about 2 kilos up to line under machine gun and shell fire. Nobody hurt. No sleep all night. Letter from home.

4. Slept a few hours this morning. Shelled hell out of the place for about an hour. 5 men hurt, shrapnel. Ammo detail in afternoon. Shelled again, 5PM. One man killed & 8 wounded, caved in dugout. Johnny Ledwith shot by machine gun. Absolute nervous wreck. Quiet night. 1st & 2nd Btln. Boxed in by Jerry and cut off. Lynch killed on ammo detail, missing.

5. Shelled again. C. Kedenburg killed. 1 man wounded. Hung in dugout all day. 1 meal, canned willie and bread and coffee. Gun guard at night. No shelter. Letter from home. Beans & willie made again.

6. Nice day. Six months A.E.F. Dug gun positions & cleaned guns and ammo all day. No relief in sight. Letter from Frances. Ration detail till late at night. Beans and willy.

7. Up at 7, raining. Expect detail for front line water & overcoats any minute. All the old men nearly gone. Letter from home. Expect relief soon. Beans and willy. Found Patty (sp?) Lynch and buried him.

8. Cloudy. Jerry must have moved back. Quiet. Ration detail. Jerry moved back still further. 1st & 2nd Btln. Opened up communications this morning. Beans and willy.

9. Nice day. Cold as hell all night. Moved around to different quarters & demonstrated on gun. Cleaned gun. Expect to move into line tomorrow.

10. Nice day. Cold. Up at 4AM. Packed guns and ammo about 5 miles. Stopped in woods. Slept pretty good. 1 meal all day, beans and willy and coffee. 13 months in army.

11. Up at 3:30AM. Cold. Packed limbers(sp?) and hung around till 7. Hiked about 2 kilos and wound up in woods. No shelter and under shell fire. Battery of 75's pulled in right in front of us. Willy.

12. Still in the woods. Hardly any sleep. Dug in. Rain and mist. Battery opened up in evening. Airial gun guard 2 hrs. Willy, coffee and hard tack.

13. Rain. Up at 5AM. 19 days and still no relief in sight. Most of the men all injured. Boucou rumors about peace but the artlliary is more active than ever. Postal from wife, letter from Frances. Sent 6 postals back.

14. Up at 3AM. Rolled packs and moved up about 1 kilo. Dug in. Moved up to 1st line 8:30PM. Hiked all night, forded the Aire river and wound up in line. Kept hiking. 1 man killed, 1 wounded ammo detail.

15. (La Loirease). Hiked all morning. Arrived 1st line soaking wet under direct enfilade fire of Jerry's gun. About 10 men wounded, q killed. Manthey(sp?) killed 11AM. Shelled all morning. Regular deathtrap. Miller H., A. Connel, Bliss Bakka, Randazzo, T. Redenberg, Coleman killed. Relieved 7PM. 78 Div.

16. Rain. Hiked all night and morning. Lost ½ Company. Patrol to try and find them. Stayed in dugouts for night.

17. Rain. Up at 4:30AM. Hiked all day and finally found Company at Abrey Crochet. Found a pretty good dugout and turned in.

18. Nice day. Cleaned guns. Got a bath and entire new uniform. Turned in early. Letter from wife.

19. Up at 5AM. Stand to all day. Cleaned guns and cartridges. Running Company like a regular Boarding school punk. Whole Company disgusted.

20. Rain all day. Up at 2AM. Rolled packs and hiked to front line about 15 kilos. Reserve Chateau after hiking all day. Dried clothes in one of Jerry's shacks. Good supper.

21. Slept fine all night. Cleaned guns. Moved to new quarters. Show in afternoon. Pretty good. 2 letters from home. Wrote letter to home. Chene Tondou.

22. Slept fine all night. Up at 6AM. I.D.R. in morning. Cleaned guns and nomanclature in afternoon. Got hell from Leut. McGuire. Rain.

23. Up at 5:45AM. Rolled packs. Our day to be on the alert. I.D.R. in morning. Machine gun firing in afternoon. Jerry sunk 2 balloons. Bombing party at night. Otherwise O.K.

24. Cleaned guns and nomanclature in morning. Lecture by M.J Alexander. Hiked all afternoon and evening to reserve position. Shelled at night, gas.

25. Moved up further. Dug [position and made ourselves comfortable. Moved back about 4 kilos to woods. Pitched tents. Pouring rain. Rotten chow, 10 months married.

26. Clearing up. Cleaned guns. Rotten chow, roast beef hash. Kept busy all day on guns. Some "play the game stuff" by McGuire.

27. Cold as an iceberg all night. Up at 5:45. Monkey exercises and nomenclature in morning. Rolled packs and moved back 1 kilo.

28. Managed to keep pretty warm all night. Up at 5:45. elementary drill in morning. Range in afternoon.

29. Up at 5:45. Frosty. Monkey exercises and elementary drill. Worked all day. Letter from home at night. No sleep. Heavy shelling. Rumor has it that Austria quit.

30. Up 5:45. Cold. Some damn fool started a fire over a Jerry dud. 1 man blinded and about 4 hurt. Machine gun and pistol range in afternoon. Met Meyer first time in 7 months. Heavy shelling all night.

31. Up at 5:45. Cold 305th M.G.B moved in during night. Elementary drill all day. 305th moved up at night. Letter form wife and Frances. 2 letters home. Rain in evening. Expect barrage.

Got 2 1Lb. Shells for souvenirs from Brogan.

November

1. Big drive started today. Up at 4:30. One beautiful barrage. Rolled packs and stood to all day. Expect to move up tomorrow. Rumor that Turkey quit and Austria granted armistice. I hope so. Unrolled packs and went to sleep.

2. Up at 4:30. Rolled packs and left at 6:30AM. Hiked to Marq, had a cup of coffee and hiked to St. Juvien. 1 slice of corned willie and cup of coffee for supper. Hiked all night.

3. Hiked till 6:45AM. Stopped at Verngel. Slept till 9. Had a cup of coffee and some rice, bacon and hardtack. Hiked all day till 9PM. Big blister on left foot. Stoped at Germont (sp?) barn.

4. Up at 6. roast beef, coffee and hardtack. Left Germont 7. Stopped at Authe for a rest of a few hrs. Left Authe and hiked about 2 kilos. Jerry opened fire with H.E's and gas. Couldn't move till night fall. Hiked to St. Pieremont and slept in barn.

5. Up at 3:30. had a cup of coffe and hardtack. Left St Piermont 4:30. Arrived Oches 7AM. Shelled gas and H.E. Left Aches 12AM. Hiked to La Belliere. Stayed in town till 4:50. Shelled town while we were there. Hiked to Stonne but couldn't get into town on account of shell fire. Went back to La Belliere and stayed overnight. Rain.

6. Rain. Up at 5. Had breakfast, rice and coffee. Left La Belliere and hiked into Stonne and Davy came back at 2PM. Had chow and hiked to edge of village of Raincourt. Stayed in old gristmill and dried out.

7. Up at 5. No breakfast. Left Raincourt 9AM. Passed through Harcourt. Stopped outside Angecourt but pulled up in woods. Shelled all day and night. Killed 7 mules in 306 M.G.B. Slept in open all night.

8. Cold. Had a coog breakfast. Moved back to Harecourt. Slept in barn. Good supper. Expect an armistice any moment. Larry McGuire finally left-good riddance.

9. Had a fine sleep. Good eats, etc. Some change since Davy is back. Officially made Coporel. 3 packages of reading matter form home. Bounced a few over.

10. Up at 8. had a good breakfast. Went to 10:30 Mass. Good eats. Expect to move up but haven't received orders yet. Bounced them all around the barn but nobody hurt. 14 months in army.

11. Up early. Expect finish of war today. Cease firing order at 11AM. Nice and quiet. No shooting.

12. Up at 7AM. Rolled packs and had a bath. Left Harencourt 1PM. Arrived Oches 7PM. Slept in old Jerry prison camp. Cold as blazes.

13. Up at 7, cold. Left Oches 12Pm. Hiked 15 kilos to Beaumont. Pitched tents on field. Talk about cold. Whew!

14. Up at 6 with icicles on my toes. Hiked 7 kilos to Mouzon. Patrolling the border between Jerry's lines and ours on the banks of the Meuse. Slept in barn, Boucou hay.

15. Up at 8. Cold. Hung around all day. Have to cross pontoon bridge every meal. Good eats. S letters form wife and 2 from Frances. Gun guard 4PM. 120 new men.

16. Slept out in gun position all night. Frozen stiff. Relieved 4PM. Had a fine stew for supper. Wrote letter home.

17. Up at 6. Rolled packs and got ready to move. Hung around all day waiting orders but stayed overnight. Very cold.

18. Up at 6. Cold. Monkey meat for breaakfst. Rolled packs and moved from Mouzon to Beaumont about 10 kilos. First snow.

19. Slept pretty good all night. Pay day but I'm S.O.L. $90 IOU's/ Expect to be home before Christmas.

20. Up at 5:30. Rolled pack. Left Beaumont and hiked 18 kilos to Buzancy. Slept in stable. Move again tomorrow. YMCA.

21. Up at 5:30. Hiked about 23 kilos to Chatel Chehery. Passed through Thenorgues, Verpel, Chanyignenlle, St. Jein, Maroq, Cornay. Slept in church.

22. Left Chatel Chehery 8. Passed through Apremont, Montblainville, Varennes, La Harazee and stopped at Vienne le Chateau. 28 kilos all in.

23. Up at 5:30. Left Vienne le Chateau 8. Hiked to Canys Petits Bastis about ½ kilo from Florent. Slept pretty good.

24. Up at 6. went to 8 o'clock Mass and then walked about 4 kilos to be deloused but were disappointed. Hiked to Florent for grub.

25. Up at 7. changed underwear and took a bath in can. Hiked to Le Claon, presentation of D.S.Co. Start 9 day hike in morning. Married 11 months.

26. Up at 5:30. Rolled packs. Left Petits Batis at 8:30. Hiked through Moisesrout, St. Menhould, Dancourt and stopped at Braux St. Remy. 18 kilos. Rain.

27. Rain. Left Braux 8:30. Passed through le Vieil Daanspierre, La Neuville and stopped at Givry en Argonne.Had ham cut by old women.

28. Rain. Left Givry en Argonne 8. Thanksgiving dinner- 1 piece of bully beef. Passed through Le Chatlier Nettancourt, Vroil, Bettancourt la Loar(sp?), Villere la Sec and stopped at Alliancelles. 20 kilos.

29. Left Alliancelles 8. Arrived Villes en Lieu. 22 kilos. Boucou beer and vin blanc. Rain.

30. First dry day. Had a French woman cook some rabbit stew for dinner and supper. Some feed. Rest all day. Big hike for four more days. Borrowed 25 francs form Bries. Joe Grasek killed by Morgan. Put under guard.

1919

A.E.F.

January

1. Happy New Year for some but just Wednesday for me. Had a little dance in café, wound up in fight. Guard 3rd relief.

2. Up at 8. Cloudy. Hung around all day. Letter to wife. Rumor has it that we're home 3/15.19.

3. Rain. Had a lot of fun in morning. Bull in the ring. Drove a couple of mules on a gravel detail.

4. Nice day. Inspection of equipment in morning. Hiked to Arges (sp.?) to see a couple of bums get D.S. Co.9sp.?). Guard 3rd relief. Rain all night. Rumor we leave here the 15th of Jan.

5. Nice day. The company went to Pont La Ville for a bath in morning & Arges to memorial service in afternoon. I had my bath in château. Dance at night. Played drum. War dance by Bcd Dave. Colonel back again.

6. Nice day. Hiked to top of hill & had I.D.R & exercise. Competition M.G. in afternoon. My team won all 3 prizes of 5 franc each = 7 bottle (???) Letter from home. Letter to wife & Frances.

7. Nice day. I.D.R in morning. Monkey exercises. Jack Dowling stole candle & the Bolsheviks squad had to recapture it. M.G. in afternoon.

8. Nice day. M.G & I.D.R. in morning. Policed up in afternoon. I saved toothbrush & laces, gloves. Guard 1st relief.

9. Up at 4. Nice day. Steak for breakfast. Slept from 9-11 AM. Washed clothes. Had eggs for supper.

10. Nice day. Took a mile ride to Aizanville to dentist. Had two teeth filled. Letter from Frances. Letter to Frances & Clara. 16 mos. In Army.

11. Nice day. Inspection of equipment. Bought a very pretty apron & handkerchief for wife. Sent h'kchf home in blue envelope. Dance at night till 11:45.

12. Rain. Up at 7:30. Hung around all day. Pancakes for supper made by Reed & Hocher. Guard 3rd relief. Dance all night Reg. Orchestra 12:30.

13. Up at 7. Hung around while Company went on maneuvers. Guard all day. Drew long pants. Had a little Vino party. AH! Jim you were so nice till you drank.

14. Up at 6. left at 7:30 for maneuvers. One helluva hike past Arges. Back for maneuvers 1:30. Hung around all afternoon. I worked in pistols. Ran bobsled(sp.??) over.

15. Up at 6. Rain. Left 7:30 for Pont laVille. Some more damn fool maneuvers in morning. Back at 12:30. Hung around all afternoon. Mock court martial at night.

16. Nice day. Policed up. Hung around all day. Basketball game in afternoon. Guard 3rd relief. Rain at night.

17. Up at 6. Cloudy. Squad went to stable & learned how to clean a mule after 9 months A.K …(??)). Layne turned in, chow line. Army Corps inspection in morning. Letter and (??) from wife. Drew pistol again. Morgan returned to Company under guard. (sp?) has a jug.

18. Up at 5. Snowy. Hiked to Arges for Corp. inspection. Full packs. One big joke. Slept in afternoon. Hung around all day. Letter from home.

19. Nice day. Hung around all day. Orchestra came to town and we had a dance in the evening. Got to bed 12 midnight.

20. Nice day. Up at 5:30. Half platoon went on maneuvers in morning. I go next. Guard 3rd relief. Cold as blazes.

21. Nice day. Cold. Had Morgan and Layne out on road. Hung around rest of time. 2 letters from wife and some going back. Gang went on to maneuvers in morning. Huber mule skinner.

22. Cold. Up at 5. Went on corp maneuvers to Braux. Came back at 3PM. No dinner and damn little stew for supper. Went to show over in Pont La Ville by Co.'s A & D. Very good.

23. Nice day. Cold. M.G. range in morning. Beacon timber (sp.??) was (sp??) in afternoon. Went to Pont La Ville at night to see fight.

24. Nice day. M.G. range in morning. Dentist in afternoon. Had another tooth filled. Gang signed payroll but as usual I'm S.O.L. Guard 1st relief.

25. Guard all day. Cold. Co. paid off but I just look on. Movie show at night, fighting, blood made me feel homesick. 13 mos married.

26. Nice day. Went to 10AM mass. Basketball game in morning. Colored players show at night. Viny flowing like water. Pretty good show. Letter from boss. Snow at night.

27. Nice day. About 3" snow on ground. Cleaned guns in morning. Hung around in afternoon. Wrote to boss. Letter from home & one home and to Frances.

28. Nice day. Turned in holsters and chips. Packed M.G. for shipment. Guard 2nd relief. Show at night. Co. C.B. 25 years old today. Morgan trial today.

29. Nice day. Guard all day. Turned in bolos. Wrote letter to Frances. Band concert in evening. Snowing. Letter to wife and Rose.

30. Nice day. Hiked around in morning. Layne court-martialed,3-3-2. Went to dentist in afternoon. 2 teeth filled. Snow in afternoon.