Dionysos

vol. V p. 1010-1046

1) A port

on the coast of Marmarica, <40> between Phthia and Χερσόνησος μεγάλη, Stad. mar. magn. 44. 45.

[Sethe.]

2) The God

I. The name and its meaning

Encountered in the Homeric epics, apart from in the catalogue of women interpolated into the Nekyia of the Odyssey, there is only the form Διώνυσος, which, amongst the older poets, Hesiod, Archilochos, Theognis, and Pindar (apart from Isthm. VII 5, where Διόνυσος stands) have. On Boeotian stones, <50> besides the form Διόνουσος (only IGS I 1786; Διονούσιος [Διονουσία] more often; Διονιουσόδωρος I 2814. 2815. 2827 [from Hyettos; 2815. 2827 besides Διωνιουσόδωρος]), there appears Διώνυσος and Διώνουσος (cf. Dittenberger’s Index p. 760); the personal name Διωνιουσόδωρος vouches for Διωνίουσος. The Attic form is Διόνυσος, so eg. Od. XI 325. [Hom.] Hymn. XVIII to Pan 46 (ὁ Βάκχειος Διόνυσος) and VI to Dionysos (ἢ λῃσταί) 56 (besides Διώνυσος 1); cf. v. Wilamowitz Aus Kydathen 225. <60> In Ionic and Doric inscriptions (Kretschmer Aus der Anomia 21f.), we mostly encounter Διόνυσος. Notable exceptions are: Διένυσος on an archaic inscription from Amorgos (Bull. hell. VI 1882, 187); Δεύνυσος in Anakreon 2, 11, Bergk PLG³ III 1012 (cf. Schol. Townl. Il. XIV 325. Etym. M. 277, 37), with which v. Wilamowitz Homer. Unters. 149, 8 rightly compares the personal name Δεονῦς in Erythrai (Roehl IGA 494), <page break 1010/1011> Δεόνυσος in Samos, Etym. M. 259, 30, according to which Kretschmer loc. cit. 22 has rightly positioned the names of officials with Δεονυσ- as being from the cities Abdera and Maroneia which lie in Thrace. In Crete (Eleutherna), we find the form Διοννυσίαν, E. Fabricius Athen. Mitt. X 1885, 92. 93. For the Aeolian dialect, from the Lesbian inscription Collitz Dialektinschr. num. 271 the form Ζόννυσος is attested, and from the inscription from Tyrnavo the personal name Διόννυσος is attested for North Thessaly (Collitz num. 1329 IIa 10). <10> It’s uncertain which dialect the shortened form διονῦς came from (Hesych. s. διονῦς ⋅ ὁ γυναικίας καὶ παράθηλυς). Perceptively, Kretschmer loc. cit. decided - from the fluctuation between ε and ι in the first syllable, which also turns up in Thracian and Macedonian dialects, and “based on the uncertainty of the Phrygian-Thracian vowels, whose sound was probably somewhere between i and e <20> and hence was rendered in various ways by the Greeks” - that the name of the god came from Thrace, and in my view, it’s very plausible it means Διὸς νῦσος, because the Thracian word for son (like νύσα = νύμφη, κόρη; cf. the Νῦσαι of the Sophilos vase Athen. Mitt. XIV 1889 Taf. I) can be seen in νῦσος, and the inscription given to the Dionysos-Child Διὸς φώς (not Διὸς φῶς) <30> on the bf. (black figure) amphora in the Minervini Monum. ined. de R. Barone tav. I is read as meaning ‘The man of Zeus, Zeus-hero’, which means it fits with his explanation of the name Διόνυσος excellently. For other interpretations of the name from older and more recent times, see Preller-Robert Gr. Mythol. I⁴ 664, 1. cf. with regards to that the polemic remarks against Kretschmer in Rohde Psyche II² 38, 1. The form Διόνυξος Schol. Townl. Il. XIV 325 and Etym. M. 277, 35 is also to be noted. <40>

II. The spreading and the development of the cult

The cult of Dionysos was so far spread in Greek antiquity that here doesn’t seem to be the place to list out every single source in which his name appears. This is because there was barely any Greek city in which he wasn’t honoured from probably the 6th century BCE onwards. There would also be no point in listing all the festivals of Dionysos, because everywhere that there was a theatre, there would naturally have been Dionysia. <50> On the other hand, it is necessary to try to describe the development which his cult went under in Greece. As with Demeter (vol. IV p. 2715), there are also two ways to be distinguished. If we take it as certain that Dionysos’ homeland is Thrace, we can assume right from the start that the Dionysos-cult expanded over water just as over land. He wandered about Thessaly and Boeotia just as likely as he did the about the islands, and towards Asia Minor. <60> From the 8th century onwards, we can follow its expansion. Many myths let us know of the opposition which the Greek population originally had against this foreign god. This was because the ways of this Thracian God both opposed Greece’s national character, and was entirely foreign to the old Homeric representations. In the Homeric poems, the Thracian Dionysos first appears Il. VI 130 <page break 1011/1012> in the tale of Glaukos and Diomedes’ meeting: the son of Dryas, the violent Lykurgos, pursues the τιθῆναι of Dionysos μαινόμενος κατ’ ἠγάθεον Νυσήιον, which means that, struck by his scourge, they throw the θυσθλά on the ground. Out of fear, Dionysos disappears into the sea’s waves, where Thetis receives him in a friendly manner, but Lykurgos is blinded by the scorn of the gods; on this, cf. E. Rohde Psyche II² 5, 2. <10> By the term τιθῆναι, the maenads are most likely to have been meant, with whom Andromache Il. XXII 460 (μαινάδι ἴση) is compared. These Homeric passages are likely to be from a very small and late source, however, they still prove that the orgiastic cult of the Thracian Dionysos wasn’t unknown to the later epic. These literary sources for the Dionysos-cult, which are the oldest, readily show us enthusiasm, the divine madness, as being a mark of the cult of Dionysos. <20> Even in antiquity, Thrace is already most often said to be his homeplace, eg. by Herod. V 7 θεοὺς δὲ σέβονται μούνους τούσδε, Ἄρεα καὶ Διόνυσον καὶ Ἄρτεμιν and by Pomp. Mela II 17 Montes interior attollit, Haemon et Rhodopen et Orbelon, sacris Liberi patris et coetu Maenadum, Orpheo primum initiante, celebratos; cf. Lobeck Aglaophamus I 289ff. Rapp Die Beziehungen des D.-Cults zu Thrakien und Kleinasien, Progr. des Karls-Gymnasiums in Stuttgart 1882. Rohde Psyche II² 6. <30> The fact that the origin of the name suggested by Kretschner fits with these ancient reports (num. I) makes perfect sense, and nothing today would justify us turning back to K. O. Müller’s conjecture that there were two separate Thracian peoples, a crude barbarian one in the north, and another that was located in the middle of Greece and had fostered the cults of Dionysos and the muses; cf. F. Hiller v. Gaertringen De Graecorum fabulis ad Thraces pertinentibus quaestiones criticae, Berl. Diss. 1886, 1ff. Rohde Psyche II² 8, 1. <40> Dionysos had various names in Thrace, from which Bassareus, Gigon, Dyalos, Sabazios, and Sabos are attested for us. Also, the name Bakchos came very probably from Thrace, if the ancients are right about this name being derived from σαβάζειν = βάζειν = εὐάζειν; cf. Lobeck Aglaophamus II 1042. Rohde Psyche II² 7, 3. <50> The name Iakhos found in the Eleusinian mysteries belongs there; cf. Etym. M. s. Ἴακχος⋅ αὐτὸς ὁ Διόνυσος, ἤ ἑορτή. παρὰ τὴν ἰαχὴν τὴν ἐν ταῖς χορείαις γινομένην, τουτέστι τὴν βοήν, γίνεται ἴαχος⋅ καῖ πλεονασμῷ τοῦ κ, ἴακχος. ἢ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τοῖς πότοις ἰαχῆς. Ἰάοκχος on an Eleusinian inscription, Dittenberger Syll.² 650 with Anm. 8. With regards to this, Hesych. s. Ἰυγγίνης⋅ ὁ Διόνυσος from ἰυγή = φωνή, κραυγή, βοή. Encountered more often in the Cult is Δ. Βάκχος, <60> the sources for which are collected in Preller-Robert Griech. Mythol. I⁴ 665, 1, but where Maeander Tralles is to be read instead of Magnesia. The cult of the Thracian Dionysos had no similarity to the ancient Greek one, but rather was much more related to the orgiastic cults of Asia Minor, and above all others it was related to the Phrygian cult of the great mother, who was worshipped under different names on different mountains in boisterous and wild joy, <page break 1012/1013> just as the Thracian Dionysos was worshipped under different names, but was always celebrated with the same tumultuous enthusiasm. On the mountain peaks of Thrace, in the dark night, which was lit up by blazing torches and made alive by the music and the cheer of the pious people, the wild god was greeted with cries of joy from the boisterous band of his followers. Above all else, it was women who indulged in these loud nightly ceremonies. <10> Their acts are depicted with exquisite and poetic creativity by E. Rohde Psyche II² 9ff. Intoxicating drinks raised the desire for these celebrations, which meant that the alcoholism of the Thracians became a well known fact to the ancients; cf. eg. Plat. Leg. I 637 E Σκύθαι δὲ καὶ Θρᾷκες ἀκράτῳ παντάπασι χρώμενοι, γυναῖκές τε καὶ αὐτοί, καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἱματίων καταχεόμενοι καλὸν καὶ εὔδαιμον ἐπιτήδευμα ἐπιτηδεύειν νενομίκασι. A kind of hashish seems to have also brought about the religious ecstasy; <20> Rohde Psyche II² 16f. On the other hand, it’s not correct to look for the content of the cult of Dionysos in the worship of Dionysos as a god of wine κατ’ ἐξοχήν. Of course, Dionysos later became a god of wine in Greece, and held a great importance as a protector of the wine culture, which clearly expresses itself in many myths and legends; but in Thrace, wine, along with other intoxicating drinks and fruit, only served as a means to an end: <30> in order to attain ἐνθουσιασμός, a merry state, in which the person can feel the same as the gods. The person comes entirely out of their everyday state (ἐξίστασθαι, ἔκστασις); they become a different person, and the whole world appears differently to them as it would on a normal day. Euripides’ Bacchae presents a whole host of evidence for this Dionysian ecstasy and frenzy, because it vibrantly paints the image of women moved into religious frenzy, <40> right before our eyes, and Plato Ion 534 A says - justifiably so - ὥσπερ οἱ κορυβαντιῶντες οὐκ ἔμφρονες ὄντες ὀρχοῦνται, οὕτω καὶ οἱ μελοποιοὶ οὐκ ἔμφρονες ὄντες τὰ καλὰ μέλη ταῦτα ποιοῦσιν, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὰν ἐμβῶσιν εἰς τὴν ἁρμονίαν καὶ εἰς τὸν ῥυθμόν, βακχεύουσι καὶ κατεχόμενοι, ὥσπερ αἱ ῥάκχαι ἀρύτονται ἐκ τῶν ποταμῶν μέλι καὶ γάλα κατεχόμεναι, ἔμφρονες δὲ οὖσαι οὔ, καὶ τῶν μελοποιῶν ἡ ψυχὴ τοῦτο ἐργάζεται, ὅπερ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι. <50>

We cannot consider the Thracian Dionysos from any one-sided viewpoint. He is no so-called niche-god, and not only an agricultural god, as is often said, but rather he shows right from the start the ways of a great god, to whom the whole of nature - people above all else however - is subject. Human souls are so strongly gripped by his divinity that, in the exhilarated frenzy, he seems similar to the great gods. E. Rohde wants to take the Greek beliefs on immortality to be derived from this enthusiastic cult, <60> though, as it seems to me, without any decisive reasons. It does indeed state firmly in Herodotus that the Thracians were the first to have believed in the immortality of the soul; but I’ve been unsuccessfully looking for sources that prove the connection between the Thracian cult of Dionysos and the ancient belief of immortality. Toepffer Att. Genealogie 34ff. has also failed to substantiate this. <page break 1013/1014> Following somebody else’s example, he refers to a point that it is no coincidence that the Leibethrioi’s ancient religious myths about Orpheus’ death at the hands of the Thracian women agree with the Orphic dogma about Zagreus being torn apart. But it’s still never been proven that Zagreus was originally a deity identical to Dionysos; it is only certain that the Orphics, <10> following the syncretistic trend of their literature, identified Dionysos with Zagreus. It is yet to be proven that this identification took place on Thracian soil. Zagreus, whom the Alcmeonis is already aware of (v. Wilamotiz Homerische Untersuchungen 214, 13) is originally a hunting god, the great hunter, as the Etym. M. 406, 49 also rightly sayas: παρὰ τὸ ζα, ἵν’ ᾖ ὁ πάνυ ἀγρεύων. With regards to that, you have to keep in mind the figures like the Attic hero Κύννης; <20> the κυνηγέται of the Asclepion in Peiraieus, and the Thessalian hero of the votive-reliefs in Volo, published in Herm. XXXVII 1902, 628. From a hunter of the wild, he then becomes a hunter of people and an underworld-god, which means that Zagreus is much better compared to Pluto than to Dionysos (Toepffer Attische Genealogie 34. Rohde Psyche II² 116, 1). Here, as was often the case, Euripides, who identifies Zagreus with Dionysos in the Cretans Nauck TGF² 472, <30> was following the Orphic teachings, whose influence on this Euripidean chorus song vol. III p. 1016 is likely unjustly denied. Also, the genealogy which makes Dionysos the son of Persephone doesn’t belong to the vivid myths, but to the speculative poem, which first coined the term χθόνιος for Dionysos (Rohde Psyche II² 116, 1). In my opinion, the Heuzeysche inscription from Thrace CIL III 686 also can’t prove anything for the original connection between the belief in immortality and the cult of Dionysos, <40> since it comes from a time in which the belief of the soul living on after death was a common part of all serious mysteries. We can’t forget that we know extremely little about the oldest Thracian worship of Dionysos. We know a lot more about what his cult was like than about the nature of his divinity. The orgiastic cult of Thrace brought a new element into the Greek religion, <50> which was first actively rejected, but later taken on in full force. Philipp’s word from Opus Epinomis c. 10 p. 987 D. E is also about the cult of Dionysos: ὡς ὅτί περ ἂν Ἕλληνες βαρβάρων παραλάβωσι, κάλλιον τοῦτο εἰς τέλος ἀπεργάζονται.

Boeotia is to be taken as the centre of the cult of Dionysos in Greece, where this Thracian god-worship first came in close contact with the Greeks. <60> For, in Thessaly, he left little tracks behind. What we know about the cult of Dionysos there is little. What’s certain (apart from the later [one]) is only the Δ. πελάγιος at Pagasai (E. Maass Herm. XXIII 1888, 70). Thebes, of all the cities, made the biggest claim of being Dionysos’ birth city. Here, his birth myth was most closely linked with the mythological-saga of Kadmos. This is because Semele was taken to be Dionysos’ mother, <page break 1014/1015> an old Phrygian-Thracian goddess of the earth (Kretschmer Aus der Anomia 19ff.), who lived on as one of the famous daughters of Kadmos in the Theban royal-saga. We will have to imagine that a close connection between Dionysos and the earth-goddess Semele already existed in Thrace; from this divine pairing, the Greek myths created the tale of the birth of Dionysos from Semele. It wasn’t the form of ἱερὸς γάμος, which was so common in Greek religion, <10> that served for a cultic relationship between the two divinities, but instead, the relationship of a mother with her son became the core of the Theban legend of Dionysos, because the old Thracian goddess of the earth was a motherly nature-divinity. For the importance of the Theban cult of Dionysos, however, there is nothing more telling than the way the myth goes, which has Semele be loved by Zeus, the highest god in the heavens, and then has Semele give birth to Dionysos under thunder and lighting. <20> Hesiod. Theogon. 940 already knew of this: Καδμείη δ’ ἄρα οἱ Σεμέλη τέκε φαίδιμον υἱὸν μιχθεῖσ’ ἐν φιλότητι Διώνυσον πολυγηθέα, ἀθάνατον θνητή⋅ νῦν δ’ ἀμφότεροι θεοί εἰσιν. The myth of Dionysos’ birth was handled extensively in Aeschylus’ tragedy Σεμέλη ἢ Ὑδροφόρος (Nauck FTG² p. 73 num. 221--224), whose hypothesis probably maintained in Ps.-Apollod. bibl. III 26ff. and Hyg. fab. 179. According to Schol. Apoll. I 636, Semele had the epithet Thyone ἐπειδὴ Αἰσχύλος ἔγκυον αὐτὴν παρεισήγαγεν οὖσαν καὶ ἐνθεαζομένην, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐμφαπτομένας τῆς γαστρὸς αὐτῆς ἐνθεαζομένας; cf. also the Delphic Paean of the Philodamos Bull. hell. XIX (1895), 400 (I 5): ὃν Θήβαις πότ’ ἐν εὐίαις Ζηνὶ γείνατο καλλίπαις Θυώνα. πάντες δ’ [ἀστέρες ἀγχ]όρευσαν, πάντες δὲ βροτοὶ χ[άρησαν σαῖς, Β]άχχιε, γένναις (on that, see H. Diels S.-Ber. Akad. Berl. 1896, 457). Hence, according to the Apollonios-scholion, the gift of prophecy was bestowed upon Dionysos’ mother, even before she had given birth to the great god of exhilaration. <40> As in many myths, Hera’s jealousy also plays a role here, through which Semele is tempted to ask Zeus to approach her in the same way as he does the goddess - that is, with thunder and lightning, which the already pregnant daughter of Kadmos couldn’t withstand, and so she was killed by the lightning, and Zeus had to sew their still-maturing foetus into his thigh, from which Dionysos was then born as if for the second time. <50> cf. the prologue from Euripides’ Bacchae: ἥκω Διὸς παῖς τήνδε Θηβαίων γθόνα Διόνυσος, ὃν τίκτει πόθ’ ἡ Κάδμου κόρη Σεμέλη. λοχευθεῖσ’ ἀστραπηφόρῳ πυρί⋅ μορφὴν δ’ ἀμείψας ἐκ θεοῦ βροτησίαν πάρειμι Δίρκης νάματ’ Ισμηνοῦ θ’ ὕδωρ. Because of this, poets give Dionysos the epithets διμήτωρ, δισσότοκος, μηροῤῥαφής, πυριγενής (evidently thus according to poets in Diod. IV 5. Strab. XIII 628), πυρίσπορος, πυρίπαις, etc. The Theban cult-legend - according to which Kadmos’ whole palace is supposed to have been destroyed by Zeus’ lightning - <60> is preserved from Mnascas of Patrai in Schol. to Eurip. Phoiniss. 649 K. (Βρόμιον ἔνθα τέκετο μάτηρ Διὸς γάμοισι, κισσὸς ὃν περιστεφὴς ἑλικτὸς εὐθὺς ἔτι βρέφος χλοηφόροισιν ἔρνεσιν κατασκίοισιν ὀλβίσας ἐνώτισεν Βάκχιον χόρευμα παρθένοισι Θηβαίαισι καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐΐοις); [after the palace was destroyed, ] ivy is supposed to have suddenly climbed up the pillars and hidden the child, <page break 1015/1016> so that they would be untouched by the fires. From this, Dionysos is also supposed to have received the epithet περικιόνιος from the Thebans (cf. Orph. hymn. XLVII). A similar epithet of Dionysos, Κισσὀς, is found in Acharnai (Paus. I 31, 6). Naturally, the Theban cult-legend arose out of the epithet περικιόνιος, whose original meaning was something very different, as Mnaseas’ report has it. <10> This is because Dionysos περικιόνιος is clearly identical to the columnar idol of Dionysos Kadmos mentioned in Paus. IX 12, 3, which is decorated by a βουκόλος adorned with ivy, according to Eurip. Antiope Nauck FTG² p. 421 frg. 203. The image on the small lekythos made in Attica found on the island of Rhodes being interpreted as Dionysos περικιόνιος by O. Kern Arch. Jahrb. XI 1896, 115 is certainly not without reason; in the middle there is a column from which two large bearded masks hang down. <20> Two women approach from both sides, who hold ivy vines in their hands so they can put them on the column standing before them as a garland. The στῦλος εὐΐου θεοῦ is then crowned by women; it’s adorned with two masks of Dionysos on the vase picture, therefore it’s a true Dionysos περικιόνιος. This idol, garlanded with ivy, then later gave rise to the legend about the ivy which was entwined around Dionysos as a child, to protect him from his father Zeus’ flames. <30> The myth of Dionysos’ birth is often glorified by poetry just as much as it is by painted art, so eg. by Sophocles in the wonderful chorus song of Antigone v. 1115ff., from Euripides’ Bacchae 88ff., etc (Preller-Robert Griech. Mythol. I⁴ 662, 2). About the developing art, cf. namely the Hallische Winckelmannsprogr. from H. Hydemann Dionysos Geburt und Kindheit, 1885. But the Theban myth didn’t just explain the birth of the god, <40> it even told of a member of the Theban royal family who wanted nothing to do with the revelation of the new divinity, and pursued its female followers with a wild vehemence. This wild man was called Pentheus, the man of sorrow, and corresponds to the Thracian mythical character of Lykurgos. As a king of Thebes, he was the son of the Spartan Echion and Agave, a daughter of Kadmos (Eurip. Bacch. 539ff. οἵαν οἵαν ὀργὰν ἀναφαίνει χθόνιον γένος ἐκφύς τε δράκοντός ποτε Πενθεύς, ὃν Ἐχίων ἐφύτευσε χθόνιος, ἀγριωπὸν τέρας, οὐ φῶτα βρότειον. φόνιον δ’ ὥσπερ γίγαντ’ ἀντίπαλον θεοῖς). Out of the Attic tragedians, Aeschylus dealt with this subject just as Euripides also did. The Bacchae of the latter is especially important, because it gives us flamboyant depictions of the Bacchic festivals on Mount Kithairon. For the subject of Euripides’ Bacchae, cf. the introduction by Ew. Bruhn to his edition of this drama (Berlin 1891). <60>

Another focus of the Boeotian cult of Dionysos is Orchomenos. Here too it’s man’s opposition against the new god which makes up the story. The Agrionia on the Laphystion - from which mountain Dionysos also gets the epithet Λαφύστιος - corresponds with the nightly revelries on Mount Kithairon. In the cult-legend, the three daughters of Minyas correspond with the Theban daughters of Kadmos. <page break 1016/1017> Leukippe, Arsinoe, and Alkathoe reject the new worship despite all the miracles, and are therefore punished with madness which drives them even to slaughtering the son of Leukippe; cf. vol. I p. 895 under Agrionia, and on that Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 690. At the nightly celebration of the Agrionia, which was also commonly celebrated in Thebes (IGS I 2447 and indeed in connection with musical agones, cf. also Hesych. s. Ἀγριάνια), <10> the priest of Dionysos follows the women with his sword drawn, in accordance with ancient custom, and was able to kill them if he could get hold of them (this is reported by the Plut. quaest. graec., excellently oriented about Boeotian cults). The women in this cult were called Αἰολεῖαι, and the men Ψολόεις. This tradition, which still took place in Plutarch’s time under the priest Zoilos, clearly replaced an old human sacrifice. <20> In addition, however, a different ritual, which was also attested by Plutarch as being for the Laphysistic Agrionia, shows the lighter side of the cult of Dionysos, since it was based on the myth of Dionysos vanishing to the muses (Plut. quaest. sympos. VIII prooem.). About the connection between Dionysos and the muses, who were originally nymphs of springs, cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 488 and his epithet μουσαγέτης from Naxos. The month Agrionios is evidenced in Boeotia from this point onwards for Chaironeia, Lebadeia, and Oropos (see vol. I p. 896); <30> the month Ἀγριάνιος also belongs here; cf. vol. I p. 892.

The Hellenistic world’s view of the Thracian Dionysos is best shown in Delphi. This is because there, in the cult of Apollo, which had replaced the older cult of the earth goddess, a new element was brought in through the cult of Dionysos, and indeed his only importance in the spiritual life of the Greeks had bestowed this upon the Delphic oracle (E. Rohde Psyche II² 59). <40> The old oracle was replaced by the inspired-foreseeing, which has its origin in the enthusiastic worship of the Thracian Dionysos. There is no better parallel to the prophesying Pythia in Delphi than the prophetess from the tribe of the Βησσοί, told by Herod. VII 111. Already in antiquity, there were people who wanted to invert the relationship between the two great gods in Delphi, like eg. the Schol. Pind. argum. Pyth. p. 297 Boeckh which describes Dionysos as the first oracular god of Delphi. <50> But, following the examination done by Rohde, no doubt can prevail anymore about the fact that the cult of Dionysos was first added to the older cult of Apollo. If we then observe the close relationship of both of the gods with each other in Delphi, it’s never more pronounced than in the fact that the Delphic year was split between Apollo and Dionysos, <60> and that the decoration of the back pediment of the temple of Apollo at Delphi portrayed an image of Dionysos on Mount. Parnassus in the ecstatic maenad-festivals, and so we understand the cunning politics of the Delphic priests by this, who made unprecedented allowances for the new god, because they knew that, from him, the highest danger was threatening Apollonian prophecy. Because they could adopt the new and un-Greek way of prophecy, <page break 1017/1018> they prevented a rapid decline of the Delphic oracle. By implementing the Dionysian prophecy, Delphi managed to successfully have it so that no other Dionysian oracle could argue with their status with him. We only know of one other sanctuary of Dionysos in Greece which was connected with an oracle. This was at Amphicleia in Phocis (Paus. X 33, 11) and probably kept itself going alongside the one at Delphi, <10> because its speciality was healing of the sick by interpreting dreams. The ministry of Delphi then, in the following time, introduced the cult of Dionysos into the countryside, which was still rather free from him, as keenly as possible. They couldn’t have showed their thanks for the new splendour, which the Thracian Dionysos had brought them, in any better way. Especially in Attica, the Delphic proposals of Dionysos were successful (see more on that below, and F. Hiller v. Gaertringen Festschrift for Otto Benndorf 227). <20> The Delphic influence was also successful towards the Peloponnese. This is how the priests of Dionysos Κολωνάτας in Sparta received the instructions from Delphi, to set up an agon (δρόμου ἀγων), through the eleven Dionysiads[?] (Paus. III 13, 7). In Arcadian Alea, the festival Σκιέρεια was celebrated to honour Dionysos, in which, according to a μάντευμα ἐκ Δελφῶν, women would be whipped καθὰ καὶ οἱ Σπαρτιατῶν ἔφηβοι παρὰ τῇ Ὀρθίᾳ (Paus. VIII 23, 1). <30> This whipping of women is reminiscent of the killing of the Αἰολεῖαι at the festival of the Boeotian Agronia, and, as it is with this one, reminiscent of an old human sacrifice. Even the cult of Δ. Φαλλήν in Methymna on Lesbos is supposed to have been instated - according to Paus. X 19, 3 - at the request of Pythia. Even towards Asia Minor, the influence of the Delphic oracles was successful in promoting cult of Dionysos in later times. On this, cf. O. Kern Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander num. 215. <40> Above all else, the cult of Dionysos was made up of celebrations on mountains, in which the wild ways of his both male and female followers could be let out. Just as Mount Kithairon and Laphystion were the focus of the worship of Dionysos in Boeotia, so too was Mount Parnassos the centre of the whole Delphic cultural circle, not just for Phokis. All year, Attic women went to Delphi themselves, so they could take part in the festivals of Dionysos on the summit of Mount Parnassos (Paus. X 4, 3). <50> These women belonged to the group of the thyiades, who celebrated the birth of Dionysos on the top of Mount Parnassos year after year. Amongst these mountain-revellers, Dionyos had the name λικνίτης, because he was portrayed as being newborn, and lying on his couch, and the name τριετηρικός, because he was born again every three years according to the ἱερὸς λόγος there. We have two later cult-songs of this trieteric Dionysos, <60> in the collection of the orphic hymns num. LII. LIII: LII 3: λικνῖτα, 8: βακχεύων ἁγίας τριετηρίδας ἀμφὶ τιθήνας. LIII: Ἀμφιετῆ καλέω Βάκχον, χθόνιον Διόνυσον, ἐγρόμενον κούραις ἅμα νύμφαις εὐπλοκάμοισιν, ὃς παρὰ Φερσεφόνης ἱεροῖσι δόμοισιν ἰαύων κοιμίζει τριετῆρα χρόνον, βακχήϊον, ἁγνόν. αὐτὸς δ’ ἡνίκα τὸν τριετῆ πάλι κῶμον ἐγείρῃς etc. On that, cf. Ed. Luebbert Commentatio de Pindaro Theologiae Orphicae censore, <page break 1018/1019> Bonner Universitätsprogr. Winter 1888/89 p. XII and L. Weniger Über das Collegium der Thyiaden von Delphi, Eisenacher Gymnasialprogramm 1876, and also vol. IV p. 2530. The festivals began in the month Δᾳδοφόριος (November or December), which gets its name from the torchlight which lit up the summit of Mount Parnassos at the mountain-celebrations. The festivals themselves had the name Δᾳδοφόρια, according to the Labyaden inscription Dittenberger Syll.² 438, cf. adn. 56. Plut. de Isid. et Osirid. c. 35. <10> It was often glorified by the poets, eg. Sophocl. Antigon. 1140ff. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1243ff. Apart from the Δᾳδοφόριος, the following months were also sacred in Delphi - Ποιτρόπιος and Ἀμάλιος. This is because in Ἀμάλιος, every other year, the death of Dionysos was celebrated, in accordance with the festival of his birth in Δᾳδοφόριος. Already at the time when the torchlights of the thyiades were lighting up the summit of Mount Parnassos to honour the Liknites, <20> mystery-celebrations of the hosioi took place on Dionysos’ grave, who is supposed to have been buried in the sanctuary of Apollo, Plut. de Isid. et Osirid. c. 35 Δελφοὶ τὰ τοῦ Διονύσου λείψανα παρ’ αὐτοῖς παρὰ τὸ χρηστήριον ἀποκεῖσθαι νομίζουσι⋅ καὶ θύουσιν οἱ Ὅσιοι θυσίαν ἀπόῤῥητον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὅταν αἱ Θυιάδες ἐγείρωσι τὸν Λικνίτην. The grave of Dionysos is located, according to Philochoros frg. 22 (FGH I 387), next to the golden image of Apollo, <30> and bears the inscription: Ἐνθάδε κεῖται θανὼν Διόνυσος ὁ ἐκ Σεμέλης. The locations of Dionysos’ grave in Delphi are collected by Loboeck Aglaopham. I 573; among them, the most interesting is Tatian adv. Graec. p. 9, 19 Schw., according to which even the omphalos was taken to be one of Dionysos’ graves. For Dionysos in Delphi, cf. above all the Delphic hymn of Philodamos Bull. hell. XIX 1895, 393ff. with comments from H. Diels S.-Ber. Akad. Berl. 1896, 457ff. <40> If Dionysos was understood as a god who had died in the Delphic cult-myths, who had to be brought back to life every other year by the thyiades, he is clearly to be understood as an agricultural god here. But either way, he is not purely a god of wine here.

Dionysos first became the god of intoxicating wine, as well as the revelry caused by it, in Attica. If you want to know the basis of this, <50> you have to establish where the cult of Dionysos came from into Attica. A frequently mentioned place for the Attic cult of Dionysos is Eleutherae, where Dionysos got the epithet from Ἐλευθερεύς in Athens. Pegasos is supposed to have brought the Eleutherian cult into Athens, according to Paus. I 2, 5, which the Delphic oracle is supposed to have supported, since it was reminiscent of the god’s entrance into Ikaria. If the “man of the spring” (the spring in Eleutherae Paus. I 38, 8) is the one who introduced the cult of Dionysos to Athens, <60> this immediately brings the relationship of Dionysos and the muses to mind (see p. 1017), with whom he began a cult-like relationship in Boeotia. The Eleutherian Dionysos is certainly also the Boeotian one; since Eleutherae belonged to Boeotia at one point (Paus. I 38, 8). According to Paus. loc. cit., τὸ ξόανον τὸ ἀρχαῖον is supposed to have been brought out of Eleutherae to Athens, <page break 1019/1020> and the one located in Eleutherae at Pausanias’ time is taken to be a copy of the other. For Attica however, this Eleutherian cult of Dionysos wasn’t the most important one, but rather the cult of Ikaria was the most important, and it was here that Dionysos first arose as a proper god of wine. In the cult of Ikaria, the introduction of wine-making into Attika played the main role. The vegetation-god of Delphi concentrated the power of his blessings onto wine, <10> and, as a god of wine, was a direct parallel with Demeter, to whom the area of growing grain also belonged. In the religion of Demeter, the Ikarian god corresponded to the young god Triptolemos, whom the art of the 6th and 5th centuries BCE liked to portray, how, sitting on a simple vehicle, he left Demeter and Kore so that he could bring ears of grain, the gift of his divine mother, to all peoples of the earth. Ikaria lies in one of the most fertile regions of Attika, <20> at the northern foot of the Pentelikon, and preserves in its modern name Dionyso the memory of the powerful god, who had brought his blessing to Attica starting here. The American archeological school of Athens have organised bountiful excavations here (Papers of the Americain School at Athens IV 421. V 43--155), to which the article Ikaria should be compared. The legends, which aren’t evidenced in writing before Eratosthenes (cf. E. Maass Analecta Eratosthenica, Philolog. Untersuch. VI 1883), <50> report of the farmer Ikarios (or Ikaros) who welcomed Dionysos in a friendly manner, and therefore received the grapevine as a guest-gift. The Alexandrian literature then explains further about the drunk farmers, who killed Ikaros, and from whose daughter Erigone (also called Ἀλῆτις, see vol. I p. 1043 under the term Aiora), <40> who sought her father wandering about for a long time, finally found his grave with the help of her trusty dog Maira, and --------. In order to honour Erigone, the festival of Aiora was founded, in whose cult-rituals the whole Erigone-myth has its roots, and for whose explanation the myth was invented. The festival of Αἰώρα or Αἰῶραι was a Dionysian festival, in which [puppets/dolls] were rocked and the song ἀλῆτις was sung; on this ,cf. O. Jahn Archaeolog. Beitr. 324, 66. <50> The tradition of the hopping-on-one-foot[?], the ἀσκωλιασμός, was probably first connected with Ikarios in the legends by Eratosthenes (see vol. II p. 1699). It would certainly be wrong if, like Gruppe Griech. Mythologie und Religionsgesch. I 1897, 47 has done, the Ikarian cult was connected with the Boeotian cult. The Ikarian cult came into Attica by sea, in fact. <60> This is proven by the Bolognese vase-picture which was splendidly worked on by F. Dümmler Rh. Mus. N. F. XLIII 1888, 355ff. = Kl. Schriften III 26, in which Dionysos is portrayed as standing in a boat-wagon as part of a ceremonial procession of Dionysos. Other pictorial portrayals, which stem from the same idea that Dionysos came to Attica over water, have been collected by Dümmler loc. cit. 28. <page break 1020/1021> On this, cf. also H. Usener Die Sintflutsagen, Bonn 1899, 115ff., which also recalls the triremes from the festival of Anthesteria in Smyrna, about which Philostrat. in the vita Polemonis Vit. Soph. I 25 explains: πέμπεται γάρ τις μηνὶ Ἀνθεστηριῶνι μεταρσία τριήρης ἐς ἀγοράν, ἣ ὁ τοῦ Διονύσου ἱερεὺς οἷον κυβερνήτης εὐθύνει πείσματα ἐκ θαλάττης λύουσαν, with regards to other sources and hints on the important Smyrnaean coins, Usener loc. cit. 116, 2. Whether Usener is correct in painting this portrayal of the Dionysos’ epiphany as entirely Ionic seems doubtful to me. <10> Either way, despite Usener’s harsh judgement of Maass Aufsatz Herm. XXIII 1888, 70, they belong to the big connection which was first demonstrated by this man. The lines from the comic Hermippos in Athen. I 27 E also come from the cult-ritual portrayed by the Dümmlersiche Vase, these lines being: ἔσπετε νῦν μοι Μοῦσαι Ὀλύμπια δώματ’ ἔχουσαι, ἐξ οὗ ναυκληρεῖ Διόνυσος ἐπ’ οἴνοπα πόντον, ὅσσ’ ἀγάθ’ ἀνθρώποις δεῦρ’ ἤγαγε νηὶ μελαίνῃ. <20> Unsener has traced loc. cit. 120 the Dionysian boat-wagons (carrus navalis) to the carnival floats of the present day, and from these the Italian word carnevale is derived. Naxos (Naxos as the goal of the journey, Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. III 37 Wagn. and others; see Usener loc. cit. 124) can hardly be thought of as the starting point of the journey. Instead, the Thessalian Dionysos πελάγιος and the adventure with the Tyrrhenian pirates must be kept in mind. <30> The path which the cult of Dionysos took from Thrace by sea can never be determined exactly. But the fact that the cult of Dionysos came to Ikaria by sea is proven by the location of this sanctuary, from which you can see Euripos, and behind it the high mountains of Euboea. Euboea is, at any rate, a possibility for a stopping-point of Dionysos on the way to Attica. It was on Euboea that the Nysian plain, and with it the myth of Dionysos’ upbringing, <40> was pinpointed, through Aristaios (see vol. II p. 855) and the nymphs; cf. Sophokles Thyest. frg. 234 Nauck² ἔστι γάρ τις ἐναλία Εὐβοιίς αἶα⋅ τῇδε βάκχειος βότρυς ἐη’ ἦμαρ ἕρπει. Preller-Robert I⁴ 676; see also Usener loc. cit. 122.

The festivals of Dionysos belong to the most famous festivals of Athens; they gave the Greeks, and indeed the world, the gift of tragedy. According to Boeckh’s famous paper vom Unterschiede der Lenaien, Anthesterien und ländlichen Dionysian (Kl. Schriften V 65ff.) <50> there were four separate festivals of Dionysos in Athens: the small or the rural Dionysia, which were celebrated in Poseideon (December), the Lenaia on 12th Gamelion (January), the Anthesteria on 11-13th Anthesterion (February), and the large or the City Dionysia in Elaphebolion (March). O. Gilbert, in his Die Festzeit der attischen Dionysien, Göttingen 1872, wanted to prove <60> that the Anthesteria and the Lenaia were identical, but only really W. Doerpfeld (Doerpfeld and Reisch Das griechische Theater, Athens 1896, 9f.), who is yet to share his reasons that differ partially with Gilbert, believes this; cf. in contrast the compelling comments from C. Wachsmuth Neue Beiträge zur Topographie von Athen, Abh. sächs. Ges. d. Wiss. XVIII 1897, 38ff. and A. Koerte Rh. Mus. N. F. LII 1897, 168ff. <page break 1021/1022> We only have to handle the rural and the City Dionysia here, since for the Anthesteria (vol. I p. 2371) and the Lenaia, which were celebrated in the city’s district ἐν Λίμναις, whose location is yet to be determined with certainty, their particular articles can be referenced instead. The rural Dionysia were celebrated in many places in the countryside of Attica, <10> and were called Διονύσια τὰ κατ’ ἀγρούς (so eg. Aischin. I 157 for the deme Kollytos. Theophr. charact. 3), τὰ μικρά, or also Θεοίνια (Harpocr. s. v.). We only know the precise date for the deme of Myrrhinus, that is, 19th Poseideon (CIA II 578, 36). The core of this festival was made up of loud masked activities [? - Mummenschanz], as was common with rural cults. Aristophanes has outlined an image of this for us in the Acharnians. These festivals, which were probably celebrated in all Attic demes, <20> were connected early on with scenic performances, which gradually developed from rustic games. The Ikarian festival with its ἀσκωλιασμός almost certainly belongs to the Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρούς. Especially famous were the penteterican (once every five years) Διονύσια in Brauron, which the Athenians sent their ten ἱεροποιοί to (Aristoph. Eirene 874ff. with Schol. Aristot. πολ. Ἀθήν. c. 54 with the adnot. from v. Wilamowitz and Kaibel). Perhaps rhapsodic performances took place at the Dionysia at Brauron, <30> which likely gave the basis for the rhapsodic performances at the Great Panathenaia (Hesych. s. Βραυρωνίος). The literary material about the rural Dionysia is collected by A. Mommsen Feste der Stadt Athen, 1898, 349ff.; on this, however, cf. C. Robert Gött. Gel. Anz. 1899, 542. More important than the rural Dionysia are those called the μεγάλα or τὸ ἐν ἄστει in contrast to them, which, in accordance with their great importance were also simply called τὰ Διονύσια. <40> This festival celebrated Dionysos Ἐλευθερεύς from 9-13th Elaphebolion. Its region lay on the southern slope of the Acropolis (Paus. I 20, 3), where the old ξόανον of Dionysos was brought from Eleutherae (Paus. I 38, 8). The Temenos of Dionysos, with an older one built at the time of Peisistratos, under whom the transferal of the Eleutherian cult-image had most likely taken place, and a more recent temple constructed at around the end of the 5th century, <50> were excavated at the beginning of the 1860s by the Greek archaeological society, and were later examined in detail by W. Doerpfeld, whose results were published in his and E. Reisch’s history-making book p.10ff. (Taf. I. II). In this region, where, at the time, only the older temple was present, Thespis performed his first tragedy in the year 534 BCE. About the newer temple, <60> for which, according to Paus. I 20, 3, Alkamenes supposedly produced the cult-image out of gold and ivory, cf. E. Reisch Eranos Vindobonensis 1893, 1ff. Before the theatre was constructed directly north of this Temenos, the choral dances of the festivals of Dionysos were probably performed in the broad region itself, until a particular dance-place was firmly established on the castle rock, which the first tragedies were then put on in, <page break 1022/1023> and which the orchestra of the theatre developed from. For the development of tragedy and of the theatre, see their respective articles. With regards to these questions, profoundly incisive are - aside from the discoveries of W. Doerpfeld (on that O. Puchstein Die griechische Bühne, Berlin 1901 with the Recens. from C. Robert Gött. Gel. Anz. 1902, 413ff.) - the analyses from U. v. Wilamowitz Aus Kydathen 164; Herm. XXI 1886, 597ff.; Herakles I¹, Berlin 1889, 43ff. and E. Bethe Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum, Leipzig 1896; cf. also E. Reisch Festschr. f. Th. Gomperz 1902, 451ff. <10> If the Διονύσια τὰ ἐν ἄστει were also a creation of Peisistratos (v Wilamowitz Aus Kydathen 133. Robert loc. cit. 542), then the Athenian democracy - aside from the Panathenaia and the Eleusia - promoted no festival like the City Dionysia. cf. also here as a collection of material A. Mommsen Feste der Stadt Athen 428ff. with the Recens from C. Robert. <20> The management of the festival lay in the hands of the eponymous archon (Aristot. πολ. Ἀθην. c. 56 with the testimonia of the edition by Kaibel and v. Wilamowitz p. 63, 1). The evening before the great festival, the 8th Elaphebolion, was for the preliminaries (παρασκευή), which were broken up into two acts. Initially, there was a proagon, in which poets, actors, and choruses had to present to the people gathered in the odeon <30> (Aischin. III 67 with Schol. Schol. Arist. Wasps. 1109. Ed. Hiller Herm. VII 1872, 402ff. E. Rohde Rh. Mus. N. F. XXXVIII 1883, 251ff. = Kleine Schrift. II 381ff. C. Robert Gött. Gel. Anz. 1899, 542). On the same day, - after the introduction of the worship of Asclepius, so after 420, - a πομπή took place to honour this god of Epidauros, which A. Mommsen loc. cit. 434 (cf. Robert loc. cit.) has lead to the wrong conclusions; <40> see also Preller-Robert Griech. Mythol. I⁴ 674, 1. The second act, the one which introduced the Dionysia, took place on the evening of the 8th Elaphebolion; the image of Dionysos Eleuthereus, which was previously brought into a small temple lying on the way to the academy, was brought through the city to this old sanctuary on the southern slope of the hill in a great procession with torchlights. Paus. I 29, 2, when describing the way to the academy: ναὸς οὐ μέγας ἐστίν, ἐς ὃν τοῦ Διονύσου τοῦ Ἐλευθερέως τὸ ἄγαλμα ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος κομίζουσιν ἐν τεταγμέναις ἡμέραις, <50> other sources in Preller-Robert loc. cit. I⁴ 674, 2 and A. Mommsen loc. cit. 436. This πομπή of a great procession with the image of Iakchos to Eleusis took place on 19th Boedromion. In both cases, it was the epheboi to whom the sacred image was entrusted on these days. If the procession of Iakchos to Eleusis was evidence that this god always remained a stranger in Eleusis <60> and was also felt as such (cf. o. Kern Athen. Mitt. XVII 1892, 141 and vol. IV p. 2737), then the transferral of the cult-image to the small sanctuary on the way to the academy, and the πομπή with it to Temenos on the mountain, only served to remind the Athenians that this Dionysos came from Eleutherae; the way to the academy lay in the direction of Eleutherae. <page break 1023/1024> The first day of the festival proper was the 9th Elephabolion, on which the competitions for the cyclic choruses took place, and the dithyrambos was sung. A fragment of such a dithyrambos, composed by Pindar for Athens, <10> has been handed down to us O. Schroeder Pindari carmina frg. 75 (p. 411) v. 10ff.: Βρόμιον ὅν τ’ Ἐριβόαν τε βροτοὶ καλέομεν, γόνον ὑπάτων μὲν πατέρων μελπέμεν γυναικῶν τε Καδμεϊᾶν [ἔμολον is given by Schroeder]. ἐναργέα δ’ ἐμὲ σάματ’ οὐ λανθάνει, φοινοκοεάνων ὁπότ’ οἰχθέντος Ὡρᾶν θαλάμου εὔοδμον ἐπάγῃσιν ἔαρ φυτὰ νεκτάρεα. τότε βάλλεται, τότ’ ἐπ’ ἀμβρόταν χθόν’ ἐραταὶ ἴων φόβαι, ῥόδα τε κόμαισι μίγνυται, ἀχεῖ τ’ ὀμφαὶ μελέων σὺν αὐλοῖς, ἀχεῖ τε Σεμέλαν ἑλικάμπυκα χοροί. Later, Dionysos gains the epithet Δίθυραμβος (see p. 1028). It seems that a sacrifice followed the dithyramb (CIA II 741), and then there was a Dionysian πομπή with all kinds of revelry; <20> on this, cf. the law of Euegoros in Demosth. XXI 10 τοῖς ἐν ἄστει Διονυσίοις ἡ πομπὴ καὶ οἱ παῖδες <καὶ οἱ ἄνδρες Bergk> καὶ ὁ κῶμος καί οἱ κωμῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοί, about which Robert’s remarks loc. cit. 543 against A. Mommsen loc. cit. 441, 2 are to be compared. Many vase-images illustrate for us the κῶμοι which were performed at the City Dionysia, the Bacchic swarms through the streets of the city, and the excessive wine-drinking, eg. the oinochoe of Xenokles and Kleisophos found in the theatre of Dionysos (Athen. Mitt. XIV 1889 Taf. XIII. XIV). <30> The main importance of the Dionysian festival, however, lay in the following four days: on 10th Elaphebolion the comedies were performed, and the tragedies on the 11-13th. This was the highlight of the festival, and its fame, which was sparked by the performance of the tragedies, was immortal. There was scarcely any greater honour, however, than when an award was publicly given to a well-deserving citizen in the theatre on one of these days, or when he was crowned (A. Mommsen loc. cit. 447). <40> These days were also chosen as the ones on which the panoply granted by the state would be formally presented to the sons of those who had fallen in war (Aischin. III 154). We aren’t told about the closing of the festival; but either way, it ended on the evening of the 13th Elaphebolion. This meant that on the 14th, assemblies could once again be held (Thuc. IV 118); on this day the old festival of Pandia (Preller-Robert Gr. Myth. I⁴ 132) took place, which was later pushed into the background, not only by the glamour of the Panathenaia, but above all else by the Dionysia which finished so soon before it (v. Wilamowitz Aus Kydathen 133). About the Dionysia of Peiraieus cf. A. Koerte Rh. Mus. LVII 1902, 625ff.

Before Dionysos had entered Ikaria by sea, and hence triumphed in Attica, <60> his cult had already been operating in the islands and in Asia Minor. In particular, the Ionians, on the islands just as on the mainland of Asia Minor, gladly took on the foreign god. Naxos, above all else, is to be named here, which no other island has come close to in terms of Dionysian renown. Neither is any island as suitable for the cult of Dionysos as this one, with its particularly high fertility. <page break 1024/1025> All myths of Dionysos return here, the legend of his birth (Diod. III 66; see p. 1035), the tale of his stay in Nysa (see p. 1035f.) and, just as there is a story about Athena and Poseidon quarrelling over the Acropolis, so too is there a story about Poseidon quarrelling with Dionysos over the wonderful island (Plut. quaest. symp. IX 6). In Naxos, he had the epithets μειλίχιος and μουσαγέτης. The old lore about his connection with Ariadne, <10> the sacrosanct goddess, was relocated from here to the mythical island of Dia, and Naxos was full of the wonders of the Dionysian religion in later times. Similarly, like the relationship between Dionysos to Apollo on Delos in Delphi, which was already sacred from their cult of Apollo, he stepped into the celebrated island from Thrace as the new son of Zeus. Both religions were also combined here, <20> with the only difference with Delphi being that the Dionysos in Delos didn’t have quite the same importance as he did on the heights of Mount Parnassos. The evidence for this is the myth from the seer Anios, the son of both Apollo and Dionysos Rhoio’s granddaughter, whose patronym (Staphylos) leads into the circle of a vegetation-god (see vol. 1 p. 2213) just as his own name (ῥοιά pomegranate). Connected to the Anios-myth, then, is the legend of his daughters, the oinotropoi, Oino, Spermo, and Elais, which he has with the nymph Dorippe, and to whom Dionysos gives the power of turning anything they like into wine, corn, or oil. <30> On this aetiological myth, cf. vol. 1 p. 2214 and the article oinotropoi. Like it was on Naxos, the legend of his birth was also set on Ikaros, and indeed the myths about his thigh-birth were set on the promontory Drakanon, which E. Maass (Herm. XXVI 178f.) takes as being the promontory of the same name on the island of Kos. As well as Naxos, out of the Ionic islands, Chios is characterised by its great fertility and magnificent wine-making, <40> which means it’s easy to understand how the old myths of Oinopion, the son of Dionysos and Ariadne, and the myths of the giant Orion could have arison here (see the articles Oinopion, Orion and Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 451). In Chios, the Dionysos of the sea was worshipped in the form of Δ. ἀκταῖος (see p. 1027); and there was also a Δ. ὠμάδιος there (see p. 1033). <50>

Out of the Doric islands, Thera is to be pointed out; though the god appeared there under the name Ἀνθιστήρ (IGIns. III 329), as F. Hiller v. Gaertringen in the commemorative publication for Otto Bennforf 224ff. has beautifully proven, in an Ionic form. Since the name of Ἀνθιστήρ, the Anthisteria festival, and the month Anthisterion, belong to the Ionic territory of Dionysos, wherever these things appear there must have been an Ionic influence, so eg. even at the Ἀνθεστηριάδες in Rhodes (v. Hiller loc. cit. 229). <60> On Rhodes, we encounter the Dionysian months Θευδαίσοις and Ἀγριάνιος, along with the cult of Dionysos Θυωνίδας (see p. 1029); Preller-Robert Gr. Myth. I⁴ 679, 6. Above all other Doric islands however, Crete was distinguished by the ancient myth of Ariadne (vol. II p. 806) and the festival Θεοδαίσια, which perhaps was celebrated to commemorate a wedding-feast of Dionysos and Ariadne (Preller-Robert Gr. Myth. I⁴ 680). <page break 1025/1026>

Aiolis was also not without a significant cult of Dionysos. In Lesbos, the cults of Dionysos Βρησαγενής and Φαλλήν are attested; in the Aiolian dialect he had the name Ζόνυσσος (see p. 1011). Θεοδαίσια is also attested in Lesbos, as in other places. Bull. hell. IV 1880, 424ff. On Tenedos ἀνθρωποῤῥαίστης on p. 1027. <10>

Today, because of the research done by A. Koerte, we know that the Phrygian race came from Thrace towards Asia Minor, and therefore it can be assumed that important traces of the cult of Dionysos are to be found in Phrygia. These traces are most evident in the form of the god Σαβάζιος. If, however, the orgiastic cult of Dionysos didn’t gain the importance which you would have expected with the Phrygians or those in non-Ionic Asia Minor at all, <20> then it follows that in Asia Minor, from a long long time ago, a female nature-divinity was worshipped, whose cult never yielded to the orgiastic ways and enthusiastic wildness of the Dionysian. It is the cult of the μήτηρ. The religion of Dionysos followed the older religion of Cybele; it couldn’t risk a battle against her. In Delphi, Apollo had to make concessions for the new god who just wandered in; <30> since the orgiastic cult of Dionysos brought to Greece a new element which conquered all reason (see p. 1013). In Asia Minor it was different. Here the orgiastic cult of the μεγάλη μήτηρ had already won over all their minds a long time ago, and here bringing in new cult-forms just wasn’t to be. This is how Dionysos entered the religious movement in Asia Minor as a servant and a friend of Cybele. <40>

III. Cultnames of Dionysos

cf. for the following compilation G. Wentzel Ἐπικλήσεις sive de deorum cognominibus per grammaticorum graecorum scripta dispersis, Gottingae 1889 VII 50.

• ἀγριώνιος to be inferred from Plut. Ant. 24 Διόνθσον αὐτὸν (Ἀντώνιον) ἀνακαλουμένων Ἐφεσίων χαριδότην καὶ μειλίχιον. Ἦν γὰρ ἀμέλει τοιοῦτος ἐνίοις, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ὠμηστὴς καὶ ἀγριώνιος.

• αἰγοβόλος at Potniai in Boeotia, Paus. IX 8, 1; 50 cf. vol. IV p. 2718

• αἰsυμνήτης in Patrai, Paus. VII 20, 1; with regards to that the legends of Eurypylos ibid. VII 19 cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 692, 2.

• ἀκρατοφόρος in Phigaleia, Paus. VIII 39, 6 πεποίηται δὲ καὶ Διονύσου ναός· ἐπίκλησις μέν ἐστιν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων Ἀκρατοφόρος, τὰ κάτω δὲ οὐκ ἔστι σύνοπτα τοῦ ἀγάλματος ὑπὸ δάφνης τε φύλλων καὶ κισσῶν. ὁπόσον δὲ αὐτοῦ καθορᾶν ἔστιν, ἐπαλήλιπται *** κιννάβαρι ἐκλάμπειν’ εὐρίσκεσθαι δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰβήρων ὁμοῦ τῷ χρυσῷ λέγεται. cf. Diod. XV 40 Διονυσίων κατὰ τύχην ὄντων and Harmodios from Lepreon ἐν τῷ περὶ τῶν κατὰ Φιγάλειαν νομίμων in Athen. IV 148f. 149 a. b; on this, the inscription from Phigaleia at Dittenberger Syll.² 661 ἂν δὲ ποιῆι ἁ πόλις τὰ Διονύσια ἐν τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἐν ὧι δεῖ τὰ Ἀνδρίνεα γίνεσθαι, γινέσθω παρὰ τρία. on this, cf. the Dionysian daimon Akratos in Athens in vol. I p. 1195 [and M. Mayer Athen. Mitt. XVII 1892, 268] and the hero Akratopotes (in vol. I p. 1195); also see below under Ὀρθός

• ἂκταῖος next to Apollo ξένιος on Chios, CIG II 2214 e; according to Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ identical with Dionysos πελάγιος

• ἁλιεύς (?) according to Philochoros frg. 194, FHG I 416; cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 678, 1.

• ἂνθεύς in Patrai, Paus. VII 21, 6; cf. Lobeck Paralipomena 164; in vol. I p. 2376

• ἄνθιος in Phyla together with the νύμφαι Ἰσμενίδες and the γῆ ἣν Μεγάλην θεὸν ὀνομάζουσιν, Paus. I 31, 4; cf. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 39. 208. Hiller v. Gaertringen Festschrift for Benndorf 228

• Ἀνθιστήρ on Thera, IGIns. III 329; cf. Hiller v. Gaertringen Festschrift for Benndorf 224

• ἀνθρωποῤῥαίστης on Tenedos, see vol. I p. 2392

• ἀροεύς in Patrai, Paus. VII 21, 6.

• ἀρχεβάκχος in Seleukeia in Cilicia with mysteries, Heberdey and Wilhelm Reisen in Kilikien, Denkschriften Wiener Akad. 1896, 104 num. 183

• Αὐλωνεύς in attic Aulon and perhaps in Naxos; see vol. II p. 2415

• ἀυξίτης in Heraia in Arcadia next to Dionysos πολίτης, Paus. VIII 26; 1; see vol. II p. 2622

• Βακχεῖος in Aigina (IGP I 558, 20), Corinth, Sekyon, Rhodes (IGIns. I Index p. 234); see vol. II p. 2789.

• Βακχεύς in Erythrai, Naxos, and Mykonos; see vol. II p. 2784; in Mykonos there was also a month Bakchion, on the twelfth day of which a χίμαρος καλλιστεύων is supposed to have been sacrificed to Dionysos Βακχεύς ἐν Δειράδι

• Βάκχιος ὁ δημόσιος in Tralles, CIG II 2919, 6.

• Βάκχος in Tralles, CIG II 2919, 9; Knidos, Hirschfeld Ancient Greek inscriptions in the British Museum IV 1 num. 786.

• Βασσαρεύς, Βάσσαρος, see vol. III p. 105

• βουγενής in Argos, see vol. III p. 993

• Βρησαγένης, Βρησεύς, Βρισαῖος, Βρισεύς in Lesbos and Smyrna, see vol. III p. 830. 856; on this, cf. personal name Βρησικλῆς in Assos, Papers of the american school I p. 20

• Βρόμιος in Hieron from Epidauros, IGP I 1031

• Γοργυρεύς from Samos, Steph. Byz. s. Γόργυρα τόπος ἐν Σάμῳ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, ἐν ὧ Διόνυσος Γοργυρεὺς τιμᾶται; cf. Etym. M. 238, 40.

• δασύλλιος in Megara, see vol. IV p. 2224

• δενδρεύς, Studemund Anecdota varia I 268 see on δενδρίτης.

• δενδρίτης, Plut. quaest. conv. V 3, 1 p. 675 F; cf. about δενδρεύς, δενδρίτης, ἔνδενδρος, Kern and Wendland Beiträge zur griech. Philosophie u. Religion for H. Diels 1895, 89 and above p. 215

• δημόσιος in Tralles, see Βάκχιος; with regards to that, the inscriptions at Mich. Pappakonstantinu Αἱ Τράλλεις ἤτοι συλλογὴ Τραλλιανῶν ἐπιγραφῶν, ἐν Ἀθήναις 1895 ἀρ. 105 (ἐπὶ τῶν προσόδων τοῦ Διονύσου) and 150 (ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ τῷ Διὶ τὸν Διόνυσον Ἀγαθήμερος ἱερός)

• δημοτελής in Athen, Dittenberger Herm. XXVI 1891, 474ff.; in Karystos P. Girard Bull. hell. II 1878, 275f. num. 2 Dittenberger loc. cit., cf. above p. 192

• διθύραμβος Athen. I 30 B τιμᾶται δὲ παρὰ Λαμψακηνοῖς ὁ Πρίαπος ὁ αὐτὸς ὢν τῷ Διονύσῳ, ἐξ ἐπιθέτου καλούμενος οὕτως, ὡς θρίαμβος καὶ διθύραμβος. XI 465 A, namely Etym. M. 274, 44 and with regards to that Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 674, 3.

• Δύαλος, Hesych. s. v. ὁ Διόνυσος παρὰ Παίωσιν.

• Ἐλελεύς to be established in Hesych. s. v. Διόνζσος ἐν Σάμῳ; cf. G. Wentzel Ἐπικλήσεις VII 50.

• Ἑλευθερεύς in Athens and Eleutherae, Hesych. s. Ἐλεύθερος; foundation myth of the cult in Schol. Aristphan. Acharn. 243; see the article Eleuther and Preller-Robert Gr. Myth I⁴ 667. 673.

• ἐναγώνιος in Magnesia on Maiandros, Kern Inschriften von Magnesia 213 a.

• ἔνδενδρος in Boeotia, Hesych. s. v.; see δενδρεύς, δεδνρίτης.

• ἐνόρχης on Samos, Hesych. s. v.; cf. Lycophr. 212 with Schol.

• ἐνυάλιος, Macrob. Sat. I 19, 1.

• ἐρίφιος, Hesych. s. v.; with regards to that Hesych. s. ἐριφιήματα· ἔριφοι. Λάκωνες. According to Apollodor in Steph. Byz. s. Ἀκρώρεια, Dionysos also had this epithet in Metapont. The purely poetic epithet εἰραφιώτης however seems not to belong here; cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 661. 714, 5.

• Εὔας, Hesych. s. v.

• εὐβουλεύς, Orph. hymn. LII 4 (cf. hymn. XXX 6). Plut. quaest. sympos. VII 9 οἱ δὲ πάμπαν ἀρχαῖοι ὡς οὐδὲ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ δεόμενον τὸν Διόνυσον αὐτὸν Εὐβουλῆ καὶ τὴν νύκτα δι’ ἐκεῖνον Εὐφρόνην προσεῖπον. From a later editing of the orphic rhapsodies comes the fragment in Macrob. Sat. I 18, 12: ὃν δὴ νῦν καλέουσι Φάνητά τε καὶ Διόνυσον Εὐβουλῆα τ’ ἄνακτα καὶ Ἀνταύγην ἀρίδηλον. The inscription that attests a cult of Dionysos Eubuleus of the Museo Nani CIG II 1948 has sadly still not been found. cf. O. Kern. Athen. Mitt. XVI 1891, 13f. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 784, 1.

• εὐεργέτης, Hesych. s. v.

• εὔιος, Lobeck Aglaoph. II 1041. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 665, and below under Λυαῖος

• εὐρυβάλινδος, Hesych. s. v.

• εὔσιος, Etym. M. 391, 12; cf. Lobeck Aglaoph. 1042

• εὐστάφυλος in Lebadeia, IGS I 3098; cf. σταφυλίτης

• Ζαγρεύς, originally a self-standing god first identified with Dionysos by the Orphics; see Orphics and Zagreus.

• ἥβων in Neapel, Macrob. Sat. I 18, 9; cf. IGI 716. 717.

• ἡμερίδης, Plut. de esu carn. I 2.

• Ἠρικεπαῖος ὁ Διόνυσος Hesych. s. v.; also in the rhapsodic theogony of the Orphics; cf. the articles Erikapaios and Orphics

• θεοδαίσιος, Hesych. s. θεοδαίσιος Διόνυσος. Suid. s. ἀστυδρόμια παρὰ Λίβσιν οἱονεὶ τῆς πόλεως γενέθλια, καὶ θεοδαίσια ἑορτὴ ἐν ἧ ἐτίμων Διόνυσον καὶ τὰς ωύμφας, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, νηφάλιον τε καὶ τὴν ἀγαθὴν κρᾶσιν αἰνιττόμενοι. Plin. n. h. II 231 Andro in insula, templo Liberi patris, fontem nonis Ianuariis semper vini sapore fluere Mucianus ter consul credit, dies θεοδαίσια (according to the conjecture from Welcker) vocatur. If the festival of the Θεοδαίσια is also Dionysian in other places can’t be determined with the current resources; see the article Θεοδαίσια and Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 680, 3.

• θέοινος Harpocr. s. Θεοίνια· Λυκοῦργος ἐν τῇ διαδικασίᾳ Κροκωνιδῶν πρὸς Κοιρωνίδας. τὰ κατὰ δήμους Διονύσια Θεοίνια ἐλέγετο, ἐν οἷς οἱ γεννῆται ἐπέθυον· τὸν γὰρ Διόνζσον θέοινον ἔλεγον, ὡς δηλοῖ Αἰσχύλος καὶ Ἴστρος ἐν α’ Συναγωγῶν. cf. Aeschyl. fr. 382 at Nauck FTG² p. 113 πάτερ Θέοινε, μαινάδων ζευκτήριε. Wentzel Ἐπικλήσεις VII 50. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 12. 14. 105 and the article Θεοίνια

• θεὸς μέγας Δ. in Pamphylia, Bull. hell. VII 1883, 263.

• θρίαμβος s. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 674, 3. 703, 5. 736, 4; cf. the articles Thriambos and Dithyrambos

• θυλλοφόρος from Kos, Paton-Hicks Inscr. of Cos num. 27, 7; cf. Hesych. s. θύλλα

• θυωνίδας on Rhodes, Hesych. s. v.; s. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 660, 1. v. Herwerden Mnemosyne N. S. XXIX 1901, 218.

• Iakchos, see the respective article, and p. 1043

• ἰατρός, whom, according to Mnesitheos of Athens, the Delphic oracle ordered to be honoured, Athen. I 22 E. Plut. quaest. conv. III 1, 3; s. παιώνιος and ὑγιάτης

• ἰήιος see λυαῖος

• Ἰοβάκχος, Hesych. s. v.

• Ἰυγγίης, Hesych. s. v.

• Κάδμος in Thebes, Paus. IX 12, 4; cf. O. Kern Archaeol. Jahrb. XI 1896, 114.

• καθηγεμών in Teos, CIG II 3067. 3068. Bull. hell. IV 1880, 170 num. 24; Inschr. from Pergamom 222. 236. 248.

• καλλίκαρπος in Mopsuestia in Cilicia, Heberdey and Wilhelm Reisen in Kilikien, Denkschrift. Akad. Wien XLIV 1896. 12 num. 28; in Aigai ibid. 16 num. 44; see with regards to that vol. IV p. 2747 num. 38

• Καλυδώνιος in Patrai, Paus. VII 21, 1, which also tells of the cult-legends; see Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 692, 1.

• Κάρπιος, Leake Travels in the North. Greece IV pl. 43 num. 220

• Κισσεύς, Aeschyl. frg. 341 Nauck²: ὁ κισσεὺς Ἀπὀλλων, ὁ Βακχεύς, ὁ μάντις; cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 713, 1; cf. Κισσός and p. 1016

• Κισσοκόμης from Amorgos, Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 676, 2.

• Κισσός in Acharnai, Paus. I 31, 1 and p. 1016

• Κολωνάτας in Sparta, because his temple in Limnai was on a hill, Paus. III 13, 7: ἥ τε ὀνομαζομένη Κολώνα καὶ Διονύσου Κολωνάτα ναός, πρὸς αὐτῷ δὲ τέμενός ἐστιν ἥρωος, ὃν τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς ἐς Σπάρτην Διονύσῳ φασὶ γενέσθαι ἡγεμόνα. τῷ δὲ ἥρωι τούτῳ πρὶν ἢ τῷ θεῷ θύουσιν αἱ Διονυσίαδες καὶ αἱ Λευκιππίδες. τὰς δὲ ἀλλας ἕνδεκα ἃς καὶ αὐτὰς Διουσιάδας ὀνομάζουσι, ταύταις δρόμου προτιέασιν ἀγῶνα· δρᾶν δὲ οὕτω σφίσινἦλθεν ἐκ Δελφῶν cf. Polemon ἐν τῷ περὶ τῶν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἀναθημάτων at Athen. XIII 574 C. D and namely Strabon VIII 363, with regards to that Hesych. s. Διονυσιάδες and Δύσμαιναι. This festival (or a similar one) on the Taygetos is often mentioned by poets, eg. Aristoph. Lysistr. 1308. Verg. Georg. II 487 virginibus bacchata Lacaenis Taygeta; on that Preller-Robert Gr. Myth. I⁴ 693, 2.

• Κρήσιος in Argos, Paus. II 23, 7. 8; in the temple there was a κεραμέα σορός of Ariadne, who is supposed to have died in Argos. cf. Paus. II 24, 6 and with regards to that Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 691, 3.

• λαμπτήρ in Pellene in Achaia, Paus. VII 27, 3 τοῦ δὲ ἄλσους τῆς Σωτείραςἱερὸν ἀπαντικρὺ Διονύσου Λαμπτῆρός ἐστιν ἐπίκλησιν· τούτῳ καὶ Λαμπτηρια ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι, καὶ δᾷδάς τε ἑςτὸ ἱερὸν κομίζουσιν ἐν νυκτί, καὶ οἴνου κρατῆρας ἱστὰσιν ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν πᾶσαν.

• Λαφύστιος, Schol. to Lycophr. 1237 (Λαφυστίας κερασφόρους γυναῖκας): Λαφύστιος ὁ Δ. ἀπὸ Λαφυστίου ὄρους Βοιωτίας, ὅθεν ἁφύστιαι αἱ ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ Βάκχαι, αἳ καὶ Μιμαλόνες ἐκαλοῦντο, διὰ τὸ μιμεῖσθαι αὐτὰς τὸν Διόνυσον· κερατοφοροῦσιν γὰρ καὶ αὗται κατὰ μίμησιν Διονύσου· ταυρόκρανος γὰρ φαντάζεται καὶ ζωγραφεῖται.

• Λειβῆνος, Hesych. s. v.; perhaps connected to the Greek λείβειν and the roman Liber; on this, cf. Preller-Jordan Röm. Myth. II³ 47

• Λευκυανίτης on the river Λευκυανίας in Elis, Paus. VI 21, 5.

• Ληναῖος, see p. 1022 and its respective article

• Ληνεύς, see its respective article

• λικνίτης, Plut. de Isid. et Osirid. 25: Δελφοὶ τὰ τοῦ Διονύσου λείψανα παρ’ αὐτοῖς παρὰ τὸ χρηστήριον ἀποκεῖσθαι νομίζουσι· καὶ θύουσιν οἱ Ὅσιοι θυσίαν ἁπόῤῥητον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὁταν αἱ Θυιάδες ἐγείρωσι τὸν Λικνίτην. see p. 1018f.

• λιμναῖος see its respective article

• ἐν Λίμναις in Athens, see vol. I p. 2374 under Anthesteria

• λιμναγενής, Hesych. s. v.

• λυαῖος, Athen. VIII 363 B τὸ μὲν ποτὸν μέθυ, τὸν δὲ τοῦτο δωρησάμενον θεὸν Μεθυμναῖον καὶ Λυαῖον καὶ Εὔιον καὶ Ἰήιον προσήγορευον. On this, Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 709, 3.

• λύσιος in Corinth, Paus. II 6, and in Sekyon, to which place his cult was supposedly brought out of Thebes by the Theban Phanes at the request of Pythia, Paus. II 7, 6; in Thebes, Paus. IX 16, 6, which, as a cult-legend, explains: Θηβαίων γὰρ αἰχμαλώτους ἄνδρας ἐχομένους ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν, ὡς ἀγόμενοι κατὰ τὴν Ἁλιαρτίαν ἐγνοντο, ἔλυσεν ὁ θεός, καὶ ἀποκτεῖναί σφισι τοὺς Θρᾷκας παρέδωκεν ὑπνωμένους.

• μάντις see above under Κισσεύς

• Μεθυμναῖος see above under Λυαῖος and Plut. quaest. conv. III 2 Μεθυμναῖον αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ὠνόμασεν; on that Ovid,. a. amat. I 57 Gargara quot segetes, quot habet Methymna racemos. See Μηθυμναῖος

• μειλίχιος from Naxos, Athen. III 78 C: Νάξιοι δέ, ὡς Ἀνδρίσκος ἔτι δ’ Ἀγλαοσθένης ἱστοροῦσι, Μειλίχιον καλεῖσθαι τὸν Διόνυσον διὰ τὴν τοῦ συκίνου καρποῦ παράδοσιν. διὸ καὶ πρόσωπον τοῦ θεοῦ παρὰ τοῖς Ναξίοις τὸ μὲν τοῦ Βακχέως Διονύσου καλουμένου εἶναι ἀμπέλινον, τὸ δὲ τοῦ Μειλιχίου σύκινον. τὰ γὰρ σῦκα μείλιχα καλεῖσθαι, cf. Plut. Ant. 24 (see above Ἀγριώνιος); de esu carn. I c. 2.

• μελαναιγίς in Athens, celebrated at the Apaturia-festival together with Zeus Phratrios and Athena Phratria, Schol. Aristophan. Acharn. 146 (s. Toepffer vol. I p. 2677); in Eleutherai, Suid. s. μελαναιγίδα Διόνυσον (on that Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 667, 1); in Hermione, Paus. II 35, 1 πκησίον δὲ αὐτοῦ Διονύσου ναὸς Μελαναίγιδος· τοῦτῳ μουσικῆς ἀγῶνα κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ἄγουσι, καὶ ἁμίλλης κολύμβου καὶ πλοίων τιθέασιν ἄθλα, cf. Sam Wide De sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum, Upsalae 1888, 44 and E. Maass Gött. Gel. Anz. 1889, 803, which establishes Dionysos μελαναιγίς as πελάγιος and in Konon 39, which gives the foundation-myth for the Attic Apaturia-festival, aptly changes Διονύσῳ Μελαναίγιδι for Μελανθίδι of the manuscripts (so too Knaack in Hoefer Konon 1890, 22). cf also Plut. quaest. conv. VI 7, 2.

• [Μελανθίδης, mistakenly instead of μελαναιγίς; see there]

• μελπόμενος, CIA III 20. 274. 278; his sanctuary was the Πουλυτίωνος οἰκία in Kerameikos, Paus. I 2, 5; A gentil-god[?] of the Euneidae in Athens, cf. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 182f. 200f. 204, 1.

• μεσατεύς in Patrai, Paus. VII 18, 4. 21, 6.

• Μηθυμναῖος, Hesych. s. v.; see Μεθυμναῖος

• Μόρυχος, Polemon ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Διόφιλον frg. 73 (FHG III 136) according to Clem. Alex. Protr. IV 47 p. 42 Pott. παραθήσομαι τοῦ Μορύχου Διονύσου τὸ ἄγαλμα Ἀθήνησι γεγονέναι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Φελλάτα καλουμένου λίθου, ἔργον δὲ εἶναι Σίμωνος τοῦ Εὐπαλάμου, ὥς φησι Πολέμων ἔν τινι ἐπιστολῇ. See the sources of the lexicographers and paroemiographers FHG loc. cit., which relocates the image in Sicily, clearly wrongly; Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 675, 4.

• μουσαγέτης from Naxos, IGIns. V 46

• μύστης in spots of Korytheis in Tegea, Paus. VIII 54, 5; the temple wasn’t far from a sanctuary of Demeter. About the relationship of the myth of Telephos and this cult, cf. C. Robert Arch. Jahrb. III 1888, 90. 104

• νυκτέλιος in Megara, Paus. I 40, 6; cf. Plut. de EI ap. Delph. c. 9 about the Delphic Dionysos: Διόνυσον δὲ καὶ Ζαγρέα καὶ Νυκτέλιον καὶ Ἰσοδαίτην αὐτὸν ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ φθοράς τινας καὶ ἀφανισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀποβιώσεις καὶ παλιγγενεσίας οἰκεῖα ταῖς εἰρημέναις μεταβολαῖς αἰνίγματα καὶ μυθεύματα περαίνουσι and Ovid. met. IV 15; cf. also Verg. Georg. IV 521 nocturni orgia Bacchi

• οἰκουρός, Schol. Lycophr. 1246 ὁ Διόνυσος διὰ τὸ ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦεἰς τὸν ναὸν αὐτοὺς εἰσέρχεσθαι, τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς οἴκοι μένειν καὶ οἰκουρεῖν

• ὀμφακίτης, Aelian. v. h. III 41: ὅτι τὸ πολυκαρπεῖν οἱ ἀρχαῖοι ὠνόμαζον γλύειν. ἐντεῦθεν τὸν Διόνυσον Φλεῶνα ἐκάλουν καὶ Προτρύγαιον καὶ Σταφυλίτην καὶ Ὀμφακίτην καὶ ἑτέρως πως διαφόρως

• ὄρειος cf. Festus p. 182

• ὀρθός in Athens, Philochoros frg. 18. 19 (FGH I 387); on that M. Mayer Athen. Mitt. XVII 1892, 265ff. 446, which identifies him with Ἄκρατος

• παιδεῖος, CIA II 1222

• παιώνιος, Hesych. s. v.

• πατρῷος in Megara, whose sanctuary is supposed to have been founded by the seer Polyeidos, Paus. I 43, 5; with that, there is also an image of Dionysos δασύλλιος.

• πελάγιος in Pagasai according to Theopomp. FHG I p. 332 frg. 339, where earlier πέλεκυς or πέλεος were falsely read; cf. Maass Herm. XXIII 1888, 70

• [πελεκᾶς, πέλεκος, πέλεκυς mistakenly instead of πελάγιος, see Maass. loc. cit. 70 with note. 2]

• περικιόνιος see p. 1016

• πλουτοδότης in the shout-of-joy at the Athenian Lenaia: Σεμελήϊ’ Ἴακχε πλουτοδότα Schol. Aristophan. Frogs 479.

• πολίτης in Heraia, Paus. VIII 26, 1.

• Πρίαπος, Πρίηπος in Lampsakos, Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 736, 4.

• πρόβλαστος, Schol. Lycophr. 577 Πρόβλαστος ὁ Διόνυσος, ἐπειδὴ ὅτε μέλλουςι κόπτειν τὰς βλάστας ἤτοι τὰ κλήματα, θύουσιν αὐτῷ κλαδεύοντες. ἄλλοι. ἢ Πρόκλαστος, ἐπεὶ ὅταν μέλλωσι κλᾶν τὰς ἀμπέλους θύουσιν αὐτῷ.

• πρόκλαστος see πρόβλαστος

• πρὸ πόλεως in Magnesia at Maiandros, Kern Inschriften von Magnesia num. 2215 a 35; in Thera IGIns. III 420 (καὶ ἐπιφανέστατος). 522.

• προτρύγαιος, Aelian. v. h. III 41, s. ὀμφακίτης. Achill. Tat. II 2. The star Προτρυγητήρ rose at the time of the grape-harvest, Ps.-Eratosth. catasterism. c. 9 p. 84 Rob. cf. also the festival Προτρύγαια, which was celebrated for him and Poseidon together

• πυθόχρηστος in Erythrai, Dittenberger Syll.² 600, 145; cf. F. Hiller v. Gaertringen Festschr. for Otto Benndorf 227.

• Σαβάζιος see its respective article and above p.1012

• Σαώτας in Troezen, Paus. II 31, 5; His statue base in Hieron from Epidauros, IGP I 1277.

• Σητάνειος from Teos, Le Bas Asie mineure 106, 3

• Σκυλλίτας from Kos, Paton and Hick’s Inscr. of Cos 37

• Σμίνθιος from Rhodes (Lindos), IGIns. I 762. Tümpel Philol. XLIX 1890, 572ff.

• Σταφυλίτης, Aelian. v. h. III 41, see ὀμφακίτης

• συκίτης, Sosibios at Athen. III 17 C ἀποδεικνὺς εὕρημα Διονύσου τὴν συκῆν διὰ τοῦτό φηςι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους συκίτην Διόνυσον τιμᾶν

• συκεάτης, Hesych. s. v.

• σφάλτης, Lycophr. 207 with Schol., which links the development of the name with the myth of Telephos

• Τασιβαστηνός, Liber pater Tasibastenus, CIL III 703. 704: see Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 697, 2

• ταῦρος, in the old Elisian[?] cult-song ἐλθεῖν ἥρως Διόνυσοε Ἄλιον ἐς ναὸν ἁγνὸν σὺν Χαρίτεσσιν ἐς ναὸν τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ θύων, ἄξιε ταῦρε. Perhaps, with regards to the θεὸς ταῦρος of the Thespian inscription IGS I 1787, Dionysos is to be understood. However, it could also be in reference to Poseidon, whose young worshippers in Ephesos were called ταῦροι, Athen. X 425 C.

• τριετηρικός from Melos, IGIns. III 1089; about Delphi cf. p. 1018

• ὑγιάτης, named at the request of Pythia, Athen. II 36 B; see ἰατρός and παιώνιος

• Ὕης, Etym. M. 775, 3; see Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 663, 1 and its respective article

• Φαλλήν in Methymna on Lesbos, Paus. X 19, 3 ἁλιεῦσιν ἐν Μηθύμνῃ τὰ δίκτυα ἀνείλκυσεν ἐκ θαλάσσης πρόσωπον ἐλαίας ηύλου πεποιημένον· τοῦτο ἰδέαν παρείχετο φέρουσαν μέν τι ἐς τὸ θεῖον, ξένην δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ θεοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς οὐ καθεστῶσαν. ἤροντο οὖν οἱ Μηθυμναῖοι τὴν Πυθίαν ὅτου θεῶν ἢ καὶ ἡρώων ἐστὶν ἡ εἰκών· ἡ δὲ αὐτοὺς σέβεσθαι Διόνυσον Φαλλῆνα ἐκέλευσεν. ἐπὶ τούτῳ οἱ Μηθυμναῖοι ξόανον μὲν τὸ ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης παρὰ σφίσιν ἐχοντες καὶ θυσίαις καὶ εὐχαῖς τιμώσι, χαλκοῦν δὲ ἀποπέμπουσιν ἐς Δελφούς

• Φαυστήριος, Lycophr. 212 with Schol.

• Φιγαλεύς, Lycophr. 212 with Schol.

• φλεύς, from Chios, Herodian. I 400 27 L.

• φλεών, Aelian. v. h. III 41; see ὀμφακίτης

• φλοῖος, Plut. quaest. conv. V 8, 3.

• χαριδότης see ἀγριώνιος

• χοιροψάλας in Sekyon, Polemon in a letter to Attalos frg. 72 (FHG I 135) Σικυώνιοι τοῦτον προσκυνοῦσιν, ἐπὶ τῶν γυναικείων τάξαντες τὸν Διόνυσον μορίων cf. Schol. Aisch. Pers. 1033 χοιροψάλας Διόνυσος ὁ τίλλων τὰ μόρια τῶν γυναικῶν

• χορεῖος, Plut. de cohib. ira 13 ἂν μὴ προσγενόμενος ὁ θυμὸς ὠμηστὴν καὶ μαινόλην ἀνὶ λυαίου καὶ χορείου ποιήσῃ τὸν ἄκρατον.

• ψίλαξ in Amyclae, Paus. III 19, 6.

• ὠμάδιος, Euelpis of Karystos (FHG IV 408): ἔθυον δὲ καὶ ἐν Χίῳ τῷ ὠμαδίῳ Διονύσῳ ἄνθρωπον διασπῶντες, καὶ ἐν Τενέδῳ, ὥς φησιν Εὔελπις Καρύστιος

• ὠμηστής, Plut. Them. 13, according to which three Persian young men of noble descent were sacrificed to Dionysos ὠμηστής before the battle of Salamis; cf. Aristid. 9 and above under ἀγριώνιος

IV. Dionysos in the poets

No Hellenic god is sung about by the poets as much as Dionysos, whom Sophokles Antigon. 115 already addresses, with reason, as πολυώνυμε, Καδμεΐας νύμφας ἄγαλμα καὶ Διὸς βαρυβρεμέτα γένος. His poetic epithets are collected by C. F. H. Bruchmann Epitheta deorum, Lips. 1894, 78--94. <50> The most common ones to note are: ἄναξ, Βακχεύς, Βάκχιος (and similar ones), Βρόμιος, δεσπότης, διθύραμβος, εἰραφιώτης, ἐριβρεμέτης, ἐρίβρομος, εὔιος, θυρσοφόρος (and similar ones), Ἴακχος, κισσοκόμης (and similar ones), ληναῖος, λυαῖος, μαινόλας, Νυσήϊος (Νύσιος), οἶνος and compounds with οἰνο-, παῖς, πατήρ, πολυγαθής (πολυγηθής), πυρίπαις (and similar ones), ταυροκέρως (and similar ones), Ὕης, χθόνιος, χορευτής (and similar ones), χρυσοκόμης (and similar ones). The Dionysiaca of Nonnos is rich with many epithets that aren’t found elsewhere. <60> In terms of the epithets collected by Bruchmann, these come from the Delphic hymnos of Philodamos (H. Weil. Bull. hell. XIX 1895, 393ff.): θυρσήρης, βραϊτής (cf. Weil. loc. cit. 401), Παιάν (elsewhere only in Orph. hymn. LII 11), σωτήρ (elsewhere only in Lycophr. Alex. 206), βακχειώτας (elsewhere only in Simonid. frg. 210 A Bgk., cf. Sappho frg. 147 Bgk.). <page break 1033/1034>

V. Festivals

• Ἀγριάνια, Ἀγριώνια, vol. I p. 896 and p.1017

• αἰώρα in Attica, vol. I p. 1043 and p.1020; see also under εὔδειπνος

• Ἀνθεστήρια, a general Ionic festival, vol. I p. 2371

• ἀσκωλιασμός in Attica, vol. II p. 1699, and p. 1020

• ἀστυδρόμια, Suid, s. v. παρὰ Λίβυσιν οἱνεὶ τῆς πόλεως γενέθλια, καὶ θεοδαίσια ἑορτὴ ἐν ᾗ ἐτίμων Διόνυσον καὶ τὰς νύμφας, see also vol. II p. 1868.

• τῶν Βακχείων ἁ ὑποδοχά on Rhodes, IGIns. I 155, 49. P. Foucart Des associat. rel. 110ff;

• Δᾳδοφόρια in Delphi, see p. 1019 and vol. IV p. 2008 under Daidaphorios

• Διονύσια, anywhere where there were theatres (cf. Robert’s Register to Preller Griech. Myth. I⁴ 962); see also its respective article

• εὔδειπνος, Etym. M. 42, 3 Αἰώρα ἑορτὴ Ἀθηνᾶς ἣν καλοῦσι εὔδειπνον

• Θεοδαίσια see its respective article and p. 1028f.

• Θεοίνια in Athens see p.1029

• Θυῖα in Elis, Paus. VI 26, 1. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 692, 2.

• Λαμπτήρια in Pellene, Paus. VII 27, 3.

• Λερναῖα, a mystical festival to honour Dionysos, which imitated Eleusinian mysteries; see the articles Melampus, Mysterien and Λερναῖα, and Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 691, 2.

• Λήναια in Athens, see p. 1021f. and its respective article Lenaia

• Μυστήρια in many places; see under Mysterien

• Ὀσχοφόρια, a festival of Athena Skiras in Athens (vol. II p. 1968), in which, since it was celebrated at the time of the grape-harvest, both Dionysos and Ariadne received sacrifices; Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 207f. 682f. see the article Oschophoria. About the worship of Ariadne in these festivals cf. vol. II p. 806. 808

• Πιθοιγία (the barrel-opening) was the name of the first day of the Anthesteria in Athens; see vol. I p. 2372

• Προαγών was the name of the παρασκευή of the City Dionysia in Athens, see above p. 1023

• Προτρύγαια ἑορτὴ Διονύσου καὶ Ποσειδῶνος, Hesych. s. v.; the festival was most likely celebrated in Athens at the time of the grape-harvest. See the respective article and Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 669, 2; cf. the epithet of Dionysos προτρύγαιος

• Σκιέρεια in Alea, Paus. VIII 23, 1.

• τύρβη, part of the Agrionia-festival in Argos; cf. Paus. II 24, 6 πρὸς τοῦ Ἐρασίνου ταῖς κατὰ τὸ ὅρος ἐκβολαῖς Διονύσῳ καὶ Πανὶ θύουσι, τῷ Διονύσῳ δὲ καὶ ἑορτὴν ἀγουσι καλουμένην τύρβην. Preller-Robret Griech. Myth. I⁴ 691, 3.

• Χόες, the second day of the Athenian Anthesteria-festival, see vol. I p. 2372

• Χύτροι, the third day of the Athenian Anthesteria-festival, see vol. I p. 2372

VI. The myths of Dionysos

Out of the myths of Dionysos, the most famous is the story of his birth, which was primarily set in Thebes (see p. 1015): the myth of Semele’s death and Dionysos’ premature birth. There are also stories of his birth in many other places; about this, cf. the hymnos passed down in Diod. III 66 <page break 1034/1035> (cf. Gemoll Homer. Hymn. 361): οἵ μὲν γὰρ Δρακάνῳ σ’, οἵ δ’ Ἰκάρῳ ἠνεμοέσσῃ φάσ’, οἳ δ’ ἐν Νάξῳ, δῖον γένος, εἲραφιῶτα, οἳ δέ σ’ ἐπ’ Ἀλφειῷ ποταμῷ βαθυδινήεταικυσαμένην Σεμέλην τεκέειν Διὶ τερπικεραύνῳ, ἄλλοι δ’ ἐν Θήβῃσιν, ἄναξ, σε λέγουσι γενέσθαι, ψευδόμενοι· σὲ δ’ ἔτικτε πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε πολλὸν ἀπ ἀνθρώπων, κρύπτων λευκώλενον Ἡρην. ἔστι δέ τις Νύση, ὕπατον ὄρος, ἀνθέον ὕλῃ, τηλοῦ Φοινίκης, σχεδὸν Αἰγύπτοιο ῥοάων. <10> On Naxos as a birthplace of Dionysos, cf. Diod. V 52, according to which the myth is told as taking place in Naxos, which some people therefore called Διονυσιάς, with pretty much the same story as that in Thebes. cf. also Porphyr. antr. nymph. 20. It cannot be decided which Drakanon promontory is meant as the birthplace of Dionysos, whether it’s the one on the island Ikaros or on Kos; cf. Gemoll. loc. cit. and Maass Herm. XXVI 1891, 178f. The latter is more probable. His birth on Ikaros only seems to be attested through the cited hymnos. <20> In Eleutherae (see p. 1020) and in Teos they also tell of the birth of the god. In Teos they bring up the evidence that a spring of very fragrant wine opened up out of the ground in the city in a particular rift (Diod. III 66). This story is similarly told by Andros, Plin. n. h. II 231 (by Licinius Mucianus, cf. L. Brunn De C. Licinio Muciano, Leipz. Dissert. 1870, 30). <30> Such miracles were also told of in Elis, Paus. VI 26, 1. 2. According to Arrian in Eustath. Dion. Perieg. 939 (Müller Geogr. gr. II 382), he is supposed to have been born from Zeus in the river Sangarios. The myths of his birth tend to agree most on his upbringing.

Many cities already fight over the honour of being the site of his birth, but there are even more locations who make the claim of being Nysa, where, according to the myth, Dionysos was brought up. <40> The task of locating the land of Nysa anywhere can only be compared with the attempts of daring dreamers in older and more recent times, who have tried to put Elysium, Ogygia, Atlantis, etc, on the map. Nysa is a fantasy land, a happy land, not intended for the stay of any mortals, but rather only for that of the holy son of Zeus, who came down to men under thunder and lightning. The discovery of the Sophilos-vase (Athen. Mitt. XIV 1889, 1ff., and with regards to that F. Studniczka Eranos Vindobonensis 233ff.), <50> in connection with Kretschmer’s investigations (see p. 1011), teaches us what is meant to be understood by Nysa. Nysai are nymphs, and Νύσα (i.e. Νυσαία), the Νυσήιον πεδίον (Hom. Hymn. Dem. 17; cf. κατ’ ἠγάθεον Νυσήιον Il. VI 133) is the land of the nymphs, which, like all blessed lands, is first located near Okeanos from the imagination of the people. This is because the area around Okeanos is the land of fairy-tales and gods in the Greek myths. <60> In the land of the nymphs, nymphs waited on[?] Dionysos; either one by the name of Nysa (Terpandros frg. 8, Bergk PLG III⁴ 12; in a Dionysian festival-procession to Alexandreia according to Kallixenos Athen. I 198 E; in Diodor. III 70 a daughter of Aristaios) is mentioned, or more commonly, multiple nymphs (Νῦσαι, or Νυσιάδες) are mentioned, as then the Iliad VI 132 μαινομένοιο Διωνύσοιο τιθήνας is aware of; <page break 1035/1036> cf. Heydemann loc. cit. 18). Within the cult, a Nysa (Νύσας νύμφης CIA III 320; Νύσας προφού ibid. 351) seems to always have been honoured. A later discovery is, of course, Νῦσος Hyg. fab. 131. 167. Dionysos was either handed over to the Nysian nymphs by Zeus himself, or Hermes, the messenger of the gods, brought the child over to his future carers. Both versions are represented in literature and art; the latter is however much more common (Heydemann loc. cit. 18ff.). The land of Nysa was later looked for in many places of the earth, at first, naturally, in Thrace, where the foreign god came from and where the Homeric poet Il. VI 133 looks; then, with their geographical horizons broadening, new places kept making claims for the honour of being the location where the god of joy was brought up by the nymphs, <20> eg. Boeotia, Euboia, Phokis, Thessaly, Macedonia, the island of Naxos, then further Caria, Lydia, Cilicia, Arabia, Ethiopia, Libya, and India, cf. Preller-Robert Gr. Myth. I⁴ 663 and the article Nysa. Literature and fine art have depicted Dionysos’ stay with the nymphs in charming ways. He was always taken with parallels to the myth of Zeus being raised by Amaltheia, and this was then also directly transferred onto Dionysos, the “son of Zeus” (Heydemann loc. cit. 54ff.). <30> This transference is also related to the ancient idea that Dionysos was a second Zeus, so to speak, which even finds its way into the words of Aristides I 49 ἤδη δέ τινων ἤκουσα καὶ ἕτερον λόγον ὑπὲρ τούτων ὅτι αὐτὸς ὁ Ζεὺς εἴη ὁ Διόνυσος and also into the Pergamenian epithet Ζεὺς Βάκχος Fraenkel Inschr. v. Pergamon p. 240 num. 324.

There is another group of myths about the appearance of the god with people. <40> They all told of the maenads, who surrounded the god in wild frenzy and unrestrained pleasure. With them, he swarmed through the lands, and whoever dared to challenge his divinity met a nasty fate. Above all else, the old myth of the Thracian Lykurgos belongs here, which the Iliad VI was already aware of, and which was later often handled by fine art and drama. You can scarcely portray Lykurgos, <50> as Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 688 do, as a representation of winter, and then the battle between Dionysos and Lykurgos as being a fight between summer and winter, as often turns up in German myths and songs. The mythological character of Lykurgos arose much more likely from an old Thracian good, who was similar to the Arcadian one (v. Wilamowitz Homer. Unters. 284). The son of Dryas, the hero “wolf-rage”, whom the poet’s imagination had fitted out with all the features of barbaric wildness, <60> went against the young god and fought back against the pleasure and frenzy of his female followers. Even Dionysos could only save himself by jumping into the sea. The Thracian Lykurgos corresponds to the character of Pentheus from Boeotian myth, the man of sorrow, also a representation of making a stand against the new religion. The tale of Diodorus V 50, in which instead of Lykurgos it’s his brother Butes (see vol. III p. 1082 num. 5), and instead of Dionysos his nurses arrive, is named - with clear reason - as a duplicate of the Lykurgos-tale of the Iliad by E. Maass Herm. XXIII 1888, 73. <page break 1036/1037> The myth is published by Diodorus according to Phthiotis; Butes and his Thracians meet the τροφοί of Dionysos at a festival of Dionysos on Mount Drios. Maass recalls here the Dionysos πελάγιος from Pagasai. <10>

In contrast to this group stands a different one, which tells the stories of heroes or people who take in the god after he arrives in a friendly way, and therefore are presented with the gift of wine from him. These myths arose in the countryside, in which wine-making was speedily adopted and, in pious simple-mindedness, was traced back to the epiphany of Dionysos. Above all else, it was Aetolia and Attica where such myths arose. In Aetolia, the myth places the myth of the introduction of wine-making on the character of the king Oineus, <20> whom Dionysos arrived at. The name Oineus, “wine-man”, speaks for itself. His wife was Althaia, who is interpreted as the “nurturer” (Preller-Robert I⁴ 666) or the “healing one” (see vol. I p. 1694); according to the myth, she is supposed to have been the mother of Deianeira, whose father is meant to be Dionysos. With Herakles, Deianeia is supposed to have born Hyllos, which means that later, the Ptolemaic dynasty, the descendants of the Doric Herakleides, <30> can be traced back to Dionysos and Herakles. On Dionysos and the Ptolemaic dynasty, cf. F. Hiller v. Gaertringen in the Festschrift for Otto Hirschfeld 1903; see also Preller-Robert I⁴ 666 and p.1040. From Attic myths, there are of course the Ikaros and Erigone myths, about which cf. above p. 1020. The myth of Deos about the oiontropoi also belongs to these. In Delos, Staphylos, that is, the personification of the grape vine, is supposed to be the son of Dionysos <40> His daughter was the Thracian Rhoio, that is, the pomegranate (ῥοιά); and with Apollo, she bore the famous seer Anios (vol. I p. 2213), who then, with the nymph Dorippe, fathered the oinotrophoi or oinotropoi (see its respective article and vol. I loc. cit.), Oino, Spermo, and Elais, to whom Dionysos, their divine grandfather, gave the gift of turning anything into wine, corn, or oil. See the literature in Preller-Robert I⁴ 677. The bias of this myth is clear; it’s supposed to link the religion of Apollo at Delos with the religion of Dionysos. <50> The myth gains a hieratic nature; the people of Delos emulate those of Delphi (see above p. 1017). No myth of Dionysos’ epiphany, however, can be compared to the famous myth of his wedding with Ariadne. The myth was later generally located on the island of Naxos. But the original wasn’t so; people placed the wedding of Dionysos and Ariadne on the island of Dia, on the divine island, which was also a creation of imagination, like the nymph-island of Nysa. <60> We can’t trace the development of this myth back to its origin. With justification however, R. Wagner vol. II p. 807 takes the relationship of Dionysos with Ariadne, that is, the sacrosanct goddess (Hesych. s. ἀδνόν⋅ ἁγνόν⋅ Κρῆτες) as being from Crete. It cannot be determined with certainty, however, where the ἱερὸς γάμος between Dionysos and Ariadne - naturally entirely independent from the myth of Theseus at first - arose. <page break 1037/1038> The nature of the goddess Ariadne is also not fully clear. The report, which says that the grave of Ariadne was located in the temple of Dionysos Κρήσιος at Argos, who had met her death as Dionysos’ companion in the field with Perseus (Paus. II 23, 7. 8), is very important. About Dionysos and Perseus, cf. P. Kretschmer Archaeolog. Jahrb. VII (1892) 35ff. In later time, Naxos was held as the setting of the marriage between Dionysos and Ariadne. <10> In the Od. XI 325, the ἀμφιρύτη Δία is the site of the Ariadne-myth. Already in antiquity, Dia was incorrectly identified with the island of the same name, north of Crete; since originally the myth couldn’t have meant any specific location, rather only a divine island, which was solely created for the marriage of Dionysos and the sacrosanct goddess. In Kallimachos (frg. 163) the identification of the island of Dia with Naxos is first evident. <20> Catull. LXIV 52 speaks further of Dia; on the other hand, Propertius III 17, 27 and Ovid. met. III 636 name Naxos. Literature and fine art compete with each other to present the Ariadne left behind by Theseus, and found by Dionysos. All this traces back to a foundation on a ἱερὸς γάμος between the sacrosanct goddess and the son of Zeus. Dionysos’ dowry to Ariadne was the crown made by Hephaestus, which later became a constellation. <30> Similar cult-myths underlie the poem of Pherecydes of Syros on the marriage of Zas with Chthonie; cf. Diels S.-Ber. Akad. Berl. 1897, 149. It can’t be said how old the myth of the marriage of Dionysos with Ariadne is; though it’s probably older than the myth of the relationship between Ariadne and Theseus (see vol. II p. 806).

The myths which tell of Dionysos as a victor and a triumphant one, which report of his divine presence in battles and dangers, also belong to the epiphany-myths. <40> Above all, his participation in the gigantomachy belongs here. This is connected to an oracle of Ge, according to which the victory of the giants could only be achieved with the help of two heroes who had mortal mothers. By this, Dionysos and Herakles are meant; cf. Schol. Pind. Nem. I 100 and Ps.-Apollod. I 35. The appearance of Dionysos in the gigantomachy is little different to that of the other gods in the earlier art; <50> only a panther’s coat and a Thracian hat characterise the Thracian god; outside of these he carries a sword and shield like the other gods. But we soon see the god in his particular get-up with the thyrsos in his right hand, and the grape-vine or wine-cup in his left. Right from the beginning however, the appearance of the god on the artworks of the gigantomachy is met with wild animals, <60> which attack the giants - that is, lions, panthers, and snakes. It is possible, though not provable, that these animals are not only attributes of Bacchus, but actually represent his original metamorphoses, as De Witte and C. Robert first assumed; cf. M. Mayber Giganten und Titanen 321, which handles it in connection with the Dionysos in the portrayals of the gigantomachy. Hor. carm. II 18, 21 seems to take the giant Rhoetus as an opponent to Dionysos, <page break 1038/1039> whom he has defeated in the form of a lion. But a participation of a Dionysos in lion-form in the gigantomachy is neither evident in literature nor in art, and is clearly painted as an ‘ancient characteristic of the myth which only finds itself here’ by A. Kiessling without reason. But, with reason, A. Trendelenburg (Berliner Archaeol. Ges. April 1898) has correlated the Horace’s leonis unguibis horribilemque (as he reads, instead of the horribilique which is handed down to us) mala with the appearance of the giants, <10> and recalls the so-called Leon of the altar-friezes of Pergamon.

The beautiful tales of the victory of the god over the Tyrrhenian pirates also belong here. In all epiphany-myths, the same concept keeps coming back: Dionysos turns up in his whole godly might to people who are stubborn or non-believers, and punishes their impiety. <20> The oldest telling of this legend is preserved for us in the so-called Homeric hymn. VII (Διόνυσος ἢ λησταί), which A. Ludwich Königsberger Studien I 1887, 63ff. distributed as an Orphic poem, without any justification (O. Kern Wochenschr. klass. Philol. VI 1889, 281ff. O. Crusius Philol. XLVIII 1889, 188. 193ff.). The myth soon became popular: its most beautiful portrayal is the decoration of the choregian monument of Lysikrates in Athens. It’s traced back to a cult of a sea-Dionysos. by Maass, quite correctly. <30> The battle between Triton and Dionysos also belongs here (Paus. IX 20, 4; cf. K. Wernicke Archaeol. Jahrb. II 1887, 114ff.).

A new phase of Dionysos-myths begins with the military campaigns of Alexander the Great. Their geographical horizons were once again expanded: in India, Nysa - which many lands had already quarrelled about - seemed to have been found again. The tendency of the Greeks to look for the home of their gods and heroes in newly-discovered lands arose again, <40> when Alexander explored India. But it was also believed that the living Dionysos was hiding behind the form of the great Alexander. Alexander was compared with Dionysos; his military campaigns, which amazed the whole world, were equated with Dionysos’ triumphant campaign, which, accompanied by a great following who were charging in wild lust, advanced towards India, and there it showed the Greeks a new and praised land. <50> If it’s also justifiably claimed that the famous form of the Dionysian thiasos first developed following the military campaigns of Alexander, then the beginnings of the myth about the world-conquering Dionysos who was, above all else, advancing towards the east, are provable as being already around in the 5th century BCE. In Euripides’ Bacchae, Dionysos arrives at Thebes, accompanied by a crowd of Lydian women from his conquest through the east, which he explains in the prologue l. 13ff. with these words: <60> λιπὼν δὲ Λυδῶν τοὺς πολυχρύσους γύας Φρυγῶν τε, Περσῶν θ’ ἡλιοβλήτους πλάκας Βάκτριά τε τείχη τήν τε δύσχιμον χθόνα Μήδων ἐπελθὼν Ἀραβίαν τ’ εὐδαίμονα Ἀσίαν τε πᾶσαν, ἢ παρ’ ἁλμυρὰν ἅλα κεῖται μιγάσιν Ἕλλησι βαρβάροις θ’ ὁμοῦ πλήρεις ἔχουσα καλλιπυργώτους πόλεις, εἰς τήνδε πρῶτον ἦλθον Ἑλλήνων πόλιν. It is possible that this presentation of Dionysos the conqueror <page break 1039/1040> can be traced back to a tradition which is from the east, namely from Asia Minor, though it can’t be further proven in detail. Either way, the legend of Dionysos’ triumphant campaign in India is closely connected with Alexander’s military campaigns, and cannot be proven as being before him in any way. Maass Herm. XXIII 1888, 77 has very beautifully pointed out that Dionysos, like his model Alexander the Great, fought on water and on land. <10> The XXXIXth book of Nonnos describes a sea-battle, in which Dionysos triumphs over the Indians. The Indian legend of Dionysos first meets the Alexandrian historians; see Megasthenes in Müller FHG II 416 frg. 21. E. A. Schwanbeck Megasthenis Indica, Bonn 1846 and especially Botho Graef De Bacchi expedit. Indica, Diss. Berol. 1886. The story is told that Alexander equipped his army πρὸς μίμησις τῆς Διονύσου Βακχείας himself, and was therefore called Θρίαμβος (Arrian. annab. VI 28. Plut. Alex. 67, cf. vol. I p. 1429). <20> According to Diog. Laert. VI 63, the Athenians honoured Alexandros as Dionysos; cf. E. Kornemann in C. F. Lehmann’s Beiträgen zur alten Geschichte I 1902, 58. 70. His descendants, the Ptolemaic dynasty and the Seleucides, wanted to compare their kingship with the Dionysian power. Above all else, this was the case with the Ptolemaic dynasty, cf. E. Kornemann loc. cit. 67, 5. 6. 83, 2.; <30> for the Seleucides cf. ibid. 82. Famous above the rest is the Dionysian pomp of Ptolemaios Philadelphos in Alexandreia; about that, cf. the extensive description of Kallixenos in Athen. V 196 A-202 A and on that, Kamp De Ptolem. Philadephi pompa Bacch., Dissert. Bonn. 1865 and B. Graef loc. cit., who proves the influence of this great pomp on the Bacchic sarcophaguses of the Romans. For more detail, see the article on Thiasos. Later art and poetry like to take their themes from the myth of Dionysos’ triumphant campaign in India, <40> and bring it into the much older cults and traditions themselves, like eg. later in Sparta the Pyrrhic was substantially changed by this, cf. Athen. XIV 631 B: ἡ δὲ καθ’ ἡμᾶς πυῤῥίχη διονυσιακή τις εἶναι δοκεῖ ἐπιεικεστέρα οὖσα τῆς ἀρχαίας ἔχουσι γὰρ οἱ ὀρχούμενοι θύρσους ἀντὶ δοράτων, προΐενται δ’ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους καὶ νάρθηκας καὶ λαμπάδας φέρουσιν· ὀρχοῦνταί τε τὰ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς Ἰνδούς, ἔτι δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν Πενθέα. <50> Other sources in Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 704, 5. For poetry, the most important are the Dionysiaka of Nonnos of Panopolis in Egypt in 48 songs, which arose at the end of the 4th century AD; about the sources of the poem, cf. R. Köhler Über die Dionysiaka des Nonnus, Halle 1853. Preceding this in the handling of this subject matter were namely Euphorion of Chalkis, from whom there was an epic poem Διόνυσος, <60> and Soterichos, who sung of Bacchus’ Indian campaign in four books at the time of Diocletian. As an equivalent to the Indian myth of Dionysos, there was also a western one, which has Dionysos carrying out campaigns of conquest in Italy and in Spain. The Indians correspond to the Tyrrheners, like eg. Nonnos XLV 174. XLVII 627 which tells of a battle between Dionysos and the giant Alpos (vol. I p. 1638). <page break 1040/1041> In the Indian myth, the tale of Dionysos taking part in the gigantomachy already came alive; cf. F. Koepp De Gigantomachiae in poesos artisque monumentis usu, Diss. Bonn 1883. Finally, Dionysos’ triumphant campaigns end in the place where the whole religion of Dionysos originally stemmed, in Thrace. According to Ps.-Apolod. III 36 Wagn., he arrived at Thebes through Thrace and India (Wagner shouldn’t have approved Hercher’s treatment of the locations); <10> cf. Ovid. fast. III 719 Sithonas et Scythicos longum est narrare triumphos et domitas gentes, turifer Inde, tuas

VII. Attributes of Dionysos

It is very difficult to describe Dionysos’ oldest attribute. The bull could perhaps be named as this, which traced back from the time when Dionysos replaced the old bull-idol in various places, like eg. in Elis. According to the ideas of the ancients, <20> the bull embodied boisterous and wild power, and was found as such in the cult of as water-gods, above all Poseidon, whether because these gods were honoured in the form of a bull, or whether bulls were sacrificed to them. Dionysos also had his connections to the sea right from the beginning (see p. 1032 under πελάγιος), and was always taken as a god of fertility. Because of this, he was very suited to replacing the ancient animal-idol of those in Elis and filling them with new life; <30> see the old cult-song of a cult of Dionysos in Elis p. 1032 under ταῦρος. We have to picture the cult-image of this god as being, doubtless, in the form of a bull. In general however, the ancient bull-idol vanished, following the way of the many analogies of the Greek religious history: the god only continued to bear the symbols of the bull, Hörner (D. βουκέρως, ταυροκέρως, χρυσοκέρως; cf. Preller-Robert Griech. Myth. I⁴ 714, 2), or a bull-skin, <40> which, after the appearance of the myth of Dionysos’ triumphant campaign in India, was replaced by the famous panther-skin, which artwork so often depicts Dionysos wearing; or bulls were brought as offerings to the god, which meant that Sophokles, in his Tyro, could call him eg. ταυροφάγος (frg. 607 Nauck). A very peculiar bull-sacrifice in Kynaitha, Paus. VIII 19, 2. Amongst other animals, the panther and the lion are especially sacred to him, <50> both animals which certainly came into his vicinity from the cult of the Phrygian μεγάλη μήτηρ. Fine art took on the panther, accompanied by which Dionysos is portrayed in many different situations. Oppian cyneget. III 78ff. IV 230ff. takes the panthers - after the event of the ἀοιδοί - as changed maenads. Also, donkeys and rams, two animals famous for their horniness, often had the honour of bearing Dionysos on their backs. <60> There is a rather pretty idea from an Alexandrian poet, according to which Dionysos and his thiasos - which Hephaestus belonged to here - rode on donkeys into the gigantomachy, because of which the giants, scared by the whinnying of the donkeys, immediately took flight. Ps.-Eratosth. catasterism. 11 p. 92f. Rob. Rams and goats were also very often sacrificed to Dionysos, which meant he gained the epithet ἐρίφιος, αἰγοβόλος, μελαναιγίς. <page break 1041/1042> If the ancients said that rams and goats were sacrificed to Dionysos because these animals were hostile to the farming of grapes (Verg. Georg. II 380 non aliam ob culpam Baccho caper omnibus aris caeditur), it’s barely right: these animals were sacrificed to him as a god of fertility, like how Artemis had goats, above all else, as her sacrifices, as the great goddess of nature. The phallus also hints to the fertility of Dionysos, <10> and we find the phallus as a symbol in many of his cults; on this, cf. especially Plut. de cup. divit. 8: ἡ πάτριος τῶν Διονυσίων ἑορτὴ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐπεμπετο δημοτικῶν καὶ ἱλαρῶς, ἀμφορεὺς οἴνου καὶ κληματίς, εἶτα τράγον τις εἶλκεν, ἄλλος ἰσχάδωνἄῤῥιχον ἠκολούθει κομίζων, ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ ὁ φαλλός. On this, cf. the Dionysos Φαλλήν on Lesbos p. 1033, Phallus-processions were common in the cult of Dionysos, eg. in Argos, where the seer Melampus is supposed to have lead them, <20> according to Herod. II 49; in Rhodes, Athen. X 445B (on this, see van Herwerden Mnemosyne N. S. XXIX 1901, 218); and in Athens CIA II 321b 7; cf. also Dionysos ἐνόρχης and χοιροψάλας. According to the famous decree about the sending-of-a-colony[?] to Brea in Thrace (Dittenberger Syll.² 19a), the colonists had to send a phallus from Brea to Athens for the Dionysia every year. Songs (τὰ φαλλικά) normally rang out to pay for[?] this phallus which was normally brought over in a κανοῦν, and Aristophanes emulates one of these songs in Ach. 261ff. About the phallus-dances, cf. Lobeck Aglaopham. II 1086. The phallus played an especially big role in the mystery-cults, and was felt to be a symbol of fertility just as commonly in the Cista mystica as in the Liknon. In terms of plants, ivy was the most sacred to Dionysos, with which his old Theban idol (see p. 1016) was already crowned. <40> Many artworks show him crowned with ivy (κισσοχαίτης, κισσοκόμης). The ivy is as important to Dionysos as the laurel is for Apollo. The two young gods also often swap their favourite plants. Apollo is crowned with ivy, and Dionysos with laurel; see the poetic sources in Preller-Robert I⁴ 713. The thyrsos, which we find so very often in the hands of Dionysos or his male and female followers in artwork, was originally made up of a stick (νάρθηξ), <50> which was covered on the top with vines of ivy or with grape-vines, which also often decorated the temples of the god. According to Robert in Preller I⁴ 715, the oldest example of the thyrsos with a pinecone on top is probably found on the mystery-vase of the Tyskiewiez collection, Mon. d. Inst. XII 35. As time went on, there was a whole host of symbols and tools for the Dionysian cult, which especially appear in artwork - such holy bands, <60> which no worship of Greek gods did without, snakes, torches, flutes, hand-drums, which were introduced into the worship of Dionysos in part from the Phrygian worship of Cybele.

VIII. Dionysos in the mysteries

The Dionysos of the mysteries belongs to the Orphics, poets who named themselves after the Thracian singer Orpheus, and who placed Dionysos at the centre of their teachings. <page break 1042/1043> On this, cf. the article Orphics and the partially-superb statements from E. Rohde Psyche II² 105ff.; on that, Schoemann-Lipsius Griech. Altertüm. II⁴ 378ff. The Orphic movement blossomed in Athens at the time of Peisistrades, and the name of Onomakritos is tightly connected with it; cf. especially Paus. VIII 37, 5 παρὰ δὲ Ὁμήρου Ὀνομάκριτος παραλαβὼν τῶν Τιτάνων τὸ ὄνομα Διονύσῳ τε συνέθηκεν ὄργια καὶ εἶναι τοὺς Τιτᾶνας τῷ Διονύσῳ τῶν παθημάτων ἐποίησεν αὐτουργούς. <10> Herodot II 81 ascribes the Ὀρφικά to the Βακχικά; that much is correct. But it is only Herodotus’ personal opinion when he traces the Orphic ideas out of Egypt and from the Pythagoreans. Both are surely false; Herodotus’ Egyptomania is to blame (Rohde loc. cit. 108, 1). The Orphics fully identified Dionysos with Zagreus, and also gave Dionysos the name Phanes, <20> which is only evidenced in their theogony; since the reading Φάνης on the gold tablets of Thurioi is redressed by H. Diel’s Festschrift for Th. Gomperz 1902, 1ff. The cult of the orphic Dionysos grew in secret circles, which contained convents, called ἱεροὶ οἶκοι (see vol. II p. 2783) especially in Βακχεῖα. There is however no available reason to take all Dionysian mysteries as Orphic (see about that vol. III p. 1015). <30> Also, the widespread view that the Orphic Dionysos-Iakchos brought a new element to the Eleusinian mysteries of Demeter and Kore is still to be proven. On that, cf. vol. IV p. 2737 and the article Iakchos. We know extraordinarily little about the Eleusinian worship of Dionysos. On the mystery-vase Mon. d. Inst. 1885 tav. 35, Dionysos, who is curiously sitting on an omphalos, is in no way characterised as Iakchos, <40> of whom a clear pictorial portrayal hasn’t been found at all (F. Winter’s interpretation of the beautiful bust in Braccio nuovo seems rather wrong to me, Bonner Studien für Kekulé 143). By far the most important evidence for Dionysos in Eleusis is, besides the Frogs of Aristophanes, the Delphic Paean of Philodamos (H. Weil Bull. hell. XIX 1895. 393), whose third verse is read by H. Weil loc. cit. and H. Diels s.-Ber. Akad. Berlin 1896, 459 in the following way: <50> [Νυκτιφ]αὲς δὲ χειρὶ πάλλων δ[έμ]ας ἐνθέοις [σὺν οἴσ]τορις ἔμολες μυχοὺς [Ἐλε]υσῖνος ἀν’ [ἀνθεμώ]δεις· Εὐοῖ ὦ Ἰόβακχ’ ὦ Ἰ[επαι]άν [ἔθνος ἔνθ’] ἅπαν Ἑλλάδος [γ]ᾶς ἀ[μφ’ ἐ]νναέταις [φίλιον] ἐπ[όπ]ταις ὀργίων ὁσ[ίων Ἰά]κχον [κλείει σ]ε· βροτοῖς πόνων ὦιξ[ας δ’ ὅρ]μον [ἄλυπον]. It’s possible that the Eleusinian Dionysos was closely related to the Delphic one, which the omphalos of the mystery-vase could hint at. <60> This Eleusinian omphalos can also be seen on the Pinax of Ninnion (Ἐφημ. ἀρχ. 1901 πίν. 1; on that, cf. O. Kern in the Beitr. zur Gesch. der griech. Philosophie und Religion [with P. Wendland] 1895, 86 and Io. N. Svoronos Ἑρμηνεία τῶν μνημείων τοῦ Ἐλευσινιακοῦ μυστικοῦ κύκλου. Ἀθῆνοι 1901). See further in the articles Eleusis and Mysteries. <page break 1043/1044>

IX. Dionysos in art

On Dionysos in art, see the diligent compilation by E. Thraemer in Roscher’s mythol. Lexikon I 1089--1153. The graphical and literary material is so great that here only the main line of development can be given. With Dionysos, art had the opportunity to portray the god in various situations and in all ages. The cults knew Dionysos as a child, as a young man, and as a mature man. <10> In the myths, he appears as eg. someone hunted (by Lykurgos and Pentheus), as a fighter in the gigantomachy, as a conqueror in the triumphant campaign in India. All these motifs occur multiple times in fine art, and each motif has its own development and history. It’s very difficult to recognise Dionysos when his attributes - the thyrsos or the grape-vine-garland - are missing. This is because the prime-period for art liked to portray Dionysos as a delicate young man, like they did also his brother Apollo, <20> surrounded with all the beauty of male youth. But before the Thracian Dionysos was honoured by Greek art in this way, he had a long way to go to get there, starting with the column-idol in Thebes (see p. 1016). Since Dionysos was honoured particularly by wine-makers in the countryside, this primitive cult stuck around for him a lot longer than it did for other deities, <30> on this, cf. Maxim. Tyr. VIII 1 οὕτω δέ τις ποιμένων τὸν Πᾶνα τιμᾷ ἐλάτην αὐτῷ ὑψηλὴν ἐξελόμενος ἢ ἄντρον βαθύ, καὶ γεωργοὶ Διόνυσον τιμῶσι πήξαντες ἐν ὀρχάτῳ αὐτοφυὲς πρέμνον, ἀγροικικὸν ἄγαλμα. According to a statement - though admittedly not a very well authenticated one - in Harpokration s. ἀγυιᾶς, as it was to Apollo (on this, cf. J. Six Athen. Mitt. XIX 1894, 340), so too is the ἀγυιεύς, κίων εἰς ὀξὺ λήγων, ὃν ἱστᾶσι πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν supposed to have been sacred to Dionysos. Later, the wood and columns were decorated with clothes and bearded masks. <40> A particularly characteristic example of this is the beautiful Hieron-vase, Wiener Vorlegebl. A Taf. IV. Another at Thraemer loc. cit. At any rate, masks played a very large role in the worship of Dionysos.

The oldest images of Dionysos which we have are found on the bf. (black figure) vases. Normally, the god is portrayed in the ionic χιτὼν ποδήρης, over which a Chlamys, or more commonly a Himation, was thrown. The god is always bearded here, <50> as his development as a beard-less young man is evident from 5th century onwards. In his mostly rugged and curly hair, he usually wears an ivy-crown on the bf. vases (cf. Dionysos Κισσός p. 1029), as he holds a drinking vessel in one hand, and a vine (usually a grape-vine) in the other. The thyrsos isn’t presented as an attribute in these earliest of vases, although here and there a sceptre appears in his hand. <60> The panther-skin (the pardalis), according to Thraemer loc. cit. 1095, is only met on one singular occasion (Gerhard Auserl. Vasenb. I Taf 63). In terms of animals, we find him accompanied by the billy goat, the bull, and especially the mule, which the god often rides on. Just as on the oldest vases, we also have to bring to mind a god portrayed on the drawers of Kypselos and on the bathron of the throne of Amyklai. <page break 1044/1045>

On the rf. (red figure) vases, Dionysos appears at first to be in exactly the same form as on the bf., since there was quite a long time when both styles were being used. It’s only coincidence that the pardalis now appears more often. Diodorus’s (IV) words κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις μάχας ὅπλοις αὐτὸν πολεμικοῖς κεκοσμῆσθαι καὶ δοραῖς παρδάλεων, κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἐν εἰρήνῃ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἑορτὰς ἐσθῆσιν ἀνθειναῖς καὶ κατὰ τὴν μαλακότητα τρυφεραῖς χρῆσθαι haven’t yet been confirmed by the monuments. <10> Archaic statues or busts that can be interpreted as Dionysos haven’t been handed down to us. This also means that we can’t have a clear picture of the statue of Dionysos of Myron, which Paus. IX 30 1 mentions as θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον μετὰ τὸν Ἀθήνῃσιν Ἐρεχθέα. For the Dionysos-type of this time, the coins are of importance, eg. a tetradrachm from Naxos in Sicily. The portrayals of the bearded Dionysos are taken right from the moment <20> when art created a new ideal of him, in the form of the unbearded Dionysos, radiant in young beauty. The Dionysos of Kalamis in Tanagra is generally taken as the oldest example of this; on this, cf. Paus. IX 20, 4 ἐν δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τῷ ναῷ θέας μὲν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα ἄξιον, λίθου τε ὂν Παρίου καὶ ἔργον Καλάμιδος. His lack of a beard is shown in the coins; cf. Imhoof-Blumer Wiener Numism. Ztschr. IX 1877, 32 and E. Curtius Arch. Ztg. XLI 187, 225; <30> see also K. Wernicke Arch. Jahrb. II 1887, 114. In Attica, Dionysos first appears in his younger form on the frieze of the Parthenon, on which a god so important for Attica could hardly be missing. But right from the emergence of Praxiteles, the whole of fine art was dominated by the portrayal of the young Dionysos. Through him, a new ideal was made, and not only for him; but also his companions in his wine-feasting and strolling, primarily the satyrs, <40> become quite literally rejuvenated by Praxitelean art. Like the artists, the poets now emphasize his youthful beauty. There remain a great number of statues and busts of Dionysos from the 4th century onwards - or at least such monuments for which the interpretation of Dionysos, as opposed to other gods, is most fitting. But an interpretation of Dionysos is only certain when the statue is sufficiently characterised by one of his attributes. <50> Otherwise, the interpretation often goes wrong. Nothing seems more wrong than, for instance, right after having seen the enthusiastic and dreamy appearance of a bust, to decide it’s a portrayal of Dionysos. In this regard, Thraemer loc. cit. have gone far too far. Of all the later statues of Dioysos, we put the most emphasis on a particularly beautiful example found in Tivole of the god as a young man (Mon. d. Inst. XI 51 and Ad. Michaelis Annali 1883, 136ff.). <60> On many statues, especially of the later time, you can see how the bodily form of the god kept becoming softer, almost feminine. From his myths, art has handled in particular the myth of his birth, his arrival at Ikarios, the return of Hephaestus in Mount Olympus which he brought about, his part in the gigantomachy, the Pentheus and Lykurgos tales, and his encounter with Ariadne. <page break 1045/1046> Since the time of Alexander the Great, it was his whole thiasos, the group of the silene, satyrs, and maenads, which made up his countless artistic portrayals; on that. cf. B. Graef De bacchi expeditione Indica, Diss. Berol. 1886, 1ff.

Preller-Robert Griech. Mythol. I⁴ 1894, 659--718. F. G. Welcker Griech. Götterlehre I (1857) 424--451. II (1860) 571--653. O. Ribeck Anfänge und Entwicklung des Dionysus-cultus in Attika. Kieler Universitätsschrift 1869. F. A. Voigt and E. Thraemer in Roscher’s Lexikon I 1029--1153. E. Rohde Psyche II² 1898, 1--102.

[Kern.]

This article is referenced by: Dionysia (1-2), Iakchos