Tainaron 1

This whole mountainous peninsula (highest peak 317m) is also made out of marble; only on the eastern side is there a narrow slate strip of the isthmus stretching to the south. <50> The less divided western coast is rough and craggy as it rises from the sea. On the opposite side, following the south-south-east trend of the mountain, two ports open up, next to the Kap, Porto Asómato, and further north Porto Vathý. Philippson 225f. 237f. Adm. Chart 3372.

§ 5. The ports

1. Porto Marinári, named Marmari by Leake 295, a bay which opens toward the west, around 500m wide and just as deep. <60> Coastal vessels anchor at a small branch on its south side. The mountainsides rise up directly from the beach. The nearest group of houses, Chárakles, lies on the ridge of the isthmus. Bursian 775. Philippson 226. Pilot III 372. Mittelm.-Hdb. 126.

2. Porto Kálion or Quaglio, Kaio, Kagio, actually Porto delle quaglie, named after the quails which flock here in August and September, which are caught en masse by the Mainotians. <page break 2033/2034> Saint-Vincent 456. Philippson 225. 227. A 450m wide entrance leads from the east into a basin, which extends into the land for 800m westwards and which reaches a width of 1200m from north to south. <50> The branches in the north and south are completely protected. Adm. Chart 3342. Pilot IV 13. Mittelm-Hdb. 128. Small coastal vessels operate in the bay; steamers from Piraeus run weekly. Pilot 14. Mittelm.-Hdb. 129. The ruined houses of the small settlement Achílleion lie along the water. High up on the slope, on the west side of the northern inlet, there is the abandoned monastery τῆς Παναγίας τοῦ Πορτοκαΐου. To the east of it is a beautiful spring, <60> and even further east the ruins of the mediaeval fortress Maina have been preserved. Leake 305f. Boblaye 89. Traquair BSA XIII 275 with Bild Pl. III. From the beach, the land rises partially in steep cliff-faces, partially in gradual slopes, which are used to farm grain. Leake 296. South of the harbour, at a high-point, is the settlement Páliros. In the middle ages, the harbour was important for sea travel. Portolano Gratios. 131. Magliab. 137. Rizo 218. <page break 2034/2035>

3. Porto Vathý, βαθὺ αὐλάκι in Bursian 773, has a narrow winding fjord-like recess, Philippson 226, endangered by down-slope winds on all sides, and with a narrow beach. Leake 296. Pilot 13. Mittelm.-Hdb. 129. Adm. Chart 1685. For small vessels, it can serve as a temporary harbour when seas are rough, <10> but throughout all ages, including the middle ages, it has been otherwise unimportant for sea travel. Kretschmer 635 is wrong when he takes La uatica in Portolano Parma-Magliabecchi 138 (p. 317) and Gratiosus Benincasa 130 (p. 401) to refer to Porto Vathý. Instead, the Vatika-Bai northwest of Malea is meant, as the reference to the isola dei cervi, ie. Elaphónisos, shows. Porto Vathý is, in Portolano Rizo 218 (p. 508), the ‘chala’ between ‘malio matapan’ and ‘porto dele quaie’. <20>

4. Porto Asómato bears its name from a long gone chapel τῶν ἁγίων Ἀσωμάτων, ie. the angel; it was also called Kisternes or Sternes following the reservoirs from the ancient settlement; this was corrupted to Liternes. In Portolan Rizo 217 (p. 508), the first name mentioned above is changed to San Matthio. The port was about 1.5km north of Kap Matapan, its 366m wide entrance opened up to the south-south-east; it stretched 550m back into the land. <30> Three smaller protrusions branch off in the middle of the bay. A few sparse fields of grain are nearby. A small group of houses is north-west of the port, near a marble quarry. Philippson 226. Pilot 13. Mittelm.-Hdb. 128f. Adm. Chart 1685. Port Asómato must also only be considered as a port for emergencies, namely when there was a strong west wind. <40>

III. Historical geography

§ 6. Tainaron as a geographical location

The promontory Tainaron lies on the outskirts of the main stage for Greek history. The fleet of the Corcyrians stayed west of it in 480, Herodot. VII 168. For exiled Athenians, it represented the western limit of the area they had to avoid, Plut. Phok. 29. It formed the border between the Laconic and the Messenian gulf, Artemid. Strab. VIII 363. Agathem. 24. Plin. IV 15. <50> In the study of geography since Dichaearchus, it was cut by an important line of latitude, that which crossed the mediterranean, Plin. II 243. Berger Gesch. der wiss. Erdk. der Gr. III 51. 96. For making maps, important lines were drawn from Tainaron outwards: to Pachynos in Sicily Strab. II 124. VI 267 (Artemid.). VIII 363 (Artemid.). Ptolem. I 12, 10. Agathem. 16; to Phykus in Cyrenae Strab. VIII 363. XVII 837. Plin. V 32; <60> to Korykos on Crete Strab. VIII 363; to Astypalaia Agathem. 16; to Malea Strab. VIII 363.

We can inform ourselves about the marble quarries on Tainaron best from Siegel in Henzen Bull. d. Inst. 1857, 155ff. The black marble, Plin. n. h. XXXVI 135. 158, was quarried to the west of the port Asómato, fior di persico, Sext. Pyrrh. hyp. 130, <page break 2035/2036> between Vathý and Portokálion, the rosso antico, Strab. VIII 367. Tibull. III 3, 14. Prop. III 2, 9, in Dimaristika, so far north of the peninsula Matapan. Further literature vol. III A p.1347, 14ff. On iron mines, ibid. l. 58f.

§ 7. The ports Achilleios and Psamathus

1. From Skyl. 46, it can be determined that the two ports, Achilleios and its ἀντίπυγος Psamathus, lay at the root of the peninsula Matapan, <10> and since his list went from west to east, the first corresponds to today’s Porto Marinári and the second to today’s Porto Kálion. Bursian 774ff.; Geogr. 150. Weil 159. Either way, Paus. III 25, 4, whose periegesis goes from the east towards the promontory, names Achilleios then Psamathus. When correctly interpreted, this is only a confirmation of the conclusion drawn from Skylax; <20> this is because Pausanias had also used a periplus and accidentally stuck to its order; however, all periploi go from west to east. Reitz De praepos. ὑπέρ ap. Paus. usu locali, Diss. Freiburg i. B. 1891, 20. Heberdey Reisen des Paus. 62. Attributing the names to the places in this way is universally accepted, this is also the case in Boblaye 90; however, on the previous page, he is inclined to equate Porto Kálion with Achilleios and Porto Asómato with Psamathus; this is what you will read on the Carte de la Grèce, <30> and hence Ἀχίλλειον is the official name of the area of Porto Kalion today, which contains the two other settlements on the peninsula, Chárakes and Páliros.

Ἀχίλλειος λιμήν seems to have been nothing other than a landing site used occasionally; ancient remains have not been found. Hirschfeld vol. I p.220, 56ff. Frazer 396. Hitzig-Blümner 867. Woodward 247. <40> Perhaps C. Müller is right when he links Skyl. 46 with the note in Steph. Byz. s. Ἀχίλλειος δρόμος … ἔστι καὶ φρούριον Ἀχίλλειον πλησίον Σμύρνης καὶ τόπος ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ κώμη καὶ λιμὴν Μεσσήνης. The κώμη would have had to have been at Chárakes, above § 5 a.

1. Ψαμαθοῦς, in contrast, was a πόλις at the time of Artemidoros, Steph. Byz. s. v. Strab. VIII 363 (Vat. and A give αμαθους), oppidum Plin. IV 16. It doesn’t turn up among the cities of the Eleutherolaconians, Paus. III 21, 7; <50> this indicates that it was incorporated into the newly founded Tainaron-Kainepolis. Remains from antiquity are sparse. Boblaye 89. Bursian 774. IG 1224f. Woodward 248. 260, 4 a. A series of very simple graves high on the ridge of the isthmus south-west of the harbour is important. Woodward 248f. Following the ceramic artifacts, he dates it to the Hellenistic time period. However, without more evidence we cannot link it to mercenary soldiers like he does, which Tainaron had been the main assembly point for for a long time; <60> this is because written history offers no evidence to suggest that Tainaron continued to have this importance after the end of the 4th century, below § 10. However, it is correct that only in this port was there enough space for the mercenary troops to set up camp, and, which cannot be ignored in the south, they also found drinking water. <page break 2036/2037> Probably, most of the other mentions of the Port Tainaron are in reference to Psamathus, below § 10. Except for the spring mentioned above § 5 b, there were others north and north-west of the port which sprang up high on the mountainside Bursian 775. Philippson 226. Woodward 252f. Paus. III 25, 8 mentions a spring ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ. That would be the spring at the monastery, since there is no spring at Porto Asómato, and since this comment would best be related to an event very close to a port, since it does clearly come from the periplus (above § 7 a). cf. else below § 17 a. <10>

At Porto Vathý (above § 5 c), which Leake M I 302; Pelop. 175 stubbornly wish to consider as the Ἀχίλλειος λιμήν, there was no ancient settlement. The bay isn’t mentioned at all in ancient literature.

§ 8. Tainaron’s settlement

In its stricter sense, Tainaron refers to the port Asómato (above § 5 d) and its settlement. <20>

1. Its remains can be traced for 300m along the beach. Woodward 249. The whole way through, they are made up of works created into the mountainside which barely protruded out of the water: horizontal surfaces for living rooms, stairs, a piece of road, many cisterns, some of which were bottle-shaped. In one room, Woodward found a mosaic floor. Leake 298. Blouet 52. Bursian 780. Weil 160. On the far west side of the settlement, <30> Woodward 252 believes that remains of an Antae temple can be found. On a round limestone peak, which divides the two most northerly inlets, there are still a few pieces of marble from the church of the Hagioi Asómatoi standing. Woodward 250 with fig. 2 considers it possible that the western wall is ancient; in the joins on the north wall he found mortar everywhere. So, it isn’t out of the question that there may have been a temple here in antiquity. Leake 296ff. Blouet 52. Bursian 776. Weil 159. <40>

2. The sanctuary of Poseidon. To the east of the named limestone peak, a flat narrow canyon stretches out towards the beach. On its west side, a 10m deep and somewhat wider cave opens up. Directly before it, there was a building which took up the entire width of the canyon, since in the west as in the east, the rocks below were made a few centimetres high perpendicularly, <50> clearly since the side walls of the building had run along here. Woodward 250f. could only confirm the remnants of two more layers of well worked tufa blocks along the length of the northern wall. Otherwise, we must fall back on Bursian’s observations 776f., who also saw the southern walls and a transverse wall inside clearly, as well as a second one in fragments. Accordingly, the outer walls formed a rectangle stretching 19.60m east to west and 16m north to south. <60> In the middle of the 0.60m thick northern wall, a 2.60m wide door lead inside; directly next to it on the right and left were the transverse walls. So, in both the east and the west, there was a rectangle of 14.80m to 7.50m in the light, and between them was a strip just over 3m wide. The fact that this was a sanctuary of Poseidon is clear from the get go. <page break 2037/2038> Bursian was inclined to interpret the finds such that only one building had stood on the middle strip, and that both of the rectangles next to it had formed open courtyards, and would have served as an asylum. This interpretation is unsatisfactory at every point. The temenos must have been much larger, and for the transverse walls, the most obvious explanation is that they served as supports for deck beams, which would only have needed to be 8m long for both of the large rooms in this set-up. <10> Regardless, we can definitely consider it to be certain that there was also a door in the southern wall, since a sanctuary of Poseidon must have had an entrance leading to the sea. Then, the narrow strip in the middle of the building could have also been a corridor, leading from the beach to the grove in the northern part of the canyon (see below). No kinds of architectural structures have been found; <20> Siegel’s note 155 ‘nè vi mancano pezzi architettonici’ is too vague to be useful. In contrast, Bursian 777 saw a few slabs of black roof slates, which he interpreted as the main cornice of the building: in Siegel it is ‘frammenti di fregi lavorati d’una lavagna assai nera e dura’. If we also consider what can be determined about the floorplans, then we get a completely bare oikos with simple doors on the north long wall, as well as probably other doors in the south long wall. <30> And so, with its smooth walls, the building was even further away from the usual form of a Greek temple than that reconstructed by Rhomaios in Taxiarchis in Aetolia. Δελτίον X 1926, 2ff. Abb. S. 8. Weickert Typen der arch. Architektur 34. We can assume that the building completely closed up the cave, and even blocked it from view; accordingly, there must have been a door in the western wall through which you could reach the cave. <40> Beneath the foundations of the west wall, a hoard of at least 70 bronzes was uncovered in 1856 during an illegal excavation, some of which showed horses, and some of which showed bulls. Siegel 155. [Frazer 398 and Hitzig-Blümner 867f. also suggest that a small bronze of a dolphin rider was found. This is a misunderstanding of Bursian Geogr. 151, 1, who is only discussing ancient sources.] <50> Since the building took up the whole width of the canyon, they had to take measures to deal with the run-off of water which would have flowed down after heavy rains. For this purpose, they built a 1.60m wide channel of a considerable depth in the rock on the eastern edge of the canyon, which began above the building and lead down into the sea to the south of it. Busian 778. Siegel 155. There can’t have been a lack of votive offerings; around 240, the Aetolians plundered the shrine, <60> Polyb. IX 34, 9. Niese II 262. Beloch IV 1, 628, and in the 1st century the pirates, Plut. Pomp. 24.

3. Finally, we need to compare these finds with the ancient accounts of the sanctuary of Poseidon at Tainaron. Mela II 51 is readily understandable: in ipso Taenaro Pentuni templum et specus, illi quem in Ponto Acherusium diximus facie et fabula similis; cf. I 103. So, the temple and the cave belong together. <page break 2038/2039> Artemidoros in Strab. VIII 363 (515, 20 M) ἱερὸν … τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἐν ἄλσει ἱδρυμένον· πλησίον δ’ αὐτοῦ ἄντρον. The grove can only have been in the canyon, north of the building. Here, weathered earth could have accumulated, here, there was moisture; and even now, at the very least bushes and grasses still grow here (Bursian 777), while all around it is bare rock. <10> The term πλησίον is not inadequate for placing the cave to this grove. Paus. III 25, 4 ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἄκρᾳ ναὸς εἰκασμένος σπηλαίῳ καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἄγαλμα. It follows the story of an adventure of Herakles, and in it it says οὔτε ὑπὸ γῆν ὁδοῦ διὰ τοῦ σπηλαίου φερούσης. As has been shown, the cult building had no similarities with a Greek temple, whether inside or outside. If it was also short as well, <20> then the inside could easily have given the impression of a cave to those entering, especially seeing as its design was naturally made with the actual cave in mind, the famed entrance to the underworld, which it supposedly directly lead to. Because of this, I believe that the description ναὸς εἰκασμένος σπηλαίῳ is sufficient; cf. θεραπαίνας Ἐρινύσιν εἰκασμένας III 19, 10 (hence Hitzig after a Paris.; Siebelis had conjectured it), γραΐ εἰκασμένην I 39, 1. <30> It is only strange that Pausanias doesn’t mention the cave itself at all in his description, and only first mentions it in the connected λόγος. However, this is something which he often did in other places, Robert Paus. als Schriftsteller 203.

IV. History

§ 9. Cult sites

There were probably cult sites on Tainaron even in pre-Greek times, below § 11. The cult of Poseidon was doubtless set up by the Achaeans and taken over by the Dorians, below § 12. 15. <40> There were settlements in two places, perhaps three if the κώμη mentioned by Steph. Byz. belongs to Tainaron, above § 7 a. On the bay of Porto Kálion was Psamathus, above § 7 b, an independent community around 100 BCE, later perhaps a κώμη of Kainepolis, since it doesn’t turn up in the list of Eleutherolaconian cities. The other settlement, at the Port Asómatos, did leave behind clear remains, § 8 a. <50> Nothing to do with its age can be worked out from them. The myth of Euphemos, below § 16, seems to require this settlement, οἴκοι Pind. Pyth. IV 43. ᾤκει Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV 1750. In contrast, Pherekydes probably didn’t mention a πόλις Tainaron, § 3 d. Because of the notorious unreliability of the authors in using these kinds of terms, vol. III A p.1322, 42ff., we cannot make any surefire conclusions about the legal standing of the community from the few sources which do use the word πόλις in reference to Tainaron. <60> The high status of the cult of Poseidon, below § 15, and its close links to the helots, below § 12 b, make it very likely that the Spartan regime constantly supervised the area. How exactly that happened is impossible to tell. Kahrstedt Griech. Staatsr. I 7f. 280. <page break 2039/2040>

§ 10 a.

Merchant ships would have touched at the port at the sanctuary of Poseidon during storms often enough, though it is only explicitly mentioned Eur. Kykl. 292; cf. above § 3 d. In all other cases, the port of Psamathus, above § 5 b. 7 b, was far more important, because it was protected from all winds, had more room on the beach, and offered spring water. Accordingly, this is the port which the following accounts most probably refer to: <10> 413 Thuk. VII 19, 4 Departure of Spartan troops to Syracuse. 223/2 Plut. Kleom. 22, 6. 38, 6 The mother of Kleomenes and the wife of Panteus journey to Egypt. The farewell scene in the temple of Poseidon in the first source was, of course, on account of Phylarchos. 43 BCE 60 ships of Cassius sail in, Appian. bell. civ. IV 74. Stähelin vol. XI p.756, 54ff [corrected from Stähelin vol. IX p.756, 54ff.]. 31 BCE a few remnants of Antony’s fleet gather themselves here, Plut. Ant. 67, 5. Gardthausen Augustus I 406. <20> In the Italian portolans too, Porto Asómato is very much in the background, Rizo 218 (p. 508), while Porto Kálion plays a more important role, Parma-Magliabecchi 137 (p. 317). Gratiosus Benicasa 131f. (p. 401f.), Rizo 217 (p. 508).

§ 10 b.

In the last third of the 4th century, Tainaron became the main gathering point for all mercenaries. Around 10 000 men must have often camped here. Only Psamathus had enough room for this, above § 7 b. <30> The duration of this practice has been overestimated by Niebuhr Vortr. über alte Gesch. II 473, H. Droysen Heerwesen und Kriegführung 79, 2. The following dates are attested:

333: The king Agis had troops recruited here, Arrian. anab. II 13, 6.

326/5: The mercenaries dismissed to Asia on Alexander’s orders travel to Tainaron. Diod. XVII 111, 1f. Geyer vol. XII p.2060, 23ff. <40>

324: Harpalos brings 6000 mercenaries to Tainaron, Diod. XVII 108, 6f. Stähelin vol. VII p.2398, 55ff. 2399, 31ff. 2400, 30ff. Niese I 176. Beloch IV 2, 434ff. At the same time, a troop under Chares stopped here, [Plut.] vit. X or. 848 E. Hypereides frg. LXIV Jensen. Kirchner vol. III p.2128, 4ff.

323: Leosthenes takes 8000 men as mercenaries on behalf of Athens, Diod. XVII 111, 3. XVIII 9, 1ff. Droysen II² 45. Geyer vol. XII p.2060, 51ff. <50>

323/2: Thibron has more than 2500 mercenaries come from Tainaron to Cyrene, Diod. XVIII 21, 1. Niese I 216, 2. Beloch IV 1, 81.

316/5: Supposedly, Aristodemus recruited mercenaries in the Peloponnese on behalf of Antigonos, Diod. XIX 57, 5. The fact that this happened in Tainaros is made clear by 60, 1: he journeyed to Laconia and gained permission to recruit from the Spartans; of course, they paid for giving this permission. 8000 men followed him, Droysen II² 2, 8. 11. <60>

304: Kleonymos gathered 5000 men on Tainaron for his campaign to Tarentum, Diod. XX 104. Droysen II² 2, 189. Lenschau vol. XI p.730, 59ff.

Other cases have not been handed down to us. When Niese II 205. 297 also considers Tainaron as the given place for recruitment in the middle of the 3rd century, the sources give no evidence for that. The recruitment done by the king Agis was clearly what prompted people to choose this spot to gather themselves. <page break 2040/2041> On its land border, Tainaron was isolated by sparsely inhabited mountains. So, the Spartan regime didn’t need to worry about whether the mercenaries would harm the people from this remote place. On the other hand, it should be assumed that they found out about foreigners recruiting mercenaries; this is evident in the case of Aristodemos. However, Tainaron was on the border of the scene of war at the time, and wasn’t too far away. <10>

V. Culture and myths

§ 11. Other cults

Only one cult was active on Tainaron during the historically clearer ages: that of Poseidon. Tradition allows us to guess at a few lost cults more than to recognise them.

a) The god on the dolphin. As Herod. I 23 tell us, there was ἀνάθημα χἀλκεον οὐ μέγα … ἐπὶ δελφῖνος ἐπεὼν ἄνθρωπος on Tainaron. <20> Its location has never been determined more precisely, Usener Sintflutsagen 150, 1 (see below § 11 e). With reference to Herodotos, Gell. XVI 19, 16 and Paus. IV 25, 7 report the same fact. However, all the other sources also clearly trace more or less back to Herodotos, Fronto 237 Naber. Favor. [Dio v. Pr.] XXXVII 4. Philostr. imag. I 18, 4. Nikol. rhet. gr. I 271 Walz. Sever. ibid. 538. Solin. 7, 6. Enriched by quoting an epigram (Preger 187) and the alleged Hymn of Arion, Ailian. n. an. II 15. Crusius vol. II p.838, 38ff. Other late evidence ibid. 837, 66ff. <30> I won’t dare make any conjecture about how far back you can go with the dating of the bronze. Neugebauer (in a letter) considers the mid 6th century to be the upper boundary. The image of the rider on the dolphin belongs originally in a religious sphere. Müller Dorier II² 361, 4. Studniczka Kyrene 184. M. Wellmann vol. IV p.2507, 48ff. Gruppe Myth. 167. Schmid-Stählin Gesch. der gr. Lit. I 407, 2. <40> Very different suggestions could be made, Usener Sintflutsagen 135ff., and and following an understanding of the epic divine sphere it could be connected with Poseidon just as much as Apollo Delphinios. Crusius 839, 19ff. The closest parallel is the legend of Koiranos, Archil. frg. 51, 10ff. 117 D; the relief of Thasos, Bull. hell. XLVII 1923, 347 fig. 15 is very curious. Whatever idea the dedication of the monument to Tainaron had remains unknown, <50> though in literature it was interpreted as Arion. Welcker Kl. Schr. I 91ff. Lehrs Popul. Aufs.² 383dd. Crusius 836ff. Klement Arion, Wien 1898 (referenced by Usener 140 note). Usener 150. 160. The rescue is told by Strab. XIII 618 and Plin. n. h. IX 28 with reference to Herodotos; else [Arion] hymn. 12. Plut. conv. sept. sap. 18, 160 E ff. A reference in Plat. rep. V 453 D. Lukian. ἐνάλ. διάλ. 8, 1 places the event in a different context, Crusius 837, 1ff. <60>

b) Tettix supposedly came to Tainaron from Crete, and founded a city there, Plut. ser. vind. 17, 560 E. Hesych. s. Τἐττιγος ἕδρανον, and was also buried there, Suid. s. Ἀρχίλοχος (Ailian. frg. 80). These accounts are interwoven in the legends of the penalty which the delphic oracle placed on Kalondas, because he had killed Archilochos in battle. <page break 2041/2042> Crusius vol. II p.495. Accordingly, we could potentially assume that a grave of Tettix was on Tainaron somewhere. Everything else remains uncertain. cf. below § 17 b.

c) Achilles, whose cult is evidenced in Laconia in many places, Wide 232ff., must have also been worshipped at some point at the Ἀχίλλειος λιμήν, above § 7 a. <10>

d) A cult of Helios is only attested by Hom. hymn. Apoll. 411ff. He calls Tainaron χῶρον Ἠελίοιο | ἔνθα τε μῆλα βαθύτριχα βόσκεται αἰεὶ | Ἠελίοιο ἄνακτος, ἔχει δ’ ἐπιτερπέα χῶρον. As the attribute shows, it was sheep which found sufficient pasture on the wet ground of the peninsula. Rapp. Myth. Lex. I 2018, 40. Jessen vol. VIII p.63, 54ff. 83, 26f. Compare the holy πρόβατα of the god at Apollonia in Epeiros, Herodot. IX 93. Cattle and sheep graze on Thrinakie, Hom. Od. XI 108. XII 128. 262f. v. Wilamowitz 114, 3. <20> The cult of Helios is potentially pre-Greek, or at any rate not Greek. v. Wilamowitz 110. 115f. The pasiphae of Thalamai cannot be connected with Helios of Tainaron without further evidence (as Malten 119. v. Wilamowtiz 114f.), since the two places were 50km apart, after all. <30>

e) Apollo. Ephoros F 150 in Strab. VIII 373f. (hence Eustath. Dion. Per. 498) reports that Apollo had exchanged Delphi from Poseidon for Tainaron. He also adds an oracle which deemed both cult sites equally important. The same is also found in Paus. II 33, 2 and Suid. s. ἀνεῖλεν (here with a motivation that doesn’t fit). v. Wilamowitz 213, 1. On Poseidon in Delphi, cf. Plut. quaest. conv. IX 6, 741 A. Schneider on Kallim. frg. 221. Wernicke vol. II p.39, 25ff. v. Wilamowitz 213. <40> In order to attribute importance to Tainaron on account of this story, you would have to assume that they considered Apollo and Helios the same. This is because the cult of Poseidon arrived at Tainaron through the Achaeans so early, below § 12 b, that only one pre-Greek cult could have been replaced by him. This would perhaps make sense with Helios, but not for Apollo. However, there cannot have been any tradition on changes to cults from such an early time period; accordingly, Ephoros only gives one scholarly combination. <50> He is clearly being careless when Serv. Verg. VIII 55 has Arion set up the monument to his rescue in templo Apollinis. And so, there is no evidence for the cult of Apollo on Tainaron.

f) Dionysos. On the beach from Porto Asómato on a boulder of 80 to 40cm, Woodward 259 nr. 3 (a) read the inscription [Μ]ελησίης Διονύσωι. He considered it to be evidence for the cult of the god at Tainaron. <60> However, it would also be possible to suggest that an Ionian sailor had wanted to thank the god of his homeland for a fortunate rescue. Kolbe on IG 1342 believes that the stone was carried off to Tainaron.

§ 12. Poseidon.

a) The name

The emancipation documents from the second half of the 5th and the first half of the 4th centuries, IG 1228. 1230-1232. Schwyzer 52, 1-4, call the god Ποhοιδάν, the proxenia decree of Κοινὸν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων IG 1226f. from the 2nd or 1st century BCE Ποσειδὰν ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, <page break 2042/2043> and this name for the god is already known by Aristoph. Ach. 510. We meet Ταινάριος as an epithet in Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 509. Propert. I 13, 22. Πόντιος [Eupolis] frg. 140 K I 295 in Herodian. II 917, 5 L. Ἀσφάλειος Schol. Arist. loc. cit. Suid. s. Ταίναρον. The latter epithet has probably been attributed to the Tainarian Poseidon by grammarians mistakenly, <10> by confusing it with the cult in Sparta, Paus. III 11, 9. Preller-Robert 572, 2. Ziehen vol. III A p.1501, 12ff.

b) The form of the name Ποhοιδάν

The form Ποhοιδάν is the Laconic version of the Achaean Ποσοιδᾶν. Malten 119, 5 gives the literature. The name shows that the Dorians took over the cult at Tainaron from the more ancient Greek class. Bechtel Griech. Dial. I 350. II 340f. Pareti Storia di Sparta arcaica I 59. <20> The fact that the sanctuary had a specific meaning for the helots should also clearly be traced back here. Schweitzer Herakles 107. In Sophocles’ satyr play Ἡρακλῆς ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, the helots formed the chorus. Nauck² 205ff. Eustath. II. 297, 37. The sanctuary offered them asylia. Because the Spartan authorities abused this right to asylum against a number of helots, Poseidon was supposed to have brought about the great earthquake of 465 over Laconia. <30> Thuk. I 128, 1. Ailian. var. hist. VI 7. Paus. IV 24, 5. VII 25, 3. Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 509. Suid. s. Ταίναρον, s. ἀπέσπασε, s. Ταινάριον κακόν, Apostol. XV 94. [Plut.] prov. I 54. This was the version which the Athenians spread before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, at least. These close links between the helots and the Achaean Ποσοιδᾶν also help to confirm the view that they were descendents of the defeated Achaeans. Ehrenberg vol. III A p.1375, 13ff. <40> Asylia was then also extended to private slaves; accordingly, the slave of Pausanias took refuge in the sanctuary in agreement with the ephors. Thuk. I 133. Diod. XI 45, 4. Nepos Paus. 4, 4. [Themist.] ep. 16, 756 H. Aristodem. 8, 2 (FHG V 11). v. Wilamowitz Lesebuch II 1, 29. This is also why a private slave was freed here in the presence of an ephor, above § 12 a. Foucart 133f. The sanctuary of Poseidon, <50> in which king Agis II (Plut. Agis 16, 6) sought refuge, is not the one on Tainaron as Niese II 303. Kahrstedt 14, 1 think; the rest of the story conclusively shows that it was in Sparta.

§ 13.

The extant remains and the ancient descriptions of the sanctuary have been handled above § 8 b. c. Most mentions don’t trace back to any local knowledge, but instead only reflect knowledge gained from schooling and lectures, sometimes arbitrarily embellished. <60> ἱερόν Thuk. I 128, 1. Skyl. 46. Polyb. IX 34, 9. Diod. XI 45, 4. Paus. VII 25, 3. Skymn. 513. Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 509. Steph. Byz. s. Ταίναρος. τέμενος [Eupolis] frg. 140 K I 295. Aristod. 8, 2. fanum Nep. Paus. 4, 4. νεώς Plut. Pomp. 24; Kleom. 22. templum Mela II 51. βωμός Paus. IV 24, 5. ara Nepos loc. cit. In the image sketched above, only a few more events need to be drawn in. <page break 2043/2044> In the grove, the slave of Pausanias supposedly set up his καλύβη, Thuk. I 133. Diod. XI 45, 4. Woodward 250 changes it to the temple. The statue of the god, which stood before the cult building, Paus. III 25, 4, was most probably on the northern side following the grove, since Poseidon’s links to the sea trace back so completely to Tainaron. The cave was considered an entrance to the underworld, although no visible path lead into the depths, as Paus. § 5 stressed. The same was also true of other entrances to hell. <10>

§ 14.

The idea of an entrance to hell at Tainaron first gained literary importance when Herakles’ adventure with Kerberos was linked to this location. v. Wilamowitz 314. This was first mentioned by Hekataios I F 27 (Paus. III 25, 5) with a rationalistic reinterpretation. However, even this shows that the connection itself must have been made much earlier, <20> and, as Jacoby I 326, 15 has seen, it must have been by an epic poet. This is why the tragedians are aware of it, Sophocles’ satyr play Ἡρακλῆς ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ Nauck² 205ff. Eur. Herakles 23. Apollod. II 123. Pedias. 30. Palaiph. 39. Artemid. Strab. VIII 363. Paus. III 25, 4. Schol. Dion. Per. 791. Sen. Herc. f. 662ff. 813; Oed. 171; Herc. Oet. 1061. 1771. Prob. Verg. Georg. IV 467. Serv. Georg. IV 466. Robert Heldensage 483, 7. <30>

Accordingly, Tainaron is also named as the place where Theseus and Peirithoos entered the underworld, Apoll. Rhod. I 102 with Schol. 101. Hyg. fab. 79. Eustath. II 286, 40, and Orpheus, Orph. Arg. 41. Verg. Georg. IV 467ff. Ovid. met. X 13. Sen. Herc. f. 587; Herc. Oet. 1061f.

Tainaron is universally referenced as an entrance to the underworld, Pind. P. IV 43f. Menandr. frg. 842 K III 226. Orph. Arg. 1369ff. Schol. Pind. IV 76 d. Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 509. Schol. and Tzetz. Lykophr. 90. <40> Suid. s. Ταίναρον. Horat. carm. I 34, 10 with Schol. Lucan. IX 36. Stat. Theb. I 96. II 48ff. Mela II 51. Apul. met. VI 18. 20. Solin. 7, 6. Serv. Georg. IV 466. It is even used in place of “underworld”, Aristoph. Fro. 187. Sen. Troad. 402, and Taenarius for “to do with the underworld”, above § 1 a. The cave is mentioned in Sen. Phaed. 1201; a fantastical description is given by Sen. Herc. f. 662ff.

§ 15.

Throughout all these relationships, Poseidon of Tainaron is shown to be unrecognisable as master of depths of the earth, and again seems like the ancient Achaean god, see the literature in Malten 120, 1. v. Wilamowity 314. This concept also remained active in Sparta. He was the same god which took his revenge for the violation of his asylum with the earthquake of 465. Thuk. I 128, 1. Aristoph. Ach. 510f. Paus. IV 24, 6. Ailian. var. hist. VI 7. v. Wilamowitz 337. We know of his festival from Hesych. s. Ταιναριάς· παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἑορτὴ Ποσειδῶνος. <60> The comment comes from Sosibios, L. Weber Quaest. Lacon. Diss. Gött. 1887, 62, which means it shows the state of affairs of a time when Tainaron still belonged to the Spartans. Plut. conv. VII sap. 17, 160 C ff. cannot teach us anything about how the festival was run; what he gives us is purely poetical, v. Wilamowitz Herm. XXV 224. When the Spartans lost Tainaron in 195, they would have connected the temenos of the Tainarian Poseidon to that of Apheta, Paus. III 12, 5. v. Wilamowitz IG V 1, 71. <page break 2044/2045> The cult here was managed by the collegium of Ταινάριοι in the 1st century BCE, IG 210-212. Ziehen vol. III A p.1504, 57ff. In Hesych. s. Ταιναριάς they are called Ταιναρισταί, in Steph. Byz. s. Ταίναρος the name has been corrupted to Ταιναρῖται, and the same should be said of Ταιναρίτης in Suid. s. Τανάριον κακόν. The sanctuary at Tainaron also kept its status for the Κοινὸν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων in the 2nd and 1st centuries BCE, <10> like both of the proxenia decrees IG 1226f. show, which had it set up there. Two dedications are extant from the Roman period, IG 1234 and 1258. There is no doubt that the latter inscription came from Porto Asómato, Leake I 298. III nr. 40. Saint-Vincent 438, 1 and Vignette 446. The three ἱερεῖς, whose grave inscription has been preserved IG 1236, were probably spent their time in service to Poseidon. <20>

§ 16. Euphemos

Euphemos is mentioned on Tainaron by Pind. Pyth. IV 43f. 174f. Apoll. Rhod. I 179. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV 1750. Hyg. fab. 40. Orph. Arg. 205. Schol. Pind. IV 306 a. Malten 109ff. deduces a myth in which Euphemos lead the first Greek settlers from Tainaron to Cyrene from Pind. Pyth. IV 43 and Herodot. IV 145. The myth from Cyrene which underlies this reflects the historical event which brought the Achaean crowed from the Peloponnese to Libya. <30> Malten 82. 209. Euphemos “the man which people only name with pious terror”, Maaß GGA 1890, 354, 3, was originally a term for the god who ruled in the earth, Malten 120f. 209. When Tyrrhenians from Lemnos land at Tainaron in Plut. mul. virt. 8, 247 A. Polyain. VII 49, this is also a reworking of the myth from Cyrene, Malten 165f. For other matters, s. v. Sybel Myth. Lex. I 1407f. Escher vol. VI p.1168, 65ff. [corrected from Escher vo.. VI p.1108, 65ff.] Studniczka Kyrene 114ff. Wide 42f. Gruppe 246f. Gercke Herm. XLI 451ff. <40>

§ 17.

Whenever people have tried to turn Tainaron into an oracle site, they have been unsuccessful.

1. Wide 41, because of Pausanias’ report III 25, 8 about a spring on Tainaron, believed that we should assume that chthonic divination was practiced there. Nilsson 431 Anm. and Ziehen 1504, 49ff. have followed him here. Even ignoring the fact that the spring could not have flowed nearby the sanctuary to Poseidon, <50> above § 7 b, which Wide presupposes, Pausanias also doesn’t offer the slightest bit of evidence for this assumption. He means that people could see the ports and the ships in the spring; of course, these are the ports on the promontory and the ships lying in there, which couldn’t be seen without it. It was a physical θαῦμα, which people cautiously placed in the past.

2. Another link is offered by the legend of Archilochos, above § 11 b. <60> Kalondas was given the task of appeasing the spirit of the poet at the location of Tettix. Τέττιγος ἕδρανον, Hesych. s. v., is what it would be called in the oracle; the word is poetic, Hesiod. frg. 212. Else Hoefer Myth. Lex. V 402, 45ff. The term is only used to set the scene in the kind of darkness which would be fitting for an oracle, where the appeasement would have been sought. This is Tainaron with its entrance to hell, above § 14. <page break 2045/2046> However, Gruppe 797 considers this a reflection of an ancient cicada oracle; in contrast, Ziehen 1504, 52ff. To illustrate this link to the entrance to hell, Plut. ser. vind. 17, 560 F adds φασὶ Τέττιγα κατοικῆσαι παρὰ τὸ ψυχοπομπεῖον. Accordingly, it is entirely mistaken when Wide 44f. 88 has Tettix found the pyschopompeion, and no less mistaken when Gruppe 167 calls Tainaron famous for its pyschopompeion; after all, it is only mentioned in this one source. <10> The word ψυχοπομπεῖον formed late. I only know of it elsewhere in Plut. ser. vind. 10, 555 C and in the commentary Θεοὶ Μολοττικοί in Phot. lex. s. v. Hesych. s. v. app. Prov. III 18. Od. 1668, 1ff. (1667, 64). A time of a decreasing feel for language first replaced the older ψυχομαντεῖον with it, first Krantor in Cic. Tusc. I 115. Plut. cons. ad Apoll. 14, 109 C, and νεκυομαντεῖον, first Herodot. V 92, 7. <20> It didn’t refer to a building (in contrast to Bursian Abh. 778; Geogr. 150) or even some kind of complex, but crevices “through which spirits could escape to the light”. Rohde 213f.

3. When the Poseidon of Tainaron is described as a god of oracles in other places, like by Curtius 279, this can neither be supported by his apparent exchange with Apollo, above § 11 d, nor through reference to Himerios, Hertzberg Gesch. Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der Römer III 286 Anm., <30> since Phot. bibl. cod. CLXV when he lists the works of Himerios only gives the title εἰς τὸν ἐκ χρησμοῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος φοιτήσαντα without reference to Tainaron.

4. Finally, the legend of Archilochos also does not justify talking about a location for atonement or similar. Müller Dorier I² 230. Curtius 279. Wide 89. We only hear of one singular event, and also meet this story with justified doubt. <40>

[F. Bölte.]

This article is referenced by: Tainaron (2)