List Group 7

Dommara - Dudekulas - Durgimurgiwala - Fakir Ciners - Gadabâ - Gadaria (Gâdri) - Gadariya (Gârariya, Gâderiya,Gânreriya) - Gadba (Gadaba) - Gaddi - Gadhvi - Gagra - Ganak - Gandhi - Gangeddu (Gangeddulu) - Gangeddulus - Gârópís - Gasain - Gauria - Ghadshi - Ghosi - Ghosi - Godagulas - Góndaliga - Golendaz - Golla - Gond (Gonr) - Gond - Gondhali - Gopâl (Borekar) - Goriya (Guriya) - Gosain (Gusain, Sanniâsi, Dasnâmi) - Gîjar (Gujar) - Gulgulia - Gulguliâs - Hâbîra - Hakkipikki - Halam - Hallir - Harnis - Hawaldar - Helava - Helevas - Hensi - Hijra (Khasus) - Holia - Idaiyan - Jabel - Jajabor (Manta, Bede) - Jalâli - Janappan - Jangal Jati - Jangam

Dommara: – The Dommaras [2] are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and mountebanks, some of whom wander about the country, while others have settled down as agricultural labourers, or make combs out of the wood of Elaodendron glaucum, Ixora parviflora, Pavetta indica, Ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. They are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [3] "a nomad class of acrobats, who, in many respects, recall the gipsies to mind, and raise the suggestion that their name may possibly be connected with the Doms of Northern India. They speak Telugu, Marathi, and Hindustani, but not generally Tamil. They are skilful jugglers, and both men and women are very clever tumblers and tight-rope dancers, exhibiting their feats as they travel about the country.

[2] See E. Thurston.

[3] Madras Census Report, 1891 ; Manual of the North Arcot district.

-------------------------------------------------------------------

page 302

Some of them sell date mats and baskets, some trade in pigs, while others, settled in villages, cultivate lands. In social position they rank just above the Pariahs and Madigas. They profess to be Vaishnavites [and Saivites]. Infant marriage is not practiced. Widow remarriage is freely allowed, and polygamy is common. Their marriage tie is very loose, and their women practice prostitution. They are a predatory class, great drunkards, and of most dissolute habits. The dead are generally buried, and [on the day of the final death ceremonies] cooked rice is thrown out to be eaten by crows. In the matter of food, they eat all sorts of animals, including pigs, cats, and crows." When a friend was engaged in making experiments in connection with snake venom, some Dommaras asked for permission to unbury the corpses of snakes and mongooses for the purpose of food.

The Dommaras are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, summed up as being buffoons, tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place to place, and earn a precarious living by their exhibitions. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Domban, kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer), and Aryan Kuttadi, are given as synonyms of Dommara. The Kuttadi are summed up, in the Tanjore Manual, as vagabond dancers, actors, pantomimists, and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars.

By Mr. F. S. Mullaly [1] the Dommaras are divided into Reddi or Kapu (i.e., cultivators) and Aray (Maratha). "The women," he writes, "are proficient in making combs of horn and wood, and implements used by weavers. These they hawk about from place to place, to supplement the profits they derive from their exhibitions of gymnastic feats. In addition to performing conjuring tricks, rope-dancing and the like, the Dommaras hunt, fish, make mats, and rear donkeys and pigs. The head of the tribe is called the Mutli Guru. He is their high priest, and exercises supreme jurisdiction over them both in spiritual and temporal matters. His head-quarters is Chitvel in the Cuddapah district. The legend regarding the office of the Mutli Guru is as follows. At Chitvel, or as it was then known Mutli, there once lived a king, who called together a gathering of all the gymnasts among his subjects. Several classes were represented. Polerigadu, a Reddi Dommara, so pleased the king that he was presented with a ring, and a royal edict was passed that the wearer of the ring and his descendants should be the head of the Dommara class. The ring given is said to be the same that is now worn by the head of the tribe at Chitvel, which bears an inscription in Telugu declaring that the wearer is hereditary. The dwellings of the Dommaras are somewhat similar to those of the Koravars and Joghis, made of palmyra leaves plaited into mats with seven strands. These huts, or gudisays, are located on the outskirts of villages, and carried on the backs of donkeys when on the march. Stolen cloths, unless of value, are not as a rule sold, but concealed in the packs of their donkeys, and after a time worn. The Dommaras are addicted to dacoity, robbery, burglary, and thefts. The instrument used by them is unlike those used by other criminal classes; it is of iron, about a foot long, and with a chisel-shaped point. As cattle and sheep lifters they are expert, and they have their regular receivers at most of the cattle fairs throughout the Presidency."

It is noted, in the Nellore Manual, that the Dommaras "are stated by the Nellore Tahsildar to possess mirasi rights in some villages; that I take to mean that there is, in some villages, a customary contribution for tumblers and mendicants, which according to Wilson, was made in Mysore the pretext for a tax named Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki. This tax, under the name Dombar tafrik, was levied in Venkatagiri in 1801." In the Madura district, Dommaras are found in some villages formerly owned by zamindars, and they call themselves children of the zamindars, by whom they were probably patronised.

[1] Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.

----------------------------------------------------------

page 303

Being a criminal class, the Dommaras have a thief's language of their own, of which the following are examples:–

Bidam vadu, Dommara. Dasa-masa, prostitute.

Poothi, policeman. Kopparam, salt.

Marigam, pig. Kaljodu, goldsmith.

Goparam, seven.

The Dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other castes, and women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes).

The Telugu Dommaras give as their gotra Salava patchi, the name of a mythological bird. At times of marriage, they substitute a turmeric-dyed string consisting of 101 threads, called bondhu, for the golden tali or bottu. The marriage ceremonies of the Dommaras are supervised by an old Basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge is tied round the bride's neck by a Basavi.

A Dommara, whom I interviewed at Coimbatore, carried a cotton bag containing a miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity as medicine man and snake-charmer, which included a collection of spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the haris round which were stained with turmeric. To prove the genuineness thereof, he showed me not only the horn but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the horns were not made from the nails. Being charged with manufacturing the horns, he swore, by placing his hand on the head of a child who accompanied him, that he was not deceiving me. The largest of the horns in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which he dug out of its hole on the last new moon night. The possessors of such horns, he assured me, do not go out with the pack, and rarely leave their holes except to feed on dew, eld, rats, etc. These spurious horns are regarded as a talisman, and it is believed that he who owns one can command the realisation of every wish (see Kuruvikkaran.). An iron ring, which the Dommara was wearing on his wrist, was used as a cure for hernia, being heated and applied as a branding agent over the inguinal region. Lamp oil is then rubbed over the burn, and a secret medicine, mixed with fowl's egg, administered. The ring was, he said an ancestral heirloom, and as such highly prized. To cure rheumatism in the big joints, he resorted to an ingenious form of dry cupping. A small incision is made with a piece of broken glass over the affected part, and the skin damped with water. The distal end of a cow's horn, of which the tip has been removed, and plugged with wax, does duty for the cup. A hole is pierced through the wax with an iron needle, and, the horn being placed over the seat of disease, the air is withdrawn from it by suction with the mouth, and the hole in the wax stopped up. As the air is removed from the cavity of the horn, the skin rises up within it. To remove the horn, it is only necessary to readmit air by once more boring a hole through the wax. In a bad case, as many as three horns may be applied to the affected part. The Pitt Rivers Museum at Oxford possesses dry-cupping apparatus, made of cow horn, from Mirzapur in Northern India and from Natal, and of antelope horn from an unrecorded locality in India. In cases of scorpion sting the Dommara rubbed up patent boluses with human milk or milk of the milk-hedge plant (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and applied them to the part. For chest pains he prescribed red ochre, and for infantile diseases myrabolam (Terminalia) fruits mixed with water. In cases of snake-bite, a black stone, said to be made of various drugs mixed together, and burnt, is placed over the site of the bite, and will, it was stated, drop off of its own accord as soon as it has absorbed all the poison. It is then put into milk or water to extract the poison, and the fluid is thrown away as being dangerous to life if swallowed. As a remedy for the bite of a mad dog, a plant, which is kept a secret, is mixed with the milk of a white goat, pepper, garlic, and other ingredients, and administered internally. A single does is said to effect a cure.

At Tarikeri in Mysore, a wandering troupe of Are (Maratha) Dommaras performed before me. The women were decorated with jewels and flowers, and carried bells on their ankles.

-----------------

page 304

The men had a row of bells attached all round the lower edge of their short drawers. Before the performance commenced, a Pillayar (Ganesa) was made with cowdung, and saluted. The entertainment took place in the open air amid the beating of drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. The jests and antics of the equivalent of the circus clown were a source of much joy to the throng of villagers who collected to witness the tamasha (spectacle). One of the principal performers, in the breaks between his turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which was passed round among the members of the troupe. The entertainment, in which both men women took part, consisted of various acrobatic feats, turning summer-saults and catherine wheels, stilt-walking, and clever feats on the tight rope. Finally a man, climbing up a lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top of it by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth, into which a spike in the pole fitted.

Dudekulas: - They are cotton cleaners of South India and Tamil Nadu.

Durgimurgiwala: - They live in Southern India. They are nomads and sacred beggars. They move around carrying the images of the Gods.

Fakir Ciners: -See Charpparbands

Gadabâ: -Gadabâ is spoken by about 35,000 individuals.[1] The dialect is not identical in all places. It has not, however, been possible to procure trustworthy materials illustrating its various forms. I am only able to give a superficial account of the dialect as spoken in the Bastar State.

Home Of The Tribe.

The Gadabâ tribe is found everywhere in Vizagapatam and the Vizagapatam Agency, and also in the Ganjam Agency, all of which are in the Madras Presicency. Some few Gadabâs have also been returned from the Bastar State and Kalahandi. They do not form the prevailing part of the population in any district. They are most numerous in the Vizagapatam Agency, where 232 in every 10,000 of the population speak Gadabâ. In Vizagapatam only 72 in every 10,000 are in the same position, and in other districts the relative number of speakers in quite unimportant. I have no information about the distribution of the Gadabâs on the various Taluks of the Vizagapatam Agency. In the Bastar State they are found in the east, on the frontier towards Vizagapatam. Their occupation is hunting and agriculture.

Number of speakers.

According to information collected for the purposes of this Survey Gadabâ was spoken by 6,419 individuals in the Bastar State. At the Census of 1891, 29,141 speakers were returned from the Madras Presidency. We thus arrive at the following total for the dialect:-

Bastar State 6,419

Madras Presidency 29,414

--------

Total 35,833

[1] Linguistic Survey of India.

----------------------------

page 305

The corresponding figures at the Census of 1901 were as follows:

Central Provinces-Bastar 729

Kalahandi 94

------

Total Central Provinces 823

Madras Presidency-Ganjam 1,602

Ganjam Agency 8

Vizagapatam 15,015

Vizagapatam Agency 19,781

----------

Total Madras Presidency 36,406

Andamans and Nicobars 1

Grand total 37,230

It will be seen that the number of speakers in Madras has increased. This fact is, however, due to the better methods applied at the last Census, and it is impossible to decide whether there is a real increase. The estimated number of speakers in the Bastar State is probably far above the mark. The corresponding figure at the Census of 1891 was 375.

Gadaria: -Gâdri [1] -The occupational shepherd caste of northern India. The name is derived from the Hindi gâdar and the Sanskrit gandhâra, a sheep, the Sanskrit name being taken from the country of Gandhâra or Kandahâr, from which sheep were first brought. The three main shepherd castes all have functional names, that of the Dhangars or Marâtha shepherds being derived from dhan, small stock, while the Kuramwârs or Telugu shepherds take their name like the Gadarias from kuruba, a sheep. These three castes are of similar nature and status, and differ only in language and local customs. In 1911 the Gadarias numbered 41,000 persons. They are found in the northern Districts, and appear to have been amongst the earliest settlers in the Nerbudda valley, for they have given their name to several villages, such as Gadariakheda and Gâdarwâra.

Subdivisions.

The Gadarias are a very mixed caste. They themselves say that their first ancestor was created by Mahâdeo to tend his ram and that he married three women who were attached to the Brâhman, Dhímar and Barai castes respectively, and became the ancestors of the Nikhar, Dhengar and Barmaiyan subcastes of Gadarias. The Nikhar subcaste are the highest, their name meaning pure. In reality, Dhengar is probably a corruption of Dhangar, the name of the Marâtha shepherd caste. They have other subdivisions of the common territorial type, as Jheria or Jungly, applied to the Gadarias of Chhattísgarh; Desha from desh, country, meaning those who came from northern India; Purvaiya or eastern, applied to immigrants from Oudh; and Mâlvi or those belonging to Mâlwa. Nikhar and Dhengar men take food together, but not the women; and if a marriage cannot be otherwise arranged these subcastes will sometimes give daughters to each other. A girl thus married is no longer permitted to take food at her father's house, but she may eat with the women of her husband's subcaste. Many of their exogamous groups are named after animals or plants, as Hiranwâr, from hiran, a deer; Sapha from the cobra, Moria from the peacock, Nâhar from the tiger, Phulsungha, a flower, and so on. Others are the names of Râjpît septs and of other castes, as Ahirwâr (Ahír) and Bamhania (Brâhman).

[1] See Russell. This article is based on information collected by Mr. Híra Lâl Jubbulpore, and the member in Mandla.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 306

Another more ambitious legend derives their origin from the Banja caste. They say that once a Bania was walking along the road with a cocoanut in his hand when Vishnu met him and asked him what it was. The Bania answered that it was a cocoanut. Vishnu said that it was not a cocoanut but wool, and told him to break it, and upon breaking the cocoanut the Bania found that it was filled with wool. The Bania asked what he should do with it, and Vishnu told him to make a blanket out of it for the god to sit on. So he made a blanket, and Vishnu said that from that day he should be the ancestor of the Gadaria caste, and earn his bread by making blankets from the wool of sheep. The Bania asked where he should get the sheep from, and the god told him to go home saying 'Ehân, Ehân, Ehân,' all the way, and when he got home he would find a flock of sheep following him; but he was not to look behind him on the way. And the Bania did so, but when he had almost got home he could not help looking behind him to see if there were really any sheep. Behind him was a long line of sheep following him in single file, and at the very end was a ram with golden horns just rising out of the ground. But as he looked it sank back again into the ground, and he went back to Vishnu and begged for it, but Vishnu said that as he had looked behind him he had lost it. And this was the origin of the Gadaria caste, and the Gadarias always say 'Ehân, Ehân,' as they lead their flocks of sheep and goats to pasture.

Marriage Customs.

Marriage within the clan is forbidden and also the union of first cousins. Girls may be married at any age, and are sometimes united to husbands much younger than themselves. Four castemen of standing carry the proposal of marriage from the boy's father, and the girl's father, being forewarned, sends others to meet them. One of the ambassadors opens the conversation by saying, 'We have the milk and you have the milk-pail; let them be joined.' To which the girl's party, if the match be agreeable, will reply, "Yes, we have the tamarind and you have the mango; if the panches agree let there be a marriage." The boy's father gives the girl's father five areca-nuts, and the latter returns them and they clasp each other round the neck. When the wedding procession reaches the bride's village it is met by their party, and one of them takes the sarota or iron nut-cutter, which the bridegroom holds in his hand, and twirls it about in the air several times. The ceremony is performed by walking round the sacred pole, and the party returns to the bridegroom's lodging, where his brother-in-law fills the bride's lap with sweetmeats and water-nuts as an omen of fertility. The maihar or small wedding-cakes of wheat fried in sesamum oil are distributed to all members of the caste present at the wedding. While the bridegroom's party is absent at the bride's house, the women who remain behind enjoy amusement of their own. One of them strips herself naked, tying up her hair like a religious mendicant, and is known as Bâba or holy father. In this state she romps with her companions in turn, while the others laugh and applaud. Occasionally some man hides himself in a place where he can be a witness of their play, but if they discover him he is beaten severely with belnas or wooden bread-rollers. Widow-marriage and divorce are permitted, the widow being usually expected to marry her late husband's younger brother, whether he already has a wife or not. Sexual offences are not severely reprobated, and may be atoned for by a feast to the caste-fellows.

Religion And Funeral Rites.

The Gadarias worship the ordinary Hindu deities and also Dishai Devi, the goddess of the sheep-pen. No Gadaria may go into the sheep-pen with his shoes on. On entering it in the morning they make obeisance to the sheep, and these customs seem to indicate that the goddess Dishai Devi [1] is the deified sheep. When the sheep are shorn and the fleeces are lying on the ground they take some milk from one of the ewes and mix rice with it and sprinkle it over the wool. This rite is called Jimai, and they say that it is feeding the wool, but it appears to be really a sacrificial offering to the material. The caste burn the dead when they can afford to do so, and take the bones to the Ganges or Nerbudda, or if this is not practicable, throw them into the nearest stream.

[1] The word Dishai really means direction or cardinal point, but as the goddess dwells in the sheep-pen it is probable that she was originally the sheep itself.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 307

Social Customs.

Well-to-do members of the caste employ Bhâhmans for ceremonial purposed, but others dispense with their services. The Gadarias eat flesh and drink liquor, but abstain from fowls and pork. They will take food cooked with water from a Lodhi or a Dângi, members of these castes having formerly been their feudal chieftains in the Vindhyan Districts and Nerbudda valley. Brâhmans and members of the good cultivating castes would be permitted to become Gadarias if they should so desire. The head of the caste committee has the title of Mahton and the office is hereditary, the holder being invariably consulted on caste questions even if he should be a mere boy. The Gadarias rank with those castes from whom a Brâhman cannot take water, but above the servile and labouring castes. They are usually somewhat stupid, lazy and good-tempered, and are quite uneducated. Owing to their work in cleaning the pens and moving about among the sheep, the women often carry traces of the peculiar smell of these animals. This is exemplified in the saying, 'Ek to Gadaria, gusre lahsan khae,' or 'firstly she is a Gadaria and then she has eaten garlic'; The inference being that she is far indeed from having the scent of the rose.

Goats And Sheep.

The regular occupations of the Gadarias are the breeding and grazing of sheep and goats, and the weaving of country blankets from sheep's wool. The flocks are usually tended by the children, women weave the wool and make blankets. Goats are bred in larger numbers than sheep in the Central Provinces, being more commonly used for food and sacrifice while they are also valuable for their manure. Any Hindu who thinks an animal sacrifice requisite, and objects to a fowl as unclean, will choose a goat; and the animal after being sacrificed provides a feast for the worshippers, his head being the perquisite of the officiating priest. Muhammadans and most castes of Hindus will eat goat's meat when they can afford it. The milk is not popular and there is very little demand for it locally, but it is often sold to the confectioners, and occasionally made into butter and exported. Sheep's flesh is also eaten, but is not so highly esteemed. In the case of both sheep and goats there is an aversion to consuming the flesh of ewes. Sheep are generally black in colour and only occasionally white. Goats are black, white, speckled or reddish-white. Both animals are much smaller that in Europe. Both sheep and goats are in brisk demand in the cotton tracts for their manure in the hot-weather months, and will be kept continually on the move from field to field for a month at a time. It is usual to hire flocks at the rate of one rupee a hundred head for one night; but sometimes the cultivators combine to gather a large flock, and after penning them on their fields in the hot weather, send them to Nâgpur in the beginning of the rains to be disposed of. The Gadaria was formerly the Bête noir of the cultivator, on account of the risk incurred by the crops from the depredations of his sheep and goats. This is exemplified in the saying:

Ahír, Gadaria, Pâsi,

Yeh tinon satyanâsi,

or, 'The Ahír (herdsman), the Gadaria and the Pâsi, these three are the husbandmen's foes.' And again:

Ahír, Gadaria, Gîjar,

Yeh tinon Châhen ujar,

or 'The Ahír, the Gadaria and the Gîjar want wasteland,' that is for grazing their flocks. But since the demand for manure has arisen, the Gadaria has become a popular personage in the village. The shepherds whistle to their flocks to guide them, and hang bells round the necks of goats but not of sheep.

--------------------

page 308

Some of them, especially in forest tracts, train ordinary pariah dogs to act as sheep-dogs. As a rule, rams and he-goes are not gelded, but those who have large flocks sometimes resort to this practice and afterwards fatten the animals up for sale. They divide their sheep into five classes, as follows, according to the length of the ears: Kanâri, with ears a hand's length long; Semri, somewhat shorter; Burhai, ears a forefinger's length; Churia, ears as long as the little finger; and Neori, with ears as long only as the top joint of the forefinger. Goats are divided into two classes, those with ears a hand's length long being called Bangalia or Bagra, while those with small ears a forefinger's length are known as Gujra.

Blanket Weaving.

While ordinary cultivators have now taken to keeping goats, sheep are still as a rule left to the Gadarias. These are of course valued principally for their wool, from which the ordinary country blanket is made. The sheep [1] are shorn two or sometimes three times a year, in February, June and September, the best wool being obtained in February from the cold weather coat. Members of the caste commonly shear for each other without payment. The wool is carded with a kamtha, or simple bow with a catgut string, and spun by the women of the household. Blankets are woven by men on a loom like that used for cotton cloth. The fabric is coarse and rough, but strong and durable, and the colour is usually a dark dirty grey, approaching black, being the same as that of the raw material. Every cultivator has one of these, and the various uses to which it may be put are admirably described by 'Eha' as follows:[2] "The kammal is a home-spun blanket of the wool of black sheep, thick, strong, as rough as a farrier's rasp, and of a colour which cannot get dirty. When the Kunbi (cultivator) comes out of his hole in the morning it is wrapped round his shoulders and reaches to his o knees, guarding him from his great enemy, the cold, for the thermometer is down to 60 Fahrenheit. By and by he has a load to carry, so he folds his kammal into a thick pad and puts it on the top of his head. Anon he feels tired, so he lays down his load, and arranging his kammal as a cushion, sits with comfort on a rugged rock or a stony bank, and has a smoke. Or else he rolls himself in it from head to foot. like a mummy, and enjoys a sound sleep on the roadside. It begins to rain, he folds his kammal into ingenious cowl and is safe. Many more are its uses. I cannot number them all. Whatever he may be called upon to carry, be it forest produce, or household goods, or his infant child, he will make a bundle of it with his kammal and poise it on his head, or sling it across his back, and trudge away."

Sanctity Of Wool.

Wool is a material of some sanctity among the Hindus. It is ceremonially pure, and woollen clothing can be worn by Brâhmans while eating or performing sacred functions. In many castes the bridegroom at a wedding has a string of wool with a charm tied round his waist. Religious mendicants wear jatas or wigs of sheep's wool, and often carry woollen charms. The beads used for counting prayers are often of wool The reason for wool being thus held sacred may be that it was an older kind of clothing used before cotton was introduced, and thus acquired sanctity by being worn at sacrifices. Perhaps the Aryans wore woollen clothing when they entered India.

Gadariya. Garariya; Gaderiya; Ganreriya [3] (Hindi gâdur, "a sheep:" Sanskrit gandhâra, so called because originally brought from the country of Gandhâra or Kandahar). --The caste of shepherds, goat-herds, and blanket-weavers found all over the Province. In many parts they are known as Guâl Gadariya, and there seems strong reason to believe that they are in some way connected with the Ahír or Guâla race, though their personal appearance indicates a much larger admixture of non-Aryan blood.

[1] The following particulars are taken from the Central Provinces Monograph on Woollen Industries , by Mr. J. T. Marten.

[2] A Naturalist on the Prowl , 3rd ed., p. 219. In the quotation the Hindustâni word kammal , commonly sued in the

Central Provinces, is substituted for the Marâthi word kambli .

[3] See Crooke. Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bareilly: M. Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High

School, Fatehpur, and note from Jhânsi received through Mr. W.G. Jackson. C.S.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 309

This is strengthened by the fact noted by Mr. Risley [1] that in Bihâr they will take both kachchi and pakki food from Guâlas.

Internal Structure. According to the last Census the Gadariyas of these Provinces recorded themselves in twelve sub-castes besides several more whose numbers were too small to find a place in the final returns. These sub-castes are Baghel; Bamhaniya; Chandel; Dhingar; Haranwâl; Kachhwâha; Nikhar; Phîl-singhiya; Râthaur; Rautela; Sâgar; Saraswâr. Nearly half of these are the names of well-known Râjput septs, and this may possibly go to show that the formation of these endogamous groups, under at least their present names, may be of comparatively modern date. It is asserted from Bareilly that they admit outsiders into the caste: this is doubtful and apparently not the case in the Eastern Districts. In Benares Mr. Sherring [2] gives an entirely different set of sub-castes-- Dhíngar; Nikhar; Jaunpuri, or "those from Jaunpur;" Illahâbâdi, "those from Allahâbâd;" Bakarkasâu, or "goat butchers;" Namdawâla, or "makers of felt," and Chikwa who are usually classed with the Qassâb. He asserts that the first four sub-castes keep sheep and goats, not so the remaining three. They also manufacture blankets. The Bakarkasâu and Namdawâla sub-castes do so likewise. The Chikwas are Muhammadans. He also names two other sub-castes-- the Bharariya, who derive their name from bher, a sheep. "Nevertheless they are not employed in tending sheep, but in other kinds of labour. The Baikatas are the lowest in rank among the Gadariyas. They live by begging scraps of hair from the other sub-castes that keep flocks, and selling the proceeds." Sir H.M. Elliot names also the Taselha or Pachhâdé, "those of the west," Chak, Bareiya, Paihwâr, and Bhaiyatâr. From Agra it is reported that the women of the Dhíngar sub-caste wear bangles of glass, bore their noses, and do not eat meat; while those of the Nikhar do not wear glass bangles, do not bore their noses, and eat meat. Of the 1,113 sections of Hindu and 8 of the Muhammadan branch included in the detailed Census Returns, those of the chief local importance are the Chandan, Mokha, and Sahla of sahâranpur: the Ahír, Chhotísen, Sahla, and Uchahri of Muzaffarnagar: the Bhatti, Ganga, Panwâr, and Râé of Bulandshahr: the Hans, Madâriya, and Sengar of Aligarh: the Vaneli of Mainpuri: the Raikwâr of Etâwah: the Sengar of Bareilly: the Sahla of Bijnor: the Rautelé and Sahla of Morâdâbâd: the Magar and Panwâr of Cawnpur: the Panwâr of Fatehpur: the Rohingar of Hamírpur: the Darsiya of Ghâzipur: the Sailiya of the Tarâi: the Thengar of Râé Bareli: the Barharwâr, Dokhar, and Panwâr of Hardoi, and the Nikhad of Sultânpur.

Traditions of Origin.

The Western Gadariyas call themselves Marhattas and describe themselves as emigrants from Gwâlior. Some of them still visit Gwâlior to worship the goddess Kâli Devi, and they employ a colony of Gwâlior Bhâts who have come from Gwâlior and settled at Anupshahr in the Bulandshahr District. The Gadariyas fix their emigration from Gwâllor in the time of the Dor or Tomar Râja Buddh Sen.

Marriage Rules.

The Gadariyas usually marry their girls at the age of from seven to twelve. To the west it is a rule among them after marriage to lodge the bride first on her arrival with her husband in a separate room, and then she is not admitted into the house until she pays a sum of money to the men or persons connected with her husband by marriage with women of his family. In the course of this function a mimic struggle goes on between the two parties. Next morning after she is thus received into her husband's family, the women of the house fill an iron pan with water and place in it two silver rings and some blades of grass. The married couple then struggles to see which of them will secure the rings. The bridegroom's female relations do their best to help him. Whichever of the pair secures the rings will have the mastery during married life. When the mock struggle is over, the winner pours the contents of the vessel over the loser.

[1] Tribes and Castes. I, 271.

[2] Hindu Tribes, 338.

----------------------------------

page 310

There are no marriage brokers; matches are arranged by a member of the caste. He receives a rupee and a turban from the father of the bridegroom; but if he commit any fraud in arranging the match, the council has one side of his moustache shaved in the presence of the brethren, and also impose a fine. A man may discard his wife for infidelity, but such women are not allowed to remarry in the caste. Widow-marriage and the levirate are permitted, and the children by any form of recognised marriage are equal heirs. Illegitimate children are not allowed to intermarry or even smoke with those of pure blood. A man who marries a widow has generally to pay something to her relations, and in any case he has to pay any debts she may have contracted during widowhood.

Birth Customs.

The woman during delivery sits on a stool facing the Ganges. She is attended by a sweeper or Koli midwife for at least three days. When the birth of male child is announced, one of the mother's female relations hurries out of the house, and draws all round the walls a line of cowdung as a magic circle to keep off evil spirits. She also makes a rude cowdung figure at each side of the door, and fixes up seven pieces of broomstick near it. When a girl is born, only a piece of a broken earthen pot is put up over the door. On the second day the mother is given a condiment which is supposed to consist of thirty-two drugs boiled together. On the tenth day the mother and child are taken to the nearest well with singing, and she worships the well by marking the platform with turmeric, and placing upon it the cowdung figures which had been fixed up near the house door. They all return, and soaked gram and sweets are distributed.

Marriage Customs.

The marriage ceremonies are of the normal type. There are some observances which may be survivals of marriage by capture. Thus, while the marriage is going on, the women of the bride's family carry on a mock fight with the relations of the bridegroom, and are allowed to strike them with the kneading roller (belan). If a girl has a particular curl of the hair which is supposed to resemble a female snake (sânpin), she is first married to a camel-thorn bush (jhar beri). If a bachelor in the same way marry a widow, and she bear him a daughter, in order to overcome the evil influence which is supposed to arise from the dhareja form of marriage, he gets himself married to a tree before he gives away the daughter in marriage to another.

Death Customs.

Gadariyas cremate their adult dead, except those who have died of snake-bite or small-pox. If such corpses are cremated, they believe that at the burning a steam arises from them which strikes the mourners blind. On the way to the burning ground a ball (pinda) is offered in the name of the deceased. The son of the deceased fires the pyre, and each of the mourners throws in five cakes of cowdung fuel. Some are ashes sifted and placed the following day on the spot where the death occurred, and next morning from the marks on the ashes they speculate as to the form which the soul will assume in the next birth. They perform the usual srâddha.

Religion.

Gadariyas are orthodox Hindus. Their chief deity is Kâli. They also worship a local deity known as Châmar. This is more especially done in the Naudurga of Chait and Kuâr and when cholera or other epidemic diseases are about. The offerings consists of cakes (pîri), coarse sugar, and sometimes a goat. The last is taken by the Chamâr priest and the former by the local Brâhman priest or Kherapati. Another spirit named Jakhaiya or Jokhaiya is largely worshipped by Gadariyas in the Western Districts. He is said to be the ghost of a Muhammadan Ghosi. He priest is a sweeper, and his offering a young pig. The chief shrine of Jokhaiya, who, according to the last Census, was worshipped by 87,061 persons, is Pendhat, in the Mainpuri District. He is there said to have been a Bhangi, who was killed during the war between Prithivi Râja of Delhi and Jaychand of Kanauj. His offering is a pig, which is presented by women who long for children and pray for easy delivery. The offering is said also to bring timely winter rain.

----------------------

page 311

To the west of the Province they are served by Sanâdh Brâhmans; to the east by low class Brâhmans of various tribes.

Social Status.

In Bihâr, according to Mr. Risley, the Gadariya ranks higher than the Ahír; but this does not seem to be the case in theses Provinces. They are however, careful about food drink, and maintain a fairly high standard of personal purity. Their original occupation is keeping and selling sheep and goats and making blankets; but besides this they cultivate and practice various forms of trading. The women have a reputation for untidy habits, as the common proverb runs,- "Ek to Garerin, dusré lahsan khâé": "a shepherdess and eating garlic in the bargain."

Gadba: -Gadaba.[1] A primitive tribe classified as Mundâri or Kolarian on linguistic grounds. The word Gadba, Surgeon-Major Mitchell states, signifies a person who carries loads on his shoulders. The tribe call themselves Guthau. They belong to the Vizagapatam District of Madras, and in the Central Provinces are found only in the Bastar State, into which they have immigrated to the number of some 700 persons. They speak a Mundâri dialect, called Gadba, after their tribal name, and are one of the two Mundâri tribes found so far south as Vizagapatam, the other being the Savars.[2] Their tribal organisation is not very strict, and a Bhatra, a Parja, a Muria, or a member of any superior caste may become a Gadba at an expenditure of two or three rupees. The ceremony consists of shaving the body of the novice, irrespective of sex, clean of hair, after which he or she is given to eat rice cooked in the water of the Ganges. This is followed by a feast to the tribe in which a pig must be killed. The Gadbas have totemistic exogamous septs, usually named after animals, as gutâl dog, angwân bear, dungra tortoise, surangai tiger,gîmal snake, and so on. Members of each sept abstain from killing or injuring the animal or plant after which it is named, but they have no scruple in procuring others to do this. Thus if a snake enters the hut of a person belonging to the Gîmal sept, he will call a neighbour of another sept to kill it. He may not touch its carcase with his bare hand, but if he holds it through a piece of rag no sin is incurred.

Marriage.

Marriage is adult, but the rule existing in Madras that a girl is not permitted to marry until 3 she can weave her own cloth does not prevail in the Central Provinces. [3] As a rule the parents of the couple arrange the match, but the wishes of the girl are sometimes consulted and various irregular methods of union are recognised. Thus a man is permitted with the help of his friends to go and carry off a girl and keep her as his wife, more especially if she is a relation on the maternal side more distant than a first cousin. Another form is the Paisa Mundi, by which a married or unmarried woman may enter the house of a man of her caste other than her husband and become his wife; and the Upaliya, when a married woman elopes with a lover. The marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom's party go to the girl's house, leaving the parents behind, and before they reach it are met and stopped by a bevy of young girls and men in their best clothes from the bride's village. A girl comes forward and demands a ring, which one of the men of the wedding party places on her finger, and they then proceed to the bride's house, where the bridegroom's presents, consisting of victuals, liquor, a cloth, and two rupees, are opened and carefully examined. If any deficiency is found, it must at once be made good. The pair eat a little food togerther, coloured rice is applied to their foreheads, and on the second day a new grass shed is erected, into which some pice are laid by an unmarried girl.

[1] See Russell. This article is compiled from an excellent monograph contributed by Surgeon-Major Mitchell of Bastar State, with extracts from Colonel Glasfurd's Report on Bastar ( Selections from the Records of the Government of India in the Foreign Department, No. 39 of I863 ).

[2] India Census Report (I90I ), p. 283.

[3] Madras Census Report ( I89I ), p. 253.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 312

The bride and bridegroom are shut up in this, and two pots of water are poured over them from the roof, the marriage being then consummated. If the girl is not adult this ceremony is omitted. Widow-marriage is permitted by what is called the tíka form, by which a few grains of rice coloured with turmeric are placed on the foreheads of the pair and they are considered as man and wife. There is no regular divorce, but if a married woman misbehaves with a man of the caste, the husband goes to him with a few friends and asks whether the story is true, and if the accusation is admitted demands a pig and liquor for himself and his friends as compensation. If these are given he does not turn his wife out of his house. A liaison of a Gadba woman with a man of a superior caste is also said to involve no penalty, but if her paramour is a low-caste man she is excommunicated forever. In spite of these lax rules, however, Major Mitchell states that the women are usually very devoted to their husbands. Mr. Thurston [1] notes that among the Bonda Gadabas a young man and a maid retire to the jungle and light a fire. Then the maid, taking a burning stick, places it on the man's skin. If he cries out he is unworthy of her, and she remains a maid. If he does not the marriage is at once consummated. The application of the brand is probably light or severe according to the girl's feelings towards the young man.

Religious Beliefs And Festivals.

The Gadbas worship Burhi Mâta or Thâkurâni Mâta, who is the goddess of smallpox and rinderpest. They offer to her flowers and incense when these diseases are prevalent among men or cattle, but if the epidemic does not abate after a time, they abuse the goddess and tell her to do her worst, suspending the offerings. They offer a white cock to the sun and a red one to the moon, and various other deities exercise special functions, Bhandârin being the goddess of agriculture and Dharni of good health, while Bharwân is the protector of cattle and Dand Deví of men from the attacks of wild beasts. They have vague notions of a heaven and hell where the sinful will be punished, and also believe in re-birth. But these ideas appear to be borrowed from their Hindu neighbours. When the new rice crop is ripe, the first-fruits are cooked and served to the cattle in new bamboo baskets, and are then partaken of by men. The ripening of the mango crop is also an important festival. In the right fortnight of Chait (March) the men go out hunting, and on their return cook the game before Mâtideo, the god of hunting, who lives in a tree. In Madras the whole male population turns out to hunt, and if they come back without success the women pelt them with cowdung on their return. If successful, however, they have their revenge on the women in another way [2]. On festival days man and women dance together to the music of a pipe and drum. Sometimes they form a circle, holding long poles, and jump backwards and forwards to and form the centre by means of the pole; or the women dance singly or in pairs, their hands resting on each other's waists. A man and woman will then step out of the crowd and sing at each other, the woman reflecting on the man's ungainly appearance and want of skill as a cultivator or huntsman, while the man retorts by reproaching her with her ugliness and slatternly habits. [3]

Disposal Of The Dead.

The dead are buried with their feet to the west, ready to start for the region of the setting sun. On return from the funeral the mourners stop on the way, and a fish is boiled and offered to the dead. An egg is cut in half and placed on the ground, and pieces of mango bark are laid beside it on which the mourners tread. The women accompany the corpse, and in the meantime the house of the dead person is cleaned with cowdung by the children left behind. On the first day food is supplied to the mourners by their relatives, and in the evening some cooked rice and vegetables are offered to the dead. The mourning lasts for nine days, and on the last day a cow or bullock is killed with the blunt head of an axe, the performance of this function being hereditary in certain families of the caste. Some blood from the animal and some cooked rice are put in leaf-cups and placed on the grave by the head of the corpse.

[1] Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 22.

[2] India Census Report ( I90I ), p. 283.

[3] Madras Census Report ( I89I ), p. 253.

--------------------------------------------

pag 313

The animal is cooked and eaten by the grave, and they then go to the cooking shed and place its jawbone under a stick supported on two others, blood and cooked rice being again offered. The old men and women bathe in warm water, and all return to the place where the dead man breathed his last. Here they drink and have another meal of rice and beef, which is repeated on the following day, and the business of committing the dead to the ancestors is compete. Liquor is offered to the ancestors on feast days.

Occupation And Mode Of Living.

The caste are cultivators and labourers, some are employed as village watchmen, and others are hereditary pâlli-bearers to the Râja of Bastar, enjoying a free grant to land. They practise shifting cultivation, cleaning a space by indiscriminate felling in the forest, and ploughing the ground for a single broad-cast crop of rice; the following year the clearing is usually abandoned. Their dress is simple, though they now wear ordinary cloth. Forty years ago it is said that they wore coverings made from the bark if the kuring tree and painted with horizontal bands of red, yellow and blue.[1] A girdle of the thickness of a man's arm made from fine strips of bark is still worn and is a distinguishing feature of the Gadba women. They also carry a circlet round their forehead of the seeds of kusa grass threaded on a string. Both men and women wear enormous earrings, the men having three in each ear. The Gadbas are almost omnivorous, and eat flesh, fish, fowls, pork, buffaloes crocodiles, non-poisonous snakes, large lizards, frogs, sparrows, crows and large red ants. They abstain only from the fresh of monkeys, horses and asses. A Gadba must not ride on a horse under penalty of being put out of caste. Mr. Thurston [2] gives the following reason for this prejudice: "The Gadbas of Vizagapatam will not touch a horse, as they are palanquin bearers, and have the same objection to a rival animal as a cart-driver has to a motor-car." They will eat the leavings of other castes and take food from all except the impure ones, but like the Mehtars and Ghasias elsewhere they will not take food or water from a Kâyasth. Only the lowest castes will eat with Gadbas, but they are not considered as impure, and are allowed to enter temples and take part in religious ceremonies.

Gaddi: -The caste of Muhammadan cow-herds [3]. They have been separately enumerated at the last Census, but they are often regarded as a sub-caste of Ghosis. They are probably closely allied to the Ahírs; in fact many of them are almost certainly Ahírs who have embraced Islâm. In the Panjâb [4] there are two quite distinct classes of people known by this name- the Musalmân Gaddis of Karnâl and its neighbourhood, who are identical with the Gaddis of these Provinces, and a hill tribe inhabiting the mountain range between Kangra and Chamba. Some of them, again, are believed to be of Khatri origin, and these General Cunningham is inclined to identify with the Gandaridae or Gangaridae. In parts of these 5 Provinces, according to Sir H. M. Elliot, [5] it is not unusual to call any converted Hindu a Gaddi, which is looked on by a true Musalmân as a term of reproach. They, with other low caste tribes, were old occupiers of Oudh, and they were powerful enough to make invasion costly to the advancing Râjputs, According to one authority the women in Oudh are notorious for immorality, and the men for the filthiness of their persons and stupidity. [6] The complete returns of the last Census show 255 sections of the tribe. These are of the usual type: some territorial, such as Aharwâr, Audhiya, Bahrâichi, Balapura, Gorakhpuri, Kanaujiya, Mathuriya, Purbiya, Saksena, Sarwariya, and Shâhpuri. Others are derived form the names of well-known castes or septs, as Ahír, Bâchhar, Bais, Bhadauriya, Bhangi, Bhatti, Bisen, Chamarbans, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhatri, Domar, Ghosi, Gîjar, Hurakiya, Jât, Kamboh, Kori, Mewâti, Pathân, Râthaur, Sayyid, Shaikh, Tânk, Teli, Tomar, and Turkiya.

[1] Reporton the Dependency of Bastar, p. 37.

[2] Ethnographic Notes in Somhern India, p. 270.

[3] See Crooke.

[4] Ibbetsor, Panjâb Ethnography , section 498 : Drew, Jammu , 108.

[5] Supplementary Glossary, s. v.

[6] Elliott, Ohroniches of Undo , 25 : Williams, Oudh Census Report , 89.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 314

Gadhvi: -See Charan.

Gadiya Lohar: -Wandering Tribe of Lohar from Rajasthan. See Lohar Siddi -African Tribe in Karnataka.

Gagra: -A nomadic tribe catching small animals.

Ganak: -They live in North Eastern India. They are Astrologers.

Gandhi: -See Ateri.

Gangeddu: - The Gangeddulu [1] are a class of mendicants, who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls. "The exhibition of sacred bulls, known as Gangeddulu (Ganga's bulls) is very common in the towns and villages of Southern India. The presence of the swâmi (god) bull, as the is popularly called, is made known by his keeper playing on a small drum, which emits a dismal, booming sound, in the intervals of addressing his dumb companion in a piercing voice. The bull is led about from house to house, and made to go through several tricks, which he does with evident zest. The keeper in the meanwhile talks to him, and puts questions to him, to which he replies by shakes of his head. He will kneel down in an attitude of worship, with his head inclined to the ground, or he will approach you, and gently rub his nozzle against your hand. Usually a diminutive cow accompanies the bull, and, like him, is grandly attired, and resounds with tinkling bells. She is introduced to the spectators as the bull's ammagaru, that is, consort or spouse. Then a scene between the pair is enacted, the gist of which is that the husband is displeased with the wife, and declines to hold converse with her. As a result of the difference, he resolves to go away, and stalks off in high dudgeon. The keeper attempts to make peace between them, and is rewarded by being charged by the irate husband and knocked down, though no harm is done to him as the animal's horns are padded. The keeper rises, shakes himself, and complains woefully of the treatment he has received. Indeed, it is only after a great deal of coaxing and wheedling, and promises of buying him endless quantities of rice cakes and other bazaar delicacies, that the bull condescends to return, and a reconciliation is effected."

Performing bulls

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Gangeddulu, Erudândis, or Perumâl Mâdukkârans, often acquire and train deformed male calves. It is a popular superstition that for a family to keep such animals in its possession is to court destruction. Consequently, when one is born, information is sent to a Gangeddu, who, on his arrival, is sumptuously fed. The calf is then washed, and new cloth tied to its horns. A small present of money is made to the Gangeddu, and he takes the animal away. Temples sometimes dispose of their deformed calves in a similar manner. When the trained animals are exhibited in public, the deformity, which is the hall-mark of a genuine Gangeddu, is shown, usually at the commencement of the performance, or at any time at the bidding of any of the spectators.

[1] See Thurston

-----------------------

page 315

It is only after the exhibition of the deformity, which is usually concealed within the trappings of the animal, that remuneration, generally in kind, or in old rags and copper coins, is doled out to them. Villagers worship the bulls, when they happen to pass their houses, and, as soon as they enter a village, the females wash the feet of the animals with milk and water. They then adorn their foreheads with kunkumam (aniline powder) and turmeric paste, and burn incense and camphor before them. Cocoanuts, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, and money are also offered on a plate, and are the prerogative of the Gangeddu. The bulls are thus venerated, as they represent Basavanna, the sacred bull which is the vehicle of Siva.

Language and religion

The language of the Gangeddulu is Telugu, but those who have migrated to the Tamil country also speak the language of the south. They profess the Vaishnavite religion, and are of the Tengalai persuasion. They have Brâhman gurus (religious preceptors), who reside at Srírangam, Tirupati, and other places. By them the Gangeddulu are branded on the shoulder with the emblems of the chank and chakram, and initiated into the mysteries of the Dâsari priesthood. But, though they call themselves Dâsaris, the Gangeddulu have no marital or other connection with the Dâsaris. In addition to training and exhibiting the performing bulls and cultivating land, the Gangeddulu officiate as Dâsaris in the month of Peratâsi (September-October). Their principal insignia of office are the chank shell, which is blown to announce their arrival, and the iron lamp (called Garudasthambha), which is kept burning, and is said to represent Venkatésa, the presiding deity at Tirupati. As Dâraris, little is expected of them, except offering fruits to the god, and assisting at funerals. Several proverbs, of which the following are examples, are current concerning this aspect of their life: The mistake of a Dâsari is excused with an apology. The songs of a Dâsari are known only to the god, i.e., they are unintelligible and unreal. For the song of a Dâsari alms are the payment, i.e., that is all the song is worth. Sing again what you have sung, oh! Dâsari with dirty teeth. When a beggar was asked whether he was a Dâsari or a Jangam, he replied that it depends on the next village. This in reference to his being a time-server.

Practice and origin of trained bulls

A Gangeddu mendicant is, like his bulls, picturesquely attired. He is very punctilious about having his sect-mark on the forehead, invariably wears a turban, and his body is clothed in a long white cloth robe. When going about with the performing bulls, the Gangeddulu generally travel in pairs, one carrying a drum, and the other a bell-metal gong. One of them holds in one hand the nose-rope of the bull, and in the other the whip. The bulls are dressed up in a patchwork quilt with two eye-holes in it. Of names which are given to the animals, Râma and Lakshmana are very popular. The tameness of the bulls is referred to in the proverb "As mild as a Gangeddu." The Perumâl Mâdukkârans, or Perumâl Erudukkârans, both of whose names indicate those who lead bulls about, are found chiefly in the Chingleput, North and South Arcot districts. "Every now and then," Mr. S.M. Natesa Sastri writes,[1] throughout Madras, a man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seem leading about a bull, as fantastically got up as himself with cowries (Cypraea arabica shells) and rags of many colours, from door to door. The bull is called in Tamil Perumâl erudu, and in Telugu Ganga eddu, the former meaning Vishnu's bull and the latter Ganga's bull. The origin of the first is given in a legend, but that of the last is not clear. The conductors of these bulls are shepherds of high caste, called Pî Idaiyan i.e., flower shepherds (see Idaiyan), and come from villages in the North and South Arcot districts. They are a simple and ignorant set, who firmly believe that their occupation arises out of a command from the great god Venkatâchalapati, the lord of the Venkatâchala near Tirupaddi (Tirupati) in the North Arcot district. Their legend is as follows: among the habitual gifts to the Venkatâchala temple at Tiruppadi were all the freaks of nature of the neighbourhood as exhibited in cattle, such as two-tailed cows, five-legged bulls, four-horned calves, and so on.

[1] Ind. Ant. XVIII. 1889.

------------------------------

page 316

The Pî Idaiyans, whose original duty was to string flowers for the temple, were set to graze these aberrations. Now to graze cows is an honour, but to tend such creatures as these the Pî Idaiyans regarded as a sin. So they prayed to Venkatâchalapati to show them how they could purge it away. On this, the god gave them a bull called after himself the Perumâl bull and said: 'May you take as much care of this bull as you would of your own children, and lead it from house to house, begging for its food, and your sin will be washed away.' Ever since then they have been purging themselves of their original sin. The process is this. The bull leader takes it from house to house, and puts questions to it, and the animal shakes its head in reply. This is proof positive that it can reason. The fact is the animal is bought when young for a small sum, and is brought up to its profession. Long practice has made its purchasers experts in selecting the animals that will suit them. After purchase the training commences, which consists of pullling the animal's ears whenever it is given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head at the sight of bran. I need hardly say that a handful of bran is ready in its conductor's hands when the question are put to it. It is also taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily to it. As regards the offerings made to these people, one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls, and the remaining five-sixths to the conductors. They look upon it as 'good work,' but the village boys and girls think it the greatest fun in the world to watch its performances, and the advent of a Vishnu's bull is hailed by the youngsters with the greatest delight."

Gangeddulus: -They are mendicants and wander around with the sacred bull. Usually one of them beats a drum and the other begs.

Gâródís: -The Gâródís [1] are a wandering tribe of jugglers in the Belgaum District. Their head-quarters are said to be at Miraj near Kolhapur. They are said to have been converted to Muhammadanism about the middle of the sixteenth century, and are looked upon as belonging to the Madâri sect. According to the Bombay Gazetteer [2] "the men are middle-sized, sturdy, and dark or olive. The women, who like the men are middle-sized, are thin, well-featured, and dark or olive. The men are jugglers, tumblers, and snake-charmers. They are hard-working, but are much given to intoxicating drinks and drugs and are poorly clad and scrimp for food. Except circumcising their boys, they keep no Musalman customs, and are Muhammadans in little more than name." The name Gâródí or Gârudí is derived from gâruda , snake-charmer. I have no information as to the number of Gâródís in Belgaum.

Dialect

The dialect of the Gâródís is a rather inconsistent form of speech. and it seems probable that several of the forms registered in the list are incorrect. On the whole it is seen that Gâródí is based on a mixture of Hindóstâní, Râjasthâní and Marâ†hí. Thus the nominative of strong masculine bases ends in ó in the singular as in Râjasthâní and Gujarâtí, though we also find rémnâ, goat, as in Himdóstâní. The plural and the oblique base end in é as in Hindóstâní; compare lâwdé (but also lâwdó), sons; bhâwuté-kî ., to a father. The genitive ends in kó as in Râjasthâní. Before an inflected masculine noun we also find kâ. In the periphrastic present we find lugî hû, "I am dying," as in Méwâtí, Mâlví, and Méwârí. The past tense of the verb substantive is chhó as in Jaipurí; Marâ†hí forms are mí, "I"; lâwdé, "a child"; the common emphatic ch, and so on. In addition to all these elements there is also a mixture of Dravidian. It is seen in some words such as i©gâ, here; u©gâ, there; nírmâ, water; nând, house, village, etc., in the frequent use of adverbial and relative participles such as hâyilétó,when coming; hâyilandé, coming; bétésó, eaten, and so forth.

[1] See G. A. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol XI.

[2] Vol. xxi, pp. 224 and f.

-------------------------------------------------------

page 317

Like other Gipsy tribes the Gâródís try to make their speech unintelligible by using strange words or else by disguising ordinary words in various ways. Some of the unusual words found in the specimens are aldí, whip; bét, eat; bóngâ, gold; chisam, good; chónó, name; dhamukló, slave; dharâlí . iron; dhâytí, property; dzhalwâtní, harlot; dzhâmí, midnight; dzhangí, a bulbous root; gónó, hand; gónâlí, foot; ghuruknâ, swine; jachan, diagnose; kâjâ, man; kanéchí, eye (cf. Tamil kana); khómdâ, mouth; kêwsó, bull; kâylí, ailment; lug, die; lugâ, beat; mallâ, garden; nimal, run, loose; nând, house, village; nâ†hyâ, wife; nírmâ, water; panéchí, back (cf. Kanarese bennu); tabét, health; †ap, fall; †ók, say; †ólchó, head (cf. Kanarese tale); †hig, sit; walâ, give, and so on.

Ordinary words are sometimes disguised by means of a simple transposition of the letters; thus, dabó, big; and perhaps †ap, fall. Occasionally we find aspiration or disaspiration of consonants; thus, ghâyilé, they went; lhaikanâ, having taken; nâkyó, threw. In many cases a consonant has been prefixed or substituted for the initial of a word. Kh is used in this way in words such as khadmí, man; khîpar, above; khu†-kó, having arisen; khóyíd=baid, doctor. In gândiló, silver, g is similarly used instead of ch, and in rémnâ, goat, r for m. Ch is, as in many similar argots, used instead of b in words such as chulâwu, to call; chóní, word. Note chirwând, bind. In jilâ†í, cat, j had been used in a similar way, cf . bilâdí . Dzh is a more common substitute; compare dzhichâdí, behind; dzhukâyit=bhîkh, hunger; dzhâil-kanâ, having gone; dzhapplí, shoe, sandal; dzhupâr, afternoon (cf. dó pahâr), and so on. A t has been substituted for a p in †ikad, seize. The initial dh in dhamukló, belly; dhikmó, slave, is probably of the same kind. The syllable tur in turwâlé, hair, is apparently also an addition made in order to disguise the word, or else it may be a disguised sir, head. Other consonants used in a similar way are n in nétyâ-kî, to the fields; l in lipadâ, cloths; and, cockney way, h in hâyil, come; hun†, camel.

Another way of disguising words is by means of additions at the end. Such additions are:

-k in bhékdâ, brother; and g in bóngâ, gold; compare, however, Kanarese bangâra;

-ch in kanéchí, eye; kânéchí, ear; chandíchí, moon; bhanichí, sister; nhanchó, small, etc.;

-† in ghór†ó, horse; d in khagâdí, before; khómdâ, mouth; dâdwâ, tooth; bhékdâ, brother, etc.;

-t in dzhukâyit, hunger;

-p in rhapélyó, was; hapé-nâ, am not;

-m in ek-mî, one; dul-mî, two; kitmî, how many? bhutmî, devil; démâ, god; tódmé, I broke; thudmé, few; karmel, do; sunmel-kâ, having heard, etc.

-l in karélyó, did; karmel, do; ghalel, put; ghâyilé,went; chalélé, went; jagâyilyo, waked; dzhâyil, go; ba†al-kâ, dividing; rakellé, keep; sunel-hâyilyó, was heard; sunnel-kâ, having heard; hâyilyó, came; dulmî, two, and so forth. Similarly we find l in words such as nachlan, dancing; mókló, relief. -Finally we find s added in kharsâ, ass.

By means of all these additions the argot of the Gâródís gets a peculiar appearance.

Gasain: -They are religious mendicants and spiritual gurus. They preach mainly in rural areas. See also Gosain

Gauria: -A small caste of snake-charmers and jugglers who are an offshoot of the Gond tribe [1] . They number about 500 persons and are found only in Chhattísgarh.

[1] See Russell. This article is bases on papers by Mr. Jeorâkhân Lâl, Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bilâspur, and Bhagwân Singh, Court of Wards Clerk, Bilâspur.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 318

They have the same exogamous septs as the Gonds, as Markâm, Marai, Netâm Chhedaiha, Jagat, Purteti, Chichura and others.

But they are no doubt of very mixed origin, as is shown by the fact that guests all cook their own food and eat it separately. And after a daughter has been married her own family will not take food from her hand because they are doubtful of her husband's status. It is said that the Gaurias were accustomed formerly to beg only from the Kewat caste, though this restriction is no longer maintained. The fact may indicate that they are partly descended from the unions of Kewats with Gond women.

Marriage and Social Customs Adult marriage is the general rule of the caste and a fixed bride-price of sixteen rupees is paid. The couple go away together at once and six months afterwards return to visit the bride's parents, when they are treated as outsiders and not allowed to touch the food cooked for the family, while they reciprocally insist on preparing their own. Male Gaurias will take food from any of the higher castes, but the women will eat only from Gaurias. They will admit outsiders into the community from any caste from whom they can take food. And if a Gauria woman goes wrong with a member of any of these castes, they overlook the matter and inflict only a feast as a penalty. Their marriage ceremony consists merely in the placing of bangles on the woman's wrists, which is the form by which a widow is married among other castes. If a widow marries a man other than her husband's younger brother the new husband must pay twelve rupees to her first husbands family, or to her parents if she has returned to them. If she takes with her a child born of her first husband with permission to keep it, the second husband must pay eight rupees to the first husband's family as the price of the child. But if the child is to be returned as soon as it is able to manage for itself the second husband receives eight rupees instead of paying it, as remuneration for his trouble in rearing the baby. The caste bury their dead with the feet to the south, like the Hindus.

Occupation

The principal business of the Gaurias is to catch and exhibit snakes, and they carry a damru or rattle in the shape of an hour-glass, which is considered to be a distinctive badge of the caste. If a Gauria saw an Ojha snake-charmer carrying a damru he would consider himself entitled to take it from the Ojha forcibly if he could. A Gauria is forbidden to exhibit monkeys under penalty of being put out of caste. Their principal festival is the Nâg-Panchmi, when the cobra is worshipped. They also profess to know charms for curing persons bitten by snakes. The following incantation is cried by a Gauria snake-doctor three times into the ears of his patient in a loud voice. "The bel tree and the bel leaves are on the other side of the river. All the Gaurias are drowned in it. The breast of the koil ; over it is a net. Eight snakes went to the forest. They tamed rats on the green tree. The snakes are flying, causing the parrots to fly. They want to play, but who can make them play? After finishing their play they stood up; arise thou also, thou sword. I am waking you (the patient) up by crying in your ear, I conjure you by the 1 name of Dhanvantari to rise carefully." Similar meaningless charms are employed for curing the bites of scorpions and for exorcising bad spirits and the influence of the evil eye. The Gaurias will eat almost all kinds of flesh, including pigs, rats, fowls and jackals, but they abstain from beef. Their social status is so low that practically no caste will take food of water from them, but they are not considered impure. They are great drunkards, and are easily known by their damrus or rattles and the baskets in which they carry their snakes.

Ghadshi: -They are nomads making a living as actors and musicians in Central India.

[1] The Celestial Physician.

---------------------------

page 319

Ghosi: -(Sanskrit Ghosha, root ghush,"to shout," as he herds his cattle).-A tribe of 1 Muhammadan herdsmen [1]. There can be little doubt that like the Gaddi most of them are Ahírs who have been converted to Islâm. To the east of the Province they claim a Gîjar origin and profess to be divided into three endogamous subcastes- Lilâr, Gaddi, and Gîjar. In North Oudh again they have three endogamous sub-castes- Padhân or Pradhân; Gaddi, and Lâla. The detailed Census lists give 111 sections; but it is at present impossible to distinguish the exogamous from the endogamous groups. These are of the usual type, some local like Deswâli, Kanaujiya, Maghariya, Purabiya; and others following the names of well known castes and septs, such as Baghela Behna, Chaudhari, Chauhân, Gaddi, Gahlot, Gaur, Guâl Guâlbans, Jâdubansi, Pathân, Râjput, Sayyid, Shaikh, Sadíqi, Tomar, Turk. The word Ghosi is in fact rather vaguley used. In the Panjâb it is applied only to Musalmâns, and is often given to any cow-herd or milkman of that religion, whether Gîjar, Ahír, or of any other caste, just as Guâla is used for a Hindu cow-herd. In Lucknow the Ghosis have no other employment but the keeping of cattle, chiefly buffaloes of all kinds, and they breed buffaloes. They sell milk to Halwâis, and make inspissated milk (khoa). The Guâla, on the other hand, is generally an Ahír or Gadariya, and keeps both buffaloes and cows, and frequently cultivates some land. They seldom sell milk and curds to Halwâis. The Shírfarosh or Dîdhwâla is a still more general term. They are of no special caste, but are generally Ahírs, Lodhas, Kurmis, Gadariyas, Halwâis, or Brâhmans.

Manners And Customs.

The Ghosi conforms to the rules of Islâm, but retains, like many of these lower Muhammadan tribes, some Hindu beliefs and practices. To the east of the Province they say that the ancestor of the race was one Daya Râm Gîjar, who was in high favour with one of the Muhammadan Emperors, an was by him induced to accept the faith of Islâm. He was settled in the neighbourhood of Karra Mânikpur, which they regard as their head-quarters. They profess to follow the Sunni sect, and to the east worship as their tribal deities the Pânchonpír, Imâm, Sâhib, and Ghâzi Miyân. To these they offer sugar and water and cream. Like all Muhammadans they bury their dead and worship the spirits of the sainted dead at the Shag-i-barât and Id. On the former feast they offer the halwa sweetmeat and cakes of wheaten flour; at the later vermicelli (siwaiyân), milk, and dates. In North Oudh they worship Gorakh, Shâh Madâr, Sayyid Sâlâr, and Bhairon, besides various saints and martyrs (pír, shahíd). They employ Brâhmans to fix the auspicious times for marriage and other observances. To the east of the Province they will not eat beef nor will they eat with any Muhammadans who consume it. This is said not to be the case in North Oudh. They rank rather low in the social scale, and are proverbial for their stupidity and for never taking to any other occupation but the care of cattle and dealing in milk, butter, curds, etc.

Ghosi.: -A caste of herdsmen belonging to northern India and found in the Central Provinces in Saugor and other Districts of the Jubbulpore and Nerbudda Divisions [2] . In 1911 they numbered 10,000 persons in this Province out of a strength of about 60,000 in India. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit root ghush, to shout, the word ghosha meaning one who shouts as he herds his cattle. A noticeable fact about the caste is that, while in Upper India they are all Muhammadans, in the Central Provinces they are nearly all Hindus and show no trace of Muhammadan practices. It is considered to be partly on account of the difference in religion that they have become differentiated into a separate caste from the Ahírs. A few Muhammadan Ghosis are found in Nimâr and some Muhammadans who call themselves Gaddi in Mandla are believed to be Ghosis.

[1] See Crooke.

[2] See Russell. This article is based party on a paper by Khân Bahâdur Imdâd Ali, Pleader, Damoh.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 320

And as the Ghosis of the northern Districts of the Central Provinces must in common with the bulk of the population be descended from immigrants from northern India, it would appear that they must have changed their religion, or rather abandoned one to which their ancestors had only been imperfectly proselytised, when it was no longer the dominant faith of the locality in which they lived. Sir D. Ibbetson says that in the Punjab the name Ghosi is used only for Muhammadans, and is often applied to any cowherd or milkman of that religion, whether Gîjar, Ahír or of any other caste, just as Goâla is used for a Hindu cowherd. It is said that Hindus will buy pure milk from the Musalmân Ghosi, but will reject it if there is any suspicion of its having been watered by the latter, as they must not drink water at his hands.[1] But in Berâr Brâhmans will now buy milk and curds from Muhammadan milkmen. Mr. Crooke remarks that most of the Ghosis are Ahírs who have been converted to Islâm. To the east of the United Provinces they Claim a Gîjar origin, and here they will not eat beef themselves nor take food with any Muhammadans who consume it. They employ Brâhmans to fix the auspicious times for marriage and other ceremonies.

Occupation

The Ghosis of Lucknow have no other employment but the keeping of milch cattle, chiefly buffaloes [2] of all kinds, and they breed buffaloes. This is the case also in Saugor, where the Ghosis are said to rank below ordinary Ahírs because they breed and tend buffaloes instead of cows. Those of Narsinghpur, however, are generally not herdsmen at all but ordinary cultivators. In northern India, owing to the large number of Muhammadans who, other things being equal, would prefer to buy their milk and ghi from fellow Muhammadans, there would be an opening for milkmen professing this faith, and on the facts stated above it may perhaps be surmised that the Ghosi caste came into existence to fill the position. Or they may have been forcibly converted as a number of Ahírs in Berâr were forcibly converted to Islam,. and still call themselves Muhammadans, though they can scarcely repeat the Kalma and only go the mosque once a year.[3] But when some of the Ghosis migrated into the Central Provinces, they would find, in the absence of a Musalmân clientele, that their religion, instead of being an advantage, was a positive drawback to them, as Hindus would be reluctant to buy milk from a Muhammadan who might be suspected of having mixed it with water; and it would appear that they have relapsed naturally into Hinduism, all traces of their profession of Islâm being lost. Even so, however, in Narsinghpur they have had to abandon their old calling and become ordinary cultivators, while in Saugor, perhaps on account of their doubtful status, they are restricted to keeping buffaloes. If this suggestion turned out to be well founded, it would be an interesting instance of a religion being changed to secure a professional advantage. But it can only be considered as a guess. The Telis of the small town of Multai in Betîl District have the same disadvantage of not being able to water their milk without rendering it impure. Here the dairyman's business is for some reason in the hands of Telis (oilmen) and it is stated that from every Teli who engages in it a solemn oath is exacted that he will not put water in the milk, and any violation of this would be punished by expulsion from caste. Because if the Hindus once found that they had been rendered impure by drinking water touched by so low a caste as the Tells, they would decline any longer to purchase milk from them. It is curious that the strict rule of ceremonial purity which pertains in the case of water has apparently no application to milk.

Subcastes

In the Central Provinces the Ghosis have two subcastes, the Havelia or those living in open wheat country, and the Birchheya or residents of jungle tracts. In Saugor they have another set of divisions borrowed from the Ahírs, and here the Muhammadan Ghosis are said to be a separate subcaste, though practically none were returned at the census. They have the usual system of exogamous groups with territorial names derived from those of villages.

[1] Punjab Census Report (1881) Para 272.

[2] Crookes Tribes and Castes , art. Ghost.

[3] From a note by Mr. Híra Lâl.

-----------------------------------------

page 321

Marriage, Death, and Birth Rites

At their marriages the couple walks six times round the sacred post, reserving the seventh round, if the bride is a child, to be performed subsequently when she goes to her husband. But if she is adult, the full number may be completed, the ceremony known as lot pata coming between the sixth and seventh rounds. In this the bride sits first on the right of her husband and then changes seats so as to be on his left; and she is thus considered to become joined to her husband as the left part of his body, which the Hindus consider the wife to be, holding the same belief as that expressed in Genesis. After this the bride takes some child of the household into her lap and then makes it over to the bridegroom saying, 'Take care of the baby while I go and do the household work.' This ceremony, which has been recorded also of the Kâpus in Chânda, is obviously designed as and auspicious omen that the marriage may be blessed with children. Like other castes of their standing, the Ghosis permit polygamy, divorce and the remarriage of widows, but the practice of taking two wives is rare. The dead are burnt, with the exception that the bodies of young children whose ears have not been pierced and persons who died of smallpox are buried. Children usually have their ears pierced when they are three or four years old. A corpse must not be taken to the pyre at night, as it is thought that in that case it would be born blind in the next birth.

The caste have bards and genealogists of their own who are known as Patia. In Dmaoh the Ghosis are mainly cart drivers and cultivators and very few of them sell milk. In Nimâr there are some Muhammadan Ghosis who deal in milk. Their women are not secluded and may be known by the number of little rings worn in the ear after the Muhammadan custom. Like the Ahírs, the Ghosis are considered to be somewhat stupid. They call themselves Ghost Thâkur, as they claim to be Râjpîts, and outsiders also sometimes address them as Thâkur. But in Saugor and Damoh these aspirations to Kshatriya rank are so widespread that when one person asks another his caste the usual form of the question is 'What Thâkur are you ?' The questioner thus politely assumes that his companion must be a Râjpît of some sort and leaves it to him to admit or deny the soft impeachment. Another form of this question is to say 'What dudh, or milk, are you?'

Godagulas: -They are a caste of basket-makers. They make original objects of bamboo. They move around in Andra Pradesh and speak Oriya.

Góndaliga: -The Góndaligas1 are described, in the Mysore Census Report of 1901 as being mendicants "of Mahratta origin like the Bîdabudikes, and may perhaps be a sub-division of them. They are worshippers of Durgi. Their occupation, as the name indicates, is to perform gondala, or a kind of torch-light dance, usually performed in honour of Amba Bhavâni, especially after marriages in Désastha Brâhman's houses, or at other times in fulfilment of any vow."

Golendaz: -See Kadera.

[1] See Thurston.

-------------------------

page 322

Golla: -The Gollas [1] , Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [2] "are the great pastoral caste of the Telugu people. The traditions of the caste give a descent from the god Krishna, whose sportings with the milk maids play a prominent part in Hindu mythology.

Occupation and social standing

The hereditary occupation of the Gollas is tending sheep and cattle, and selling milk, but many of them have now acquired lands and are engaged in farming, and some are in Government service. They are quiet, inoffensive, and comparatively honest. In the time of the Nabobs, this last characteristic secured to them the privilege of guarding and carrying treasure, and one sub-division, Bokhasa Gollas, owes its origin to this service. Even now those who are employed in packing and lifting bags of money in the district treasuries are called Gollas, though they belong to other castes. As a fact they do hold a respectable position, and, though poor, are not looked down upon, for they tend the sacred cow. Sometimes they assert a claim to be regarded as representatives of the Gó-Vaisya division. Their title is Mandâdi, but it is not commonly used." Mr. Stuart writes further [3] that "the social status of the Gollas is fairly high, for they are allowed to mix freely with the Kâpu, Kamma, and Balija castes, and the Brâhmans will take buttermilk from their hands. They employ Sâtânis as their priests. In their ceremonies there is not much difference between them and the Kâpus. The name Golla is generally supposed to be a shortened form of Sanskrit Gópâla" (protector of cows). The Gollas also call themselves Kónânulu, or Kónarlu, and, like the Tamil Idaiyans, sometimes have the title Kónar. Other titles is common use are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nayudu.

In the Manual of the Kurnool district, it is stated that the Gollas "keep sheep, and sell milk and ghí (clarified butter). They eat and mess with the Balijas, and other high caste Sîdras; but unlike their brethren of the south, in the matter of street processions, they are classed with goldsmiths, or the left-hand section. When any one is reduced to poverty, the others give him each a sheep, and restore his flock. They occasionally dedicate their girls to Venkatésa as Basavis" (prostitutes).

Origin legends

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that "in the country round Mâdgole, legends are still recounted of line of local Golla chieftains, who gave their name to Golgonda, and built the forts, of which traces still survive in those parts." Each Telugu New Year's day, it is stated, Gollas come across from Godâvari, and go round the Golla villages, reciting the names of the progenitors of the fallen line, and exhibiting paintings illustrative of their overthrow. "At Vajragada (diamond fort) are the ruins of very large fortress, and local tradition gives the names of seven forts, by which it was once defended. These are said to have been constructed by the Golla kings. A tale is told of their having kidnapped a daughter of the ruler of Mâdgole, and held out here against his attacks for months, until they were betrayed by a woman of their own caste, who showed the enemy how to cut off their water-supply. They then slew their womankind, says the story, dashed out against the besiegers, and fell to a man, fighting to the last."

Social customs

Concerning the Gollas of Mysore, I gather [4] that "there are two main divisions in this caste, viz., Œru (village) and kâdu (forest). The two neither intermarry nor eat together. A section of the Gollas, by guarding treasure while on transit, have earned the name of Dhanapâla. In fact, one of the menial offices in Government treasuries at the present day is that of Golla.

[1] See Thurston.

[2] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[3] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[4] Mysore Census Report, 1910.

----------------------------------------

page 323

The caste worships Krishna, who was born in this caste. The Kâdu Gollas are said to have originally immigrated from Northern India, and are still a nomadic tribe, living in thatched huts outside the villages. Some of their social customs are akin to those of the Kâdu Kurubas. It is said that, on the occurrence of a childbirth, the mother with the baby remains unattended in a small shed outside the village from seven to thirty days, when she is taken back to her home. In the event of her illness, none of the caste will attend on her, but a Nâyak (Béda) woman is engaged to do so. Marriages among them are likewise performed in a temporary shed erected outside the village, and the attendant festivities continue for five days, when the marriage couple are brought into the village. The Golla is allowed to marry as many wives as he likes, and puberty is no bar to marriage. They eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. The wife cannot be divorced except for adultery. Their females do not wear the bodice (ravike) usually put on by the women of the country. Nor do they, in their widowhood, remove or break the glass bangles worn at the wrists, as is done in other castes. But widows are not allowed to remarry.

Only 98 persons have returned gótras, the chief being Yâdava, Karadi, Atréya, and Amswasa. The first two are really sub-sects, while Atréya is the name of a Brâhmin Rishi." Yâdava, or descendant of King Yâdu, from whom Krishna was descended, also occurs as a synonym for Idaiyan, the great Tamil shepherd class. Concerning the Adivi, or forest Gollas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows.[1] "The people of every house in the village let loose a sheep, to wander whither it will, as a sort of perpetual scapegoat. When a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is turned out of the village into a little leaf or mat hut about two hundred yards away. In this hut she must bring forth the offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be called in to be with her before the child is born. For ninety days the woman lives in the hut by herself. If any one touches her, he or she is like the woman, outcasted, and turned out of the village for three months. The woman's husband generally makes a little hut about fifty yards from her, and watches over her; but he may not go near her on pain of being outcasted for three months. Food is placed on the ground near the woman's hut, and she takes it. On the fourth day after parturition, a woman of the village goes to her, and pours water on her, but she must not come in contact with her. On the fifth day, the village people clear of stones and thorny bushes a little bit of ground about ten yards on the village side of the hut, and to this place the woman removes her hut. No one can do it for her, or help her. On the ninth, fifteenth, and thirtieth days, she removes the hut in the same way nearer to the village, and, again, once in each of the two following months. On the ninetieth day, the headman of the village calls the woman to come out of the hut. The dhóbi (washerman) then washes her clothes. She puts on clean clothes, and the headman takes her to the temple of their tutelary deity junjappa, where the caste pîjari breaks cocoanuts, and then accompanies her to her house, where a purificatory ceremony is performed. Junjappa, it is said, takes good care of the mother and child, so that death is said to be unknown." It is stated [2] that, in the Chitaldrîg district of Mysore, "the wife of the eldest son in every family is not permitted to clean herself with water after obeying the calls of nature. It is an article of their belief the their flocks will otherwise not prosper."

Writing in the early part of the last century about the Gollas, Buchanan informs us that "this caste has a particular duty, the transporting of money, both belonging to the public and to individuals. It is said that they may be safely entrusted with any sum; for each man carrying a certain value, they travel in bodies numerous in proportion to the sum put under their charge; and they consider themselves bound in honour to die in defence of their trust. Of course, they defend themselves vigorously, and are all armed; so that robbers never venture to attack them. They have hereditary chiefs called Gotugaru, who with the usual council settle all disputes, and punish all transgression against the rules of caste. The most flagrant is the embezzlement of money entrusted to their care.

[1] Journal of . Anth. Soc. Bombay, 1, 1888.

[2] Mysore Census Report, 1891.

-----------------------------------------------

page 324

On this crime being proved against any of the caste, the Gotugaru applies to Amildar, or civil magistrate, and having obtained his smaller offences are atoned for by the guilty person giving an entertainment."

Sub-divisions

The Golla caste has many sub-divisions, of which the following are examples:

Erra or Yerra (red). Said to be the descendants of a Brâhman by a Golla woman.

Ála or Mékala, who tend sheep and goats.

Pîja or Puni.

Gangeddu, who exhibit performing bulls.

Gauda, who, in Vizagapatam, visit the western part of the district during the summer months, and settle outside the villages. They tend their herds, and sell mill and Karna.

Pâkanâti.

Râcha (royal).

Peddeti. mostly beggars, and considered low in the social scale, though when At the census, 1901, the following were returned as sub-castes of the Gollas:

Dayyâlakulam (wrestlers), Perike Muggalu or Mushti Golla (beggars and exorcists), Podapótula (who beg from Gollas) Gavâdi, and Vadugâyan, a Tamil synonym for Gollas in Tinnevelly. Another Tamil synonym for Golla is Bokhisha Vadugar (treasury northerners). Golla has been given as a sub-division of Dâsaris and Chakkiliyans, and Golla Woddar (Oddé) as a synonym of a thief class in the Telugu country. In a village near Dummagudem in the Godâvari district, the Rev. J. Cain writes, [1] are "a few families of Bâsava Gollalu. I find they are really Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with, and separated from, their neighbours. Some of the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring Kois. The word Bâsava is commonly said to be derived from bhâsha, a language, and the Gollas of this class are said to have been so called in consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of the Gollas."

Like many other Telugu castes, the Gollas have exogamous septs or intipéru, and gótras. As examples of the former, the following may be quoted:

Agni, fire.

Ávula, cows. Chinthala, tamarind.

Chevvula, ears.

Gundala, stones.

Gurram, horse.

Gorrela, sheep.

Górantla, henna (lawsonia alba)

Some of these sept names occur among other classes, as the following:

Ávula, Balíjas, Kâpus, and Yerukalas.

Chinthala, Dévângas, Kómatis, Malas, and Mâdigas.

Górantla, Padma Sâlés.

Gorrela, Kammas, Kâpus.

Gurram, Mâlas, Padma Sâlés, and Tógatas.

Nakkala, Kâttu Marâthis, and Yânâdis.

Those who belong to the Râghindala (Ficus religiosa) gótra are not allowed to use the of the sacred fig or pípal tree as plates for their food. Members of the Pâlâvili gótra never construct pâlâvili, or small booths, inside the house for the purpose of worship.

[1] Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879..

-------------------------

page 325

Those who belong to the Akshathayya gótra are said to avoid rice coloured with turmeric or other powder (akshantalu). Members of the Kommi, jammi, and Mîshti gótras avoid using the kommi tree, prosopis spicigera, and Strychnos Nux-vomica respectively.

Of the various sub-divisions, the Pîja Gollas claim superiority over the others. Their origin is traced to Simhâdri Râju, who is supposed to have been a descendant of Yayâthi Râja of the Mahâbaratha. Yayâthi had six sons, the last of whom had a son named Kariyâvala, whose descendants were as follows:

Penubóthi (his son),

|

Avula Amurthammayya,

|

Xalugothi Ganganna,

|

Oli Râju,

|

Simhâdri Râju,

| | | |

Peddi Erupuka Noranoka Póli Râju.

The Gollas are believed to be descended from the four last kings.

According to another legend, there were five brothers, named Póli Râju, Erranoku Râju, Kâtama Râju, Peddi Râju, and Errayya Râju, who lived at Yellamanchili, which, as well as Sarvasiddhi, they built. The Râjas of Nellore advanced against them, and killed them, with all their sheep, in battle. On this Janagamayya, the son of Peddi Râju, who escaped the general slaughter, made up his mind to go to Kâsi (Benares), and offer oblations to his dead father and uncles. This he did, and the gods were so pleased with him that they transported him in the air to his native place. He was followed by three persons, viz., (1) Kulagentadu, whose descendants now recite the names of the progenitors of the caste; (2) Podapóttu (or juggler), whose descendants carry metal bells, sing, and produce snakes by magic; (3) Thévasíyadu, whose descendants paint the events which led to the destruction of the Golla royalty on large cloths, and exhibit them to the Gollas once a year. At the time when Janagamayya was transported to heaven, they asked him how they were to earn their living, and he advised them to perform the duties indicated, and beg from the caste. Even at the present day, their descendants go round the country once a year, after the Telugu New year's day, and collect their dues from Golla villages.

Religion

By religion the Gollas are both Vallamulu (Vaishnavites) and Striramanthulu (Saivites), between whom marriage is permissible. They belong to the group of castes who worship the following items in a bamboo or rattan box: three or four long whip-like ropes made of cotton or Agave fibre, along with swords, sandals and idols. The ropes are called Vírathâdlu, or heroes' ropes. The contents of the box are set beneath a booth made of split bamboo (pâlâvili), and decorated with mango leaves, and flowers. There is also placed a pot containing several smaller pots, cowry shells, metal and earthenware sandals, and the image of a bull called bolli-âvu (bull idol). When not required for the purpose of worship, the idols are hung up in a room, which may not be entered by any one under pollution.

Some Karna Gollas earn their living by selling poultry, or by going about the country carrying on their head a small box containing idols and Vírathâdlu. Placing this at the end of a street, they do pîja (worship) before it, and walk up and down with a rope, with which they flagellate themselves. As they carry the gods (Dévarlu) about, these people are called Dévara vallu.

--------

page 326

As the Gollas belong to the left-hand section, the Pedda Golla, or headman, has only a Mâdiga as his assistant.

At the marriages of Mutrâchas, Mâdigas, and some other classes, a form of worship called Vírala pîja is performed with the object of propitiating heroes or ancestors (víralu). A kindred ceremony, called Ganga pîja, is carried out by the Gollas, the expenses of which amount to about a hundred rupees. This Ganga worship lasts over three days, during which nine patterns, called muggu, are drawn on the floor in five colours and represent dhâmarapadmam (lotus flower), pâlâvili (booth), sulâlu (tridents), sesha panpu (serpent's play?), alugula simhâsanam (throne of Sakti), Víradu pérantâlu (hero and his wife), Rânivasam (Râni's palace), bónala (food), and Ganga. The last is a female figure, and probably represents Ganga, the goddess of water, though one of the Golla ancestors was named Gangi Râju. The patterns must be drawn by Mâdigas or Mâlas. Three Pambalas, or Mâdigas skilled in this work, and in reciting the stories of various gods and goddesses, commence their work on the afternoon of the third day, and use white powder (rice flour), and powders coloured yellow (turmeric), red (turmeric and chunam), green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), and black (charred rice husk). On an occasion when my assistant was present, the designs were drawn on the floor of the courtyard of the house, which was roofed over. During the preparation of the designs, people were barred from the yard, as some ill-luck, especially an attack of fever, would befall more particularly boys and those of feeble mind, if they caught sight of the muggu before the drishti thíyadam, or ceremony for removing the evil eye has been performed. Near the head of the figure of Gangs, when completed, was placed an old bamboo box, regarded as a god, containing idols, ropes, betel, flowers, and small swords. Close to the box, and on the right side of the figure, an earthen day, containing a lighted wick fed with ghí (clarified butter) was set. On the left side were deposited a kalasam (brass vessel) representing Siva, a row of chembus (vessels) called bónalu (food cessels), and a small empty box tied up in a cloth dyed with turmeric, and called Brammayya. Between these articles and the figure, a sword was laid. Several heaps of food were piled up on the figure, and masses of rice placed near the head and feet. In addition, a conical mass of food was heaped up on the right side of the figure, and cakes were stuck into it. All round this were placed smaller conical piles of food, into which broomsticks decorated with betel leaves were thrust. Masses of food, scooped out and converted into lamps, were arranged in various places, and betel leaves and nuts scattered all over the figure. Towards the feet were set a chembu filled with water, a lump of food coloured red, and incense. The preparations concluded, three Gollas stood near the feet of the figure, and took hold of the red food, over which water had been sprinkled, the incense, and a fowl. The food and incense were then waved in front of the figure, and the fowl, after it had been smoked by the incense, and waved over the figure, had its neck wrung. This was followed by the breaking of a cocoanut, and offering fruits and other things. The three men then fell prostrate on the ground before the figure, and saluted the goddess. One of them, an old man, tied little bells round his legs, and stood mute for a time. Gradually he began to perspire, and those present exclaimed that he was about to be possessed by the spirit of an ancestor. Taking up a sword, he began to cut himself with it, especially in the back, and then kept striking himself with the blunt edge. The sword was wrested from him, and placed on the figure, The old man then went several times round the muggu, shaking and twisting his body into various grotesque attitudes. While this was going on, the bridegroom appeared on the scene, and seated himself near the feet of the figure. Throwing off his turban and upper cloth, he fell on the floor, and proceeded to kick his legs about, and eventually, becoming calmer, commenced to cry. Being asked his name, he replied that he was Kariyavala Râju. Further questions were put to him, to which he made no response, but continued crying. Incense and lights were then carried round the image, and the old man announced that the marriage would be auspicious, and blessed the bride and bridegroom and the assembled Gollas. The ceremony concluded with the burning of camphor. The big mass of food was eaten by Pîni Gollas.

---------------------

page 327

It is stated in the Manual of the Nellore district that, when a Golla bridegroom sets out for the house of his mother-in-law, he is seized on the way by his companions, who will not release him until he has paid a piece of gold. The custom of illatom, or application of a son-in-law, prevails among the Gollas, as among the Kâpus and some other Telugu classes. [1]

In connection with the death ceremonies, it may be noted that the corpse, when it is being washed, is made to rest on a mortar, and two pestles are placed by its side, and a lighted lamp near the head.

There is a proverb to the effect that a Golla will not scruple to water the milk which he sells to his own father. Another proverb refers to the corrupt manner in which he speaks his mother-tongue. The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a silver churning stick. [2]

Gond: -Gond, a non-Aryan tribe, classed on linguistic grounds as Dravidian, properly belonging to the Central Provinces, [3] but found also in the Tributary States of Chota Nagpur, in the south of Lohardagâ and in Singbhum. On the States of Sargujâ, and Udaipur most of the feudal tenures held on terms of military service directly under the Chief are in the hands of Gonds- a fact which suggests that the tribe must have been among the earliest permanent settlers in that part of the country. The Gonds of Bengal are divided into four sub-tribes: Gond, Râj-Gond, Dhokar-Gond, and Doroâ-Gond or Nâik.

Internal structure.

The Gond represent the bulk of the tribe, while the Râj-Gond are supposed to be descended from families who attained to the dignity of Chief. The Dhokar-Gond are a wandering race, who make a living by begging and thieving. The Doroâ-Gond or Nâik are found only in Singbhum. According to Colonel Dalton, they were the military retainers of the Mahâpâtra of Bâmanghâti, a feudatory clan of the Râjâ of Moharbhanj, who were driven out of Bâmanghâti with their leader and permitted to settle in Singbhum in consequence of his having rebelled against his lord paramount. Their sections, shown in Appendix I, are totemistic. One of them, Besrâ (hawk) occurs also among the Santâls.

Marriage.

Gonds practise both infant and adult-marriage, but under Hindu influence the former practice tends continually to become more popular and to be looked upon as a badge of social distinction. The ceremony is modelled on that in use among the lower castes of Hindus. Sindurdân and marriage to a mango-tree form prominent parts of the ritual, while according to some the binding portion of the rite consists in the village barber pouring a vessel of water over both bride and bridegroom. Widows are allowed to marry again, the usual practice being for the widow to marry her late husband's younger brother. No religious ceremony is in use on such occasions, nor is it customary to send for the Brahman and Hajjâm, who officiate at the marriage of a virgin. All that is necessary is to assemble a sort of committee of relations, before whom the bridegroom gives the bride a new cloth and a lac bracelet and promises to maintain her in a suitable fashion. The proceedings end, as is the manner of the non-Aryan tribes, with a feast, at which every one gets very drunk.

[1] See C. Ramchendrier, Collection of decisions of High Courts and the Privy Council applicable to dancing girls, illatom, etc,. Madras, 1892.

[2] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875.

[3] See Risley. The present article deals only with the Gonds of Bengal, and does not attempt to give an exhaustive account of the entire tribe.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 328

Religion. The Bengal members of the tribe affect to be orthodox Hindus, and worship the standard gods with the assistance of a degraded class of Brahmans, who also officiate at their marriages. Although to this extent they have embraced the popular religion, they still worship the characteristic deities of the non-Hinduised Gonds-Bar Deo and Dulhâ Deo. They burn their dead, but the relatives mourn for three days only, after which period they purify themselves by bathing and shaving, and make offerings of bread and milk to the spirit of the departed. Their social rank is very low, as in spite of their professed conformity to Hinduism they eat fowls and other unclean food.

Social status.

Concerning their appearance and characteristics, Colonel Dalton has the following remarks: "Socially, I consider the Hinduised or semi-Hinduised Gonds to be the least interesting of the great families of the aborigines of India. They have none of the demeanour which characterises many of the Singbhum Kols. They are in character reserved, sullen, and suspicious. They are indifferent cultivators and careless about the appearance of their homesteads, and they are singularly ill-favoured; and though some of the wealthier families have formed a series of alliances with other races, which have improved their looks, I can point to many who have tried this in vain, and who show to this day features more closely resembling the lower Negro type than any I have seen. They often have short crisp curly hair, and though it is said, and no doubt truly, that this is far removed from the regular woolly covering of a Negro's head, I have generally seen such hair in conjunction with features very noticeably Negro in type, and accompanying a very dark skin. They are larger and heavier in build than the Oraons and Kols, and with none of the graceful plysique to be found in both these tribes."

Gond.: -Gonr [1]- Probably meaning an "inhabitant of Gauda" or Western Kosala; according to Mr. Hislop from the Telegu Konda , "a hill." Dr. Oppert [2] suggests that the names of tribes with the first syllable Ko or Go, such as the Kodulu. Konda, Gonda, Ganda, Kurava, etc., are derived from the Gauda Dravidian root Ko, konda, etc., in the sense of "mountain." In the Census under the name Gond two quite distinct classes of people seem to be mixed up, the true Gonds of the Central Indian hill country, and the Gonr of the Eastern Districts of these Provinces, who is usually classed with the fishing tribes of Kahâr an Mallâh and is a domestic servant, stone-cutter or grain-parcher. In the detailed Census Returns the sections of these two distinct tribes are inextricably mixed up together and defy analysis.

The Central Indian Gonds.

Of the Central Indian Gonds there are very few in these Provinces except in Jhânsi and Ialitpur. But as will be seen from the account of the Mânjhis and Kharwârs of South Mirzapur, they are almost certainly an offshoot from the great Gond race, and still preserve much of the tribal organisation of the real Gonds along the hills to the west. According to Mr. Hislop the true Gonds divide themselves into twelve and a half castes or classes in imitation of the Hindus. These are Râj Gond; Raghuwâl; Dadavé; Katula; Pâdâl; Dholi; Ojhyâl; Koilabhutâl; Koikopâl; Kolâm; and an inferior sort of Pâdâl as the half caste. The first four, with the addition, according to some, of the Kolâm, are comprehended under the name of Koitor, the Gond par excellence .

[1] See Crooke.

[2] OPriginal Inhabitants or Bharatavarsha , 13.

---------------------------------------------------

page 329

The Râj Gonds.

The only branch of the tribe which seems to exist under this name in these Provinces is the Râj Gond, some of whom are reported to exist in the Jhânsi District. They are divided into the following sections (gotra): Sohâm; Chagâba; Markâm; Posâm; Korâm; Dewar, which are exogamous. Of the Bâj Gonds Mr. Hislop writes: "The Râj Gonds are so called because they have furnished from their number most of the families who have attained to royal power. They are widely spread over the plains and mountains of the Province of Nâgpur, and are found in Berâr and the jungle south of the of the Wârda, as well as those north of the Narbada. the Raghuwâl and Dadavé are more limited in their range, being confined principally to the District of Chhindwâra. These three classes generally devote themselves to agriculture. They eat with each other, but do not intermarry. The Katulya, though not a very numerous class in regard to individuals, is extensively scattered. It includes all those who, originally belonging to one or other to the preceding Koitor classes, have begun to conform to the Hindu religion and to ape Hindu manners. Professing to be Kshatriyas, they have invested themselves with a sacred thread, and make great efforts to get the claim allowed by contracting marriage with needy Râjput brides. With scrupulous exactness they perform the prescribed ablutions of their adopted faith, and carry their passion for purification so far as to have their faggots duly sprinkled with water before they are used for cooking. At the time of dinner if a stranger or a crow come near them the food is thrown away as polluted. These practices, which other Koitors regard with profound contempt, are gaining ground among the rich. It was only one or two generations ago that the Zamíndâr or petty Râja of Khairagarh, the present bearer of which title still carries in his features unmistakeable traces of this Gond origin, was received within the pale of Hinduism; traces of his Gond origin, was received within the pale of Hinduism; and similar transformations, though at a more distant date, seem to have been undergone, by the royal dynasties of Bastar, Mandla, and various smaller principalities. The tendency to claim conection with Râjputs is not peculiar to ambitious Gonds: it prevails among the Bhíls of Mâlwa, and is not unknown to the wandering Kaikâdis of the Dakkhin both of whom boast of being Yadavas or Panwârs, or some equally highborn section of the Kshatriyas." Exactly the same is the case with the Kharwârs of Mirzapur, one of whom has in quite recent times blossomed into a Râjput and invented a clan, the Benbans, for himself. He has succeeded in marrying into a clan as respectable as that of the Chandel.

Physical Appearance Of The Gonds.

Of the physical appearance of the Gonds Mr. Hislop writes: "All are a little below the average size of Europeans, and in complexion darker than the generality of Hindus. Their bodies are well proportioned, but their features are rather ugly. They have a roundish head, distended nostrils, wide mouth, thickish lips, straight, black hair, and scanty beard and moustache. It has been supposed that some of the aborigines of Central India have wooly hair; but this is a mistake. Among the thousands I have seen I have not found one with hair like a Negro. A few, indeed, have curly locks, as a few Britons have; but I have not met with on inhabitant of the forest who exhibited any marked resemblance to the African race. On the contrary, both their hair and features are decidedly Mongolian." "Their women," writes Captain Forsyth, [1] "Differ among themselves more than do the men of these races. Those of the Gonds are somewhat lighter in colour and less fleshy than the Korkus. But the Gond women of different parts of the country vary greatly in appearance, many of them in the opener parts near the plains being great robust creatures; finer animals by far than the men, and here Hindu blood may be fairly expected. In the interior, again, bevies of Gond women may be seen who are more like monkeys than human beings. The features of all are strongly marked and coarse. The girls occasionally possess such comeliness as attaches to general plumpness and a good-humoured expression of face; but when their short youth is over, all pass at once into a hideous age. Their hard lives, sharing as they do all the labours of the men, except that of hunting, suffice to account for this. They dress decently enough, in a short petticoat, often dyed blue, tucked in between the legs so as to leave them naked to the thigh, and a mantle of white cotton covering the upper part of the body, with a fold thrown over the head.

[1] Highlands of Central India , 156.

------------------------------------

page 330

The most eastern section of the Korkus add a bodice, as do some of the Hinduised Gonads. The Gond women have the legs- as far as they are suffered to be seen- tattooed in a variety of fantastic patterns, done in indigo or gun-powder blue. The Pardhâns are the great artists in this line, and the figures they design are almost the only ornamental art attempted by these tribes. It is done when the girl becomes marriageable; and the traveller will sometimes hear dreadful shrieks issuing from their villages, which will be attributed to some young Gondin being operated upon with the tattooing needle. Like all barbarians, both races deck themselves with an inordinate amount of what they consider ornaments. Quantity rather than quality is aimed at; and both arms and legs are usually loaded with tiers of heavy rings, in silver among the more wealthy, but, rather than not at all, then in brass, iron, or coloured glass. Ear and noserings and bulky necklaces of coins and beads are also common; and their ambrosial locks are intertwined on State occasions with the hair of goats and other animals."

Domestic Rites-Marriage

The following account of Gond domestic ceremonies by a writer in the Central Provinces Gazette may be quoted, as the book is rare: "Some of the Gond ceremonies are peculiar. Thus, they have seven different kinds of marriages, some much more binding than others, but all supposed to contain a sufficient quatum of matrimonial sanctity about them. The first and surest is when a Gond wants to marry his daughter, he first looks for a husband among his sister's children, as it is considered the proper thing for first cousins to marry whenever such an arrangement is possible; though, strange to say, the rule is only thought absolutely binding when the brother's child happens to be a girl, and the sister's a boy. Even in the opposite case, however, it is very commonly done, as by so providing for a relation for life, the man is said to have performed a very right and proper act. Another reason is that less expense in entailed in marrying a relation than the daughter of a stranger, who is apt to be more exacting. Among the poorer classes who can afford no money as a dower, the bridegroom serves the bride's father for periods varying from seven or eight months to three years, or sometimes more, according to arrangements made by the parents. When the children are ten or eleven years old, a committee of the village elders is generally held, and the term of apprenticeship decided; the term of service being usually somewhat longer when the youth is serving his uncle for his cousin, as relations are not supposed to exact so much work from the Lamjina. The youth lives in one of the outhouses, and has to perform all the menial work of the household, both in the house and in the field. During his period of probation he is forbidden to hold any intercourse with the girl.6 "Another description of marriage is when the woman makes her own match, and declining the husband provided for her by her relatives, runs away with the man of her choice. A case of this sort seldom happens. It is, however, quite recognised among the Gonds that the women have the right to take their own way if they have the courage; and the elders of the village in which the man resides generally endeavour to arrange matters to the satisfaction of both parties. Connected with this is compulsory marriage. Even after the girl has run away form her father's house, and taken up her residence in the house of the man of her choice, it is quite allowable for the man she has deserted to assert his rights to her person by carrying her off by force; in fact not only is this right allowed to the deserted lover, but any one of the girl's first cousins may forcibly abduct her and keep her for himself, if he has the power. Once carried off, she is kept in the house of her captor, carefully watched, until she finds it useless to attempt to resist, and gives in. Occasionally where the girl has made what is considered an objectionable match with a poor man, who has few friends, abductions of this sort are successfully carried out, but, as a rule, they are not attempted. The last form is for very poor people, or girls with no relations. In the latter case she selects some man of her acquaintance, and going to his house takes up her abode there. He signifies his acceptance by putting on her arms bangles (chîri) and giving a small feast to the village elders. Sometimes he objects, if the woman is useless or of bad character; but he gets little redress from the elders; and unless he can induce some other man to take her off his hands he is generally supposed to be bound to keep the woman.

--------------------

page 331

As, however, the women are usually good labourers, and well worthy of their hire, a man of property seldom raises any objection, and the women, too, are usually sufficiently worldly-wise to choose for their keepers men fairly well-to-do."

Widow-Marriage.

"Widows are expected to re-marry in two ways. The first consists simply in the woman proceeding to the house of the man she has agreed to live with after her husband's death. The other is where the younger brother marries his elder brother's widow, which he is expected to do by the custom of the tribe, unless the widow should insist on making some other arrangement for herself. The ceremony in both the cases consists simply of a presentation of bangles by the husband to the wife, and a feast to the village elders. Elder brothers are not allowed to marry the widows of their younger brothers. The only limit to the number of wives a Gond may have is his means of supporting them.

Death Rites.

"Cremation is considered the most honourable mode of disposing of the dead, but being expensive is very seldom resorted to, except in the case of elders of the tribe. The rule is that, if possible, men over fifty should be burned; but as these wild tribes have no means of telling the ages of their friends, it results that all old men are burnt. Women are always buried. Formerly the Gonds used to bury their dead in the houses in which they died, just deep enough to prevent their being dug up again by the dogs; now they have generally some place set apart as a burial-ground near the village. Their funeral ceremonies are very few; the grave is dug so that the head shall lie to the south and the feet to the north; the idea being that the deceased has gone to the home of the deities, which is supposed to be somewhere in the north; but the Gonds do not appear to have any real theory regarding an after-life, or the immortality of the soul. The ceremony for this purpose may be gone through apparently at any time after death, from one month to a year and-a-half, or even to two years. During that period the spirit of the deceased is the only object of worship in the house. A share of the family food is set aside for him, and he is supposed to remain is the house and watch over its inhabitants. After his funeral, when, if the relatives can afford it, they clothe the corpse in a new dress, a little turmeric and a pice is tied up in a cloth, and suspended by the Baiga to one of the beams of the house; there it remains till the time comes to lay the spirit, which is done by the Baiga removing the cloth and offering it, with a portion of the flesh of a goat or a pig, to the god of the village; a feast is given to the relations, and the ceremony is complete."

Religion.

In Jhânsi they worship all the ordinary Hindu gods, Mahârdeva, Bhawâni, Râma, Krishna, Mahâbír, and Hardaul; but their special tribal deity is Gonr Bâba, who is apparently one of the deified worthies of the tribe. They seem to have become completely Hinduised: cremate their dead, throw the ashes into the Ganges or one of its tributaries, and employ the ordinary village Brâhmans in their domestic ceremonies.

In their real home the number of their deities seems everywhere to differ. Mr. Hislop says that he could never get any one man to name more than seven. The best known are Dulha Deo. Nârâyan Deo, Sîraj Deo, Mâta, Devi, Bara Deo, Khair Mâta, Thâkur Deo and Gansyâm Deo. Besides these, the Gond peoples the forests in which he lives with spirits of all kinds, most of them vested with the power of inflicting evil, and quite inclined to use their power. To propitiate these he sets up a shrine (pât) in spots selected either by himself or by his ancestors, and there performs certain rites, generally consisting of small offerings on certain days. These shrines are sometimes merely a bamboo with a piece of rag tied to the end, a heap of stenos, or perhaps only a few pieces of rag tied to the branches of a tree. However, the spirit is supposed to have taken up its abode there, and, in consequence, on the occasion of any event of importance happening in the Gond's family, the spirit has his share of the good things going, in the shape of a little spirit and possibly a fowl sacrificed to him. In Mandla Thâkur Deo is supposed to represent especially the household deity, and to preside over the wellbeing of the house and farmyard.

------------------------

page 332

In Râmgarh, too, this deity is held in great reverence; but there he is supposed to occupy more then one shape. One village in the Shahpur Ta'aluqa is said to be very highly favoured as one of the residences of their deity. Captain Ward was shown there a few links of a roughly forged chain which the superstition of the people had gifted with the power of voluntary motion; this chain looked very old, and no one could say how long it had been at Jata; it was occasionally found hanging on a ber tree, sometimes on a stone under the tree, at others in the bed of a neighbouring stream. At the time of Captain Ward's visit it was on a stone under the tree, from which it was said to have descended four days before. Each of these movements is made the occasion for some petty sacrifice, of which the attendant Baiga reaps the benefit, so that it is, of course, his advantage to work on the credulity of the Gonds; he does not appear, however, to abuse his power, as these movements only occur about once in four months; so that the Gonds can hardly complain of being priest-ridden to any extent."

The following account of Gansyâm Deo may be compared with what has been elsewhere said about this deity.[1] "Throughout the greater part of Râmgarh, and also in parts of Mandla, Gansyâm Deo is held in great reverence, and about one hundred yards from each village where he is in favour, a small hut is built for him. It is generally of the rudest material, with little attempt at ornamentation. A bamboo, with a red or yellow flag tied to the end, is planted in one corner, an old withered garland or two is hung up, and a few blocks of rough stone, some smeared with vermilion, are strewn about the place, which is thus especially dedicated to Gansyâm Deo. He is considered the protector of the crops, and in the month of Kârttik (November) the whole village assembles at his shrine to worship him: sacrifices of fowls and spirits, or a pig occasionally, according to the village, are offered, and Gansyâm is said to descend on the head of one of the worshippers, who is suddenly seized with a sort of fit, and after staggering about for a little, rushes off into the wildest jungles, where, the popular theory is, if not pursued and brought back, he would inevitably die of starvation, a raving lunatic; for as it is, after being brought back, he does not recover his senses for one or two days. The idea is that one man is thus singled out as a scapegoat for the sins of the rest of the village.

Gondhali: -They live in central India. They are nomadic musicians and singers of the sacred texts. They are usually active at wedding feasts.

Gopâl: -Borekar [2]- Bibliography: Major Gunthorpe's Criminal Tribe: Mr. Kitt's Berâr Census Report, 1881. A small vagrant and criminal caste of Berâr, where they numbered about 2000 persons in 1901. In the Central Provinces they were included among the Nats in 1901, but in 1891 a total of 681 were returned. Here they belong principally to the Nimâr District, and Major Gunthorpe considered that they entered Berâr from Nimâr and Indore. They are divided into five classes, the Marâthi, Vír, Pangul, Pahalwân, or Khâm, and Gujarâti Gopâls. The Marâthi Gopâls rank higher than the rest, and all other classes will take food from them, while the Vír Gopâls eat the flesh of dead cattle and are looked down upon by the others. The ostensible occupation of the Vír Gopâls is that of making mats from the leaves of the date-palm tree. They build their huts of dry-leaves outside a village and remain there for one or two years or more until the headman tells them to move on. The name Borekar is stated to have the meaning of mat-maker. The Pângul Gopâls also make mats, but in addition to this they are mendicants, and must be the same as the Harbola mendicants of the Central Provinces. The Pângul spreads a cloth below a tree, and climbing it, sits on some high branch in the early morning. Here he sings and chants the praises of charitable persons until some body throws a small present on to the cloth.

[1] Introduction to Popular Religion , 74.

[2] See Russell.

--------------------------------------------

page 333

This is done only between cock-crow and sunrise and not after sunrise. Others walk through the streets, ejaculating dam ! [1] dam ! and begging from door to door. With the exception of shaving after a death they never cut the hair, either of their head or face. Their principal deity is Dâwal Mâlik, but they also worship Khandoba; and they bury the bodies of their dead. The corpse is carried to the grave in a jholi or wallet and is buried in a sitting posture. In order to discover whether a dead ancestor had been reborn in a child they have recourse to magic. A lamp is suspended from a thread, and the upper stone of the grinding-mill is placed standing upon the lower one. If either of them moves when the name of the dead ancestor is pronounced they consider that be had been reborn. One section of the Pânguls had taken to agriculture, and these refuse to marry with the mendicants, though eating and drinking with them. The Pahalwân Gopâls live in small tents and travel about, carrying their belongings on buffaloes. They are wrestlers and gymnasts, and belong mainly to Hyderâbâd. [2] The Khâm Gopâls are a similar group also belonging to Hyderâbâd; and are so named because they carry about a long pole (khâm) on which they perform acrobatic feats. They also have thick canvas bags striped blue and white. The Gujarâtí Gopâls are lower than the other divisions, who will not take food from them. They are tumblers and do feats of strength and also perform on the tight-rope. All five groups, Major Gunthorpe states, are inveterate cattle thieves; and have colonies of their people settled on the Indore and Hyderâbâd borders, and between them along the foot of the Satpîra Hills. When they steal Buffaloes or other animals, they are passed along from post to post and taken to foreign territory in an incredibly short space of time. A considerable proportion of them, however, have now taken to agriculture, and their traditional calling is to sell milk and butter, for which they keep buffaloes. Gopâl is a name of Krishna, and they consider themselves to be descended them the herdsmen of Brindâban.

Goriya: -Guriya. [3] -A fishing and cultivating caste of the Eastern Districts, in all respects analogous to the Gonrhi or Gunrhi of Bihâr. [4] They are usually treated as a sub-caste of Mallâh. They correspond closely to the other allied castes in manners and customs; but their women are said to bear an indifferent character- a state of things naturally resulting in a caste the male members of which are compelled by the nature of their occupation to absent themselves from home for long periods. Their tribal gods are the Pânchonpír. "Some revere a grey-bearded person, who, as Ganga ji ka beldâr, 'the navvy of our lady the Ganges' saps and swallows up whatever opposes the sacred stream. Before casting a new net or starting on a commercial venture, offerings of molasses and seven kinds of grain, kneaded into balls, are offered to him, and at the end of ceremony one of the balls is placed on the edge of the water, another on the bow of the boat. Another rite common to many, if not to all fisher castes, is the Barwariya or Barahi Pîja, when a subscription is made and in the absence of a Brâhman a pig is sacrificed in a garden or on a patch of wasteland outside a village. Jay Sinh, Amar Sing, Chand Sing, Dayâl Sinh, Kewal, Marang Bandi, Goraiya, and a river named Kamalaji, are regularly worshipped. Jay Sinh, who is also a favourite deity of the Tiyar caste, is said to have been a Gonrhi of Ujjain who had a large timber trade in the Sundariban. On one occasion the Râja of the Sundariban imprisoned 700 Gonrhis is consequence of a dispute about the price of wood. Jay Sinh slew the Râja and released the prisoners, and has ever since been honoured with daily worship. Goats, sweetmeats, wheaten cakes, pân supâri and flowers are offered to him at regular intervals, and no Gonrhi will light a pipe or embark on a fishing excursion without first invoking the name of Jay Sinh. Once a year, in the month of Srâvan, a flag is set up in honour of Hanumân on a bamboo pole in the courtyard, and offerings of sweetmeats and fruits are presented to the god.

[1] Dam apparently here means life or breath.

[2] Gunthorpe, p. 91.

[3] See Crooke.

[4] For whom see Risley, Tribes and Census I., 201.

-----------------------------------------------------

page 334

These offerings are received by the Brâhmans who officiate as priests, while the articles of food given to the minor gods are eaten by the members of the caste. The dead are buried, usually on the brink of a river, and the ashes thrown into the stream. In Supal the practice is to burn the dead in a mango grove. Srâddha is performed on the thirteenth day after death. " [1]

Gosain: -Gusain, Sanniâsi, Dasnâmi. [2] - A name for the orders of religious mendicants of the Sivite sect, from which a caste has now developed. In 191 the Gosains numbered a little over 40,000 persons in the Central Provinces and Berâr, being distributed over all Districts. The name Gosain signifies either gao-swâmi, master of cows, or go-swâmi, master of the senses. Its significance sometimes varies. Thus in Bengal the heads of Bairâgi or Vaishnava monasteries are called Gosain, and the priests of the Vishnuite Vallabhachârya sect are known as Gokulastha Gosain. But over most of India, as in the Central Provinces, Gosain appears to be a name applied to members of the Sivite orders. Sanniâsi means one who abandons the desires of the world and the body. Properly every Brâhman should become a Sanniâsi in the fourth stage or ashrâm of his life, when after marrying and begetting a son to celebrate his funeral rites in the second stage, he should retire to the forest, become a hermit and conquer all the appetites and passions of the body in the third stage. Thereafter, when the process of mortification is complete he should beg his bread as a Sanniâsi. But only those who enter the religious orders now become Sanniâsis, and the name is therefore confined to them. Dasnâmi means "the ten names," and refers to the ten orders in which the Gosains or Sivite anchorites are commonly classified. Sâdhu is a generic term for a religious mendicant. The name Gosain is now more commonly applied to the married members of the caste, who pursue ordinary avocations, while the mendicants are known as Sâdhu or Sanniâsi.

The Ten Orders.

The Gosains consider their founder to have been Shankar Achârya, the great apostle of the revival of the worship of Siva in southern India, who lived between the eighth and tenth centuries. He had four disciples from whom the ten orders of Gosains are derived. These are commonly stated as follows:

1. Giri (peak or top of a hill).

2. Puri (a town).

3. Parbat (a mountain).

4. Sâgar (the ocean).

5. Ban or Van (the forest).

6. Tírtha (a shrine of pilgrimage).

7. Bhârthi (the goddess of speech).

8. Sâraswati (the goddess of learning).

9.Aranya (forest).

10. Ashrâm (a hermitage).

The names may perhaps be held to refer to the different places in which the members of each order would pursue their austerities. The different orders have their headquarters at great shrines. The Sâraswati, Bhârthi and Puri orders are supposed to be attached to the monastery at Sringeri in Mysore; the Tírtha and Ashrâm to that at Dwârka in Gujarat; the Ban and Aranya to the Govardhan monastery at Puri; and the Giri, Parbat and Sâgara to the shrine of Badrinâth in the Himalayas. Dandi is sometimes shown as one of the ten orders, but it seems to be the special designation of certain ascetics who carry a staff and may belong to either the Tírtha, Ashrâm, Bhârthi or Sâraswati groups. Another name for Gosain ascetics is Abdhît, or one who has separated himself from the world.

[1] Risley, loc. cit.

[2] See Russel. This article contains material from Mr. J. C. Oman's Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India, Sir E. Maclagan's Punjab Census Report, 1891, and Dr. J. N. Bhattachârya's Hindu Castes and Sects (Calcutta, Messrs. Thacker, Spink and Co.).

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 335

The term Abdhît is sometimes specially applied to followers of the Marâtha saint, Dattatreya, an incarnation of Siva. The commonest orders in the Central Provinces are Giri, Puri and Bhârthi, and the members frequently use the name of the order as their surname. Members of the Aranya, Sâgara and Parbat orders are rarely met with at present.

Initiation.

A notice of the Gosains who have become an ordinary caste will be given later. Formerly only Brâhmans, but now a man of any caste, as Kurmi, Kunbi or Mâli, from whom a Brâhman takes water, may be admitted. In some localities it is said that Gonds and Kols can now be made Gosains, and hence the social position of the Gosains has greatly fallen, and high-caste Hindus will not take water from them. It is supposed, however, that the Giri order is still recruited only from Brâhmans. At initiation the body of a neophyte is cleaned with the five products of the sacred cow, milk, curds, ghí, dung and urine. He drinks water in which the great toe of his guru has been dipped and eats the leavings of the latter's food, thus severing himself from his own caste. His sacred thread is taken off and broken, and it is sometimes burned and he eats the ashes. All his hair is shaved, including the scalp-lock, which every secular Hindu wears. A mantra or text is then whispered or blown into his ear.

Dress.

The novice is dressed in a cloth coloured with geru or red ochre, such as the Gosains usually wear. It is probable that the red or pink colour is meant to symbolise blood and to signify that the Gosains allow the sacrifice of animals and the consumption of flesh, and on this account they are called Lâl Pâdri or red priest, while Vishnuite mendicants, who dress in white, are called Síta Pâdri. He has a necklace or rosary of the seeds of the rudrâkhsa tree, [1] sacred to Siva, consisting of 32 or 64 beads. These are like nuts with a rough indented shell. On his forehead he marks with bhabhît or ashes three horizontal lines to represent the trident of Siva, or sometimes the eye of the god. Others make only two lines with a dot above or below, and this sign is said to represent the phallic emblem. A crescent moon or a triangle may also be made. [2] The marks are often made in sandalwood, and the Gosains say that the original sandalwood grows on a tree in the Himalayas, which is guarded by a great snake so that nobody can approach it; but its scent is so strong that all the surrounding trees of the grove are scented with it and sandalwood is obtained from them. Those who worship Bhairon make a round mark with vermilion between the eyes. A mendicant usually has a begging-bowl and a pair of tongs, which are useful for kindling a fire. Those who have visited Badrinâth or one of the other Himalayan shrines have a ring of iron, brass, or copper on the arm, often inscribed with the image of a deity. If they have been to the temple of Devi at Hinglâj in the Lâsbela State of Beluchistan they have a necklace of little white stone beads called thumra ; and one who has made a pilgrimage to Râmeshwaram at the extreme southern point of India has a ring of conch-shell on the wrist. When he can obtain it a Gosain also carries a tiger or panther skin, which be wears over his shoulders and uses to sit and lie down on. Among the ancient Greeks it was the custom to sleep in a temple or its avenue either on the bare ground or on the skin of a sacred animal, in order to obtain visions or appearances of the god in a dream or to be cured of diseases. [3] Formerly the Gosains were accustomed to go about naked, and at the religious festivals they would go in procession naked to bathe in the river. At Amarnâth in the Punjab they would throw themselves naked 4 on the block of ice which represented Siva.[4] The Nâga Gosains, so called because they were once accustomed to go naked into battle, were a famous fighting corps.

[1] Elaeocarpus.

[2] Mr. Marten's C. P. Census Report (1911), p. 79.

[3] Orphcus , p. 137.

[4] Oman, Mystics, Ascetics and Saints , p. 269.

---------------------------------------------------

page 336

Though they shave the head and scalp-lock on initiation, the Gosains usually let the hair grow, and either have it hanging down in matted locks over the shoulders, which gives them a wild and unkempt appearance, or wind it on the top of the head into a coil often thickened with strips of sheep's wool. They say that they let the hair grow in imitation of the ancient forest ascetics, who could not but let it grow as they had no means to shave it, and also of the matted locks of the god Siva. Sometimes they let the hair grow during the whole period of a pilgrimage, and on arrival at the shrine of their destination shave it off and offer it to the god. Those who are initiated on the banks of the Nerbudda throw the hair cut from their head into the sacred river.

Methods Of Begging And Greetings.

They have various rules about begging. Some will never turn back to receive alms. They may also make a rule only to accept the surplus of food cooked for the family, and to refuse any of special quality or cooked expressly for them. One Gosain, noticed by Mr. A. K. Smith, always begged hopping, and only from five houses; he took from them respectively two handfuls of flour, a pinch of salt, and sufficient quantities of vegetables, spices and butter for his meal, and then went hopping home. Those who are performing the perikrama or circuit of the Nerbudda from its source to its mouth and back, do not cut their hair or nails during the whole period of about three years. They may not enter the Nerbudda above their knees nor wash their vessels in it. After crossing any tributary river or stream in their path they may not re-cross this; and if they leave something behind accidentally must give it up unless they can persuade somebody to go back and fetch it for them. Some carry a gourd with a single string stretched on a stick, on which they twang some notes; others have a belt of sheep's hair hung with the bells of bullocks which they tie round the waist, so that the tinkling of he bells may announce their coming. A common begging cry is Alakh, which is said to mean 'apart,' and to refer to themselves as being apart or separated from the world. The beggar gives this cry and stands at the door of the house for half a minute, shaking his body about all the time. If no alms are brought in this time he moves on. When an ordinary Hindu meets a Gosain he says 'Nâmu Nârâyan' or 'Go to Nârâyan,' and the Gosain answers 'Nârâyan.' Nârâyan is a name of Vishnu, and its use by the Gosains is curious. Those who have performed the circuit of the Nerbudda say 'Har Nerbudda,' and the person addressed answers 'Nerbudda Mai ki Jai' or 'Victory to Mother Nerbudda.'

The Dandis.

The Dandis are a special group of ascetics belonging to several of the ten orders. According to one account a novice who desires to become a Sanniâsi must serve a period of probation for twelve years as a Dandi. Others say that only a Brâhman can be a Dandi, while members of other castes may become Sanniâsis, and a Brâhman can only become one if he is without father, mother, wife or child. [1] The Dandi is so called because he has a dand or bamboo staff like the ancient Vedic students. He must always carry this and never lay it down, but when sleeping plant it in the ground. Sometimes a piece of red cloth is tied round the staff. The Dandi should live in the forest, and only come once a day to beg at a Brâhman's house for a part of such food as the family may have cooked. He should not ask for food if any one else, even a dog, is waiting for it. He must not accept money, or touch any metal. As a matter of fact these rules are disregarded, and the Dandi frequents towns and is accompanied by companions who will accept all kinds of alms on his behalf. [2] Dandis and Sanniâsis do not worship idols, as they are themselves considered to have become part of the deity. They repeat the phrase 'Sevoham,' which signifies ' I am Siva.'

[1] Bhattachârya, ibidem , and Oman.

[2] Mystics, Ascetics and Saints, pp. 160, 161.

----------------------------------------------

page 337

The Râwanvansis.

Another curious class of Gosains are the Râwanvansis, who go about in the character of Râwan, the demon king of Ceylon, as he was when he carried off Síta. The legend is that in order to do this, Râwan first sent his brother in the shape of a golden deer before Râma's palace., Síta saw it and said she must have the head of the deer, and sent Râma to kill it. So Râma pursued it to the forest, and from there Râwan cried out, imitating Râma's voice. Then Síta thought Râma was being attacked and told his brother Lachman to go to his help. But Lachman had been left in charge of her by Râma and refused to leave her, till Síta said he was hoping Râma would be killed, so that he might marry her. Then he drew a circle round her on the ground, and telling her not to step outside it until his return, and went off. Then Râwan took the disguise of a beggar and came and begged for alms from Síta. She told him to come inside the magic circle and she would give him alms, but he refused. So finally Síta came outside the circle, and Râwan at once seized her and carried her off to Ceylon. The Râwanvansi Gosains wear rings of hair all up their arms and a rope of hair round the waist, and the hair of their head hanging down. It would appear that they are intended to represent some animal. They smear vermilion on the forehead, and beg only at twilight and never at any other time, whether they obtain food or not. In begging they will never move backwards, so that when they have passed a house they cannot take alms from it unless the householder brings the gift to them.

Monasteries.

Unmarried Sanniâsis often reside in Maths or monasteries. The superior is called Mahant, and he appoints his successor by will from the members. The Mahant admits all those willing and qualified to enter the order. If the applicant is young the consent of the parents is usually obtained; and parents frequently vow to give a child to the order. Many convents have considerable areas of land attached to them, and also dependent institutions. The whole property of the convent and its dependencies seems to be at the absolute disposal of the Mahant, but he is bound to give food, raiment and lodging to the inmates, and he entertains all travellers belonging to the order. [1]

The fighting Gosains.

In former times the Gosains often became soldiers and entered the service of different military chiefs. The most famous of these fighting priests were the Nâga Gosains of the Jaipur State of Râjputâna, who are said to have been under an obligation from their guru or religious chief to fight for the Râja of Jaipur whenever required. They received rent-free lands and pay of X two pice 1/2 d.) a day, which was put into a common treasury and expended on the purchase of 2 arms and ammunition whenever needed for war. They would also lend money, and if a debtor could not pay would make him give his son to be enrolled in the force. The 7000 Nâga Gosains were placed in the vanguard of the Jaipur army in battle. Their weapons were the bow, arrow, shield, spear and discus. The Gosain proprietor of the Deopur estate in Raipur formerly kept up a force of Nâga Gosains, with which he used to collect the tribute from the feudatory chiefs of Chhattísgarh on behalf of the Râja of Nâgpur. It is said that he once invaded Bastar with this object, where most of the Gosains died of cholera. But after they had fasted for three days, the goddess Danteshwari appeared to them and promised them her protection. And they took the goddess away with them and installed her in their own village in Raipur. Forbes records that in Gujarât an English officer was in command of a troop known as the Gosain's wife's troops. These Nâga Gosains wore only a single white garment, like a sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees, and hence it is said that they were called naked. The Gosains and Bairâgis, or adherents of Siva and Vishnu, were often engaged in religious quarrels on the merits of their respective deities, and sometimes came to blows. A favourite point of rivalry was the right of bathing first in the Ganges on the occasion of one of the great religious fairs at Allahâbâd or Hardwâr. The Gosains claim priority of bathing, on the ground that the Ganges flows from the matted locks of Siva; while the Bairâgis assert that the source of the river is from Vishnu's foot.

[1] Buchanan, Eastern India , i. pp. 197, 198.

------------------------------------------

page 338

In 1760 a pitched battle on this question ended in the defeat of the Bairâgis, of whom 1800 were slain. Again in 1796 the Gosains engaged in battle with the Sikh pilgrims and were defeated with the loss of 500 men. [1] During the reign of Akbar a combat took place in the Emperor's presence between the two Sivite sects of Gosains, or Sanniâsis and Jogis, having been apparently arranged for his edification, to decide which sect had the best ground for its pretensions to supernatural power. The Jogis were completely defeated. [2]

Burial. A dead Sanniâsi is always buried in the sitting attitude of religious contemplation with the legs crossed. The grave may be dug with a side receptacle for the corpse so that the earth, on being filled does not fall on it. The corpse is bathed and rubbed and clad in a new reddish-coloured shirt, with a rosary round the neck. The begging-wallet with some flour and pulse are placed in the grave, and also a gourd and staff. Salt is put round the body to preserve it, and an earthen pot is put over the head. Sometimes cocoanuts are broken on the skull to crack it and give exit to the soul. Perhaps the idea of burial and of preserving the corpse with salt is that the body of an ascetic does not need to be purified by fire from the appetites and passions of the flesh like that of an ordinary Hindu; it is already cleansed of all earthy frailty by his austerities, and the belief may therefore have originally been that such a man would carry his body with him to the afterworld or to absorption with the deity. The burial of a Sanniâsi is often accompanied with music and signs of rejoicing; Mr. Oman describes such a funeral in which the corps was seated in a litter, open on three sides so that it could be seen; it was tied to the back of the litter, and garlands of flowers partly covered the body, but could not conceal the hideousness of death as the unconscious head rolled helplessly from side to side with the movement of the litter. The procession was headed by a European brass band and by men carrying censers of incense. [3]

Sexual Indulgence.

Celibacy is the rule of the Gosain orders, and a man's property passes in inheritance to a selected chela or disciple. But the practice of keeping women is very common, even outside the large section of the community which now recognises marriage. Women could be admitted into the order, if they shaved their heads, assumed the ochre-coloured shirt and rubbed the guru and on payment of a fine, they could let their hair grow again, at least temporarily. These women were supposed to remain quite chaste and live in nunneries, but many of them lived with men of the order. It is not known to what extent women are admitted at present. The sons born of such unions would be adopted as chelas or disciples by other Gosains, and made their heirs by a reciprocal arrangement. Women who are convicted of some social offence, or who wish to leave their husbands, often join the order nominally and live with a Gosain or are married into the caste. Many of the wandering mendicants lead an immoral life, and scandals about their enticing away the wives of rich Hindus are not infrequent. [4] During their visits to villages they also engage in intrigues, and a ribald Gond song sung at the Holi festival describes the pleasure of the village women at the arrival of a Gosain owing to the sexual gratification which they expected to receive from him.

Missionary Work.

Nevertheless the wandering Gosains have done much to foster and maintain the Hindu religion among the people. They are the gurus or spiritual preceptors of their clients. In former times the Gosains travelled over the wildest tracts of country, proselytising the primitive non-Aryan tribes, for whose conversion to Hinduism they are largely responsible.

On such journeys they necessarily carried their lives in their hands, and not infrequently lost them.

[1] Nesfield, Brief View of the Caste System , p. 86.

[2] J. C. Oman, Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India (London, T. fisher Unwin), p. 11.

[3] Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India, pp. 165, 157.

[4] Sir E. Maclagan, Punjab Census Report (1891), p. 112.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 339

The Gosains Caste.

The majority of the Gosains are, however, now married and form an ordinary caste. Buchanan states that the ten different orders became exogamous groups, the members of which married with each other, but it is doubtful whether this is the case at present. it is said that all Giri Gosains marry, whether they are mendicants or not, while the Bhârthi order divorce. They eat the flesh of all clean animals and also of fowls, and drink liquor, and will take cooked food from the higher castes, including Sunârs and Kunbis. Hence they do not rank high socially, and Brâhmans do not take water from them, but their religious character gives them some prestige. Many Gosains have become landholders, obtaining their estates either as charitable grants from clients or through moneylending transactions. In this capacity they do not usually turn out well, and are often considered harsh landlords and grasping creditors.

Gujar: -Gujar. [1] - An important agricultural and pastoral tribe found principally in the Western Districts. They trace their name from the Sanskrit Gurjara, the original of the country now called Gujarât. The current derivation from gâî-charâna "to pasture cattle" cannot be accepted; as a curiosity of folk etymology it may be added that some derive it from the fact that the tribe once took to feeding their cattle on carrots (gâjar). The traditions of the tribe give little information as to their origin or history. By one legend current in the Panjâb they claim descent from a certain Nand Mirh, who is perhaps Nanda, the foster father of Krishna, who was raised to distinction because he slaked the thirst of Alexander the Great with a draught of buffalo milk. They are identified by General Cunningham [2] with the Kushan or Yuchi or Tochari, a tribe of Eastern Tartars. "About a century before Christ their Chief conquered Kâbul and the Peshâwar country; while his son, Hima Kadphises, so well known to the numismatologist, extended his sway over the whole of the Upper Panjâb and the banks of the Jumna as far down as Mathura and the Vindhyas, and his successor, the no less familiar King Kanishka, the first Indo-Seythian Buddhist prince, annexed Kashmír to the kingdom of the Tochari. These Tochari or Kushan are the Kaspeiraei of Ptolemy; and in the middle of the second century of our era, Kaspeira, Kasyapura or Multân was one of their chief cities. Probably about the beginning of the third century after Christ, the attack of the White Huns recalled the last king of the united Yuchi to the West, and he left his son in charge of an independent Province, whose capital was fixed at Peshâwar; and from that time the Yuchi of Kâbul are known as the Great Yuchi, and those of the Panjâb as the Kator or Little Yuchi. Before the end of the third century a portion of the Gîjars had begun to move southward down the Indus, and were shortly afterwards separated from their northern brethren by another Indo-Scythian wave from the North. In the middle of the fifth century there was a Gîjar kingdom in South-Western Rajputâna, whence they were driven by the Balas into Gujarât of the Bombay Presidency; and about the end of the ninth century, Ala Khân, the Gîjar king of Jammu, ceded the present Gîjardesa, corresponding very nearly with the Gujarât District, to the King of Kashmír. The town of Gujarât is said to have been built or restored by Ala Khân Gîjar in the time of Akbar."

The present distribution of the Gîjars is thus described by General Cunningham: [3] "At the present day the Gîjars are found in great numbers in every part of the north-west of India, from the Indus to the Ganges, and from the Hazâra Mountains to Peninsula of Gujarât.

[1] See Crooke. Based on notes received from Mr. F. Brownrigg, C.S. Sultânpur: Nawâb Muhammad Ali Khân,

Bulandshahr: Bâbu Tarini Chandra Sanyâl, Head Mastor, High School Sahâranpur: the Deputy Inspector of

Schools, Meerut.

[2] Archaological Reports. II. 61.

[3] Loc. cit.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 340

They are specially numerous along the banks of the Upper Jumna near Jagâdri and Buriya, and in the Sahâranpur District, which during the last century was actually called Gujarât. To the east they occupy the petty State of Samptar, in Bundel-khans, and one of the northern districts of Gwâlior, which is still called Gîjargâr. They are found only in small bodies and much scattered throughout Eastern Rajputâna and Gwâlior; but they are more numerous in the Western States, and especially towards Gujarât, where they from a large part of the population. The Râjas of Riwâri to the south of Delhi are Gîjars. In the Southern Panjâb they are thinly scattered, but their numbers increase rapidly towards the North, where they have given their name to several important places, such as Gujrânwâla, in the Rechna Duâb, Gujarât, in the Chaj Duâb, and Gîjar Khân, in the Sindh Sâgar Duâb. They are numerous about Jahlam and Hasan Abdâl, and throughout the Hazâra District; and they are also found in considerable numbers in the Dardu Districts of Chilâs, Kohli, and Palâs, to the east of the Indus, and in the contiguous districts to the east of the river."

As regards their ethnical affinities Mr. Ibbetson writes:[1] "It has been suggested, and is, I believe, held by many, that Jâts and Gujars, and perhaps Ahírs also, are all of one ethnic stock; and this because there is a close connection between them. It may be that they are the same in their far distant origin. But I think they must have entered India at different times or settled in separate parts, and my reason for thinking so is precisely because they eat and smoke together. In the case of Jât and Râjput the reason for differentiation is obvious, the latter being of higher rank than the former. But the social standing of Jâts, Gujars, and Ahírs being practically identical, I do not see why they should ever have separated if they were once the same. It is, however, possible that the Jâts were the camel graziers and perhaps husbandmen, the Gîjars the cowherds of the hills, and the Ahírs the cowherds of the plains. If this be so, they afford a classification by occupation of the yeoman class, which fill up the gap between, and is absolutely continuous with, the similar classification of the castes above them, as Brâhmans, Banyas, and Râjputs, and of the classes below them, as Tarkhâns, Chamârs, and so forth. But we must know more of the early distribution of the tribes before we can have any opinion on the subject. I have noticed in the early histories a connection between the migrations and location of Gîjars and Râjputs, which has struck me as being more than accidental, and Mr. Wilson notes that the Gîjars and the Barjîjar tribe of Râjputs are often found together, and suggests that the latter may be to the Gîjars what the Khânzâdas are to the Meos, and what most Râjputs are to the Jâts."

In these Provinces they do not, as a rule, claim to be Râjputs; but say they are descended from a Râjput father and a woman of some low caste. The Kalsân branch, in Muzaffarnagar, claim descent from Kalsa, a Râjput chief. "The Râwal Gîjars of Pânipat say that they are descended from a Khokhar Râjput (a clan which has been considered the same as the notorious Ghakkar); the Chhokar from a Jâdon; the Chamâyan from a Tomar: the Kulsiyân of Kairâna and the Mâvi from a Chauhân; the Pilwân from a Pundír; the Adhâna from a Bargîjar, and the Bhatti from Râja Kansal, a Bhatti Râjput from Jaysalmer." [2] Beside this, an examination of the sections shows that it includes the names of many well-known Râjput septs, such a Bâgri, Bais, Chandel, Chauhân, and Tomar.

On the whole it seems probable that in the Panjâb and in the Western Districts of these Provinces, at least, the tribe is fairly free from intermixture with the lower races. Mr. Ibbetson describes the Gîjar as "a fine, stalwart fellow of precisely the same physical type as the Jât, and the theory of aboriginal descent which has sometimes been propounded, is to my mind conclusively denied by his cast of countenance. He is of the same social condition as the Jât, or perhaps slightly inferior; but the two eat and drink together in common without any scruple, and the proverb says: "The Jât, the Gîjar, the Ahír, and Gola, are all four hail fellows well met."

[1] Panjâb Ethnography, 481.

[2] Elliot, Supplementary Glossary , s,v.

----------------------------------------

page 341

Of the Kashmír Gîjars Mr. Drew [1] writes: "The race is Aryan, but their countenance cannot be called high aryan; their forehead is narrow; they want the well-formed brow of the finer races. The lower part of the face is narrow, too; but the nose has always something of the curve as is often seen in Aryan nations. Some I met with had lighter eyes than are common among the other tribes of the country, and generally their breadth was scant. In figure they are tall and gaunt, in motion slow and ungainly. They are rather surly in disposition, having that kind of independence which consists in liking to be left alone, and to have as little as possible to do with other races. When, however, one does come in contact with them they are not hard to deal with." On the other hand, the eastern branch of the tribe, and particularly those who have become Muhammadans, appear to be very much mixed in blood.

Tribal Organisation.

Like many castes which have a preference for seven or one of its multiples, the Gîjars pretend to have eighty-four exogamous gotras or sections. It has been found impossible to procure any consistent or definite list of these. In the appendix to this article three lists are given, two of the Hindu Gîjars of he Upper Duâb, one from Bulandshahr, and the other collated from Sir H. M. Elliot's account of the tribe; the third of the Musalmân Gîjars of Sultânpur. Two Census lists contain no less than 1,178 gotras of the Hindu and 380 of the Muhammadan branch. Of these those locally of most importance are the Batar, Buchar, Chhotkana, Hamar, Kanas, Khatâna, Khîbar, Rathé, and Râwal, in Sahâranpur: the Kalsiyân and Khîbar, of Muzaffarnagar, the Adhâna, Bhatti, Chandela, Dhandhal, Hela, Kasâna, Kharé, Khîbar, Marsi, and Nagari, of Meerut: the Adhâna, Bhadâna, Bhatti, Kasâna, and Nagari, of Bulandshahr: the Tomar, of Mathura: the Dalel and Pomar, of Agra: the Lohâr, or Jâlaun. It will be seen that the names differ almost all through the lists. Most of these names are said to be derived from the titles of tribal leaders or from the villages in which their early settlements were formed. It is now impossible to identify many of these with any degree of certainty. The most important sections in the Upper Duâb are the Bhatti, who claim descent from Bhatti Râjputs, and date their settlement from the time of Prithivi Râja. One of them was given the office of "thief taker" (chormâri) by the Emperor Shâh Alam. The Nagari say that they are the illegitimate descendants of Râja Nâgrâj, fourth in descent from Anikpâl Tomar of Delhi. They date their immigration from Hastinapur in 799 A.D. when they expelled the aboriginal Botiyas, with whom the Gîjars they intermarried and thus became degraded. The Nadwasiya claim to be Ranwâr Râjputs, and are said to have come from Badli in the thirteenth century, and settled on the banks of the Kâlinadi, whence they take their name. [2] It also appears that hypergamy occurs among some of the sections; thus in Sahâranpur the Kalsiyân, Khaprâé, Râthi, and Rausé sections hold the highest rank and intermarry, while the Kalsiyân will not give their daughters to the Chhokar, Diveru, and Dâpu sections. The sections, as already stated, are exogamous; but they have an additional formula of exogamy, which is thus stated by the Sahâranpur branch of the tribe. A girl may be married who is not of the gotra of the paternal or maternal ancestors of the boy within six generations, or who is not shown by her family name to be of the same stock as his father or mother. But this rule seems not to be of general application. In Bulandshahr a man will not marry within his own section or that of is maternal uncle; but the chief rule which seems to be most generally observed is that a man will not marry in his own village if in ordinary memory his family has received a bride.

[1] Jammu 109. sq.

[2] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulondshahr Memo., 175, sq.

-----------------------------------------------------

page 342

On the other hand, there seems no doubt that Gîjars are very lax in their instances of those clans, who used to practice the crime of supplying the resultant want of wives by the introduction of women of the lower castes, and even now-a-days when infanticide has practically disappeared, as is believed, among them, they take concubines 1 freely from other castes, and their offspring are in most cases recognised as legitimate.

Polyandry.

Another social arrangement arising form the same cause is polyandry, of which we have perhaps the only well established instance among the Hindus of the plains. On this subject Râja Lachhman Sinh, who is a most competent authority regarding the Hindus of the Bulandshahr District, has kindly furnished the following note: "I was assured on the spot that in almost every Gîjar village in the vicinity of he Jumna, in the Bulandshahr District, polyandry was a fact. The custom was mainly due to the scarcity of women in the tribe, and this scarcity was the result of female infanticide, which several sections of the caste practised very largely before the passing of the Infanticide Act of 1870. Polyandry was not recognised as an acknowledged or lagal custom; but if adopted in a village the neighbours made no objection to it, nor was it considered a serious scandal. It was to the benefit of the married brother and his wife that all the brothers should live together, and that the joint earnings should be enjoyed by the single wife and her children. It was through this feeling of self-interest that the wife and her real husband permitted the other brothers to share her favours. The custom prevailed only among the poorer families, the male members of which found it difficult to get married in consequence of the scarcity of girls in the caste, and also from the natural desire of parents to marry their daughters to as affluent persons as possible. Brothers only and not other relations or strangers were allowed to be the joint husbands. The wife was formally married to one of the brothers, usually to the eldest, if he were not too old, and her children were known as his children only, though he as well as the other brothers knew that she was at the disposal of all of them. Now as the Infanticide Act has put a stop to the murder of infant girls and the scarcity of women is no longer a problem, the custom of polyandry is dying out, and will soon be a thing of the past. While making these enquiries I was struck with the fact that polyandry did not, as might have been expected to be the case, affect the child-bearing powers of the women who practised it, that is to say, these women gave birth to as many children as those who had but a single husband. I questioned my informants on this subject, and was informed that the visits of the brothers were not so frequent as to produce any effect of this kind." [2]

Marriage.

Girls are allowed no freedom before marriage, and an unmarried girl detected in a sexual indiscretion is expelled from the community. It is only if her lover be a member of the tribe can she be restored and remarried in the tribe if her parents feed the clansmen. Marriage usually takes place between the age of nine and sixteen. A wife may procure a separation if her husband be impotent, and he can put her away for infidelity proven to the satisfaction of the brethren. Widow-marriage and the levirate under the usual restriction are permitted. Betrothal consists of the acceptance of a sum of money in the presence of the brethren, and then the girl's barber, who acts as envoy, makes a knot in the boy's sheet, which clenches the engagement. The marriage is of the usual respectable form, and the binding part of the ceremony is the giving away of the bride (kanyâdân),and the usual procession of the pair (bhanwari) round the marriage shed.

Birth.

There are no ceremonies during pregnancy except an occasional vow to do some act if the delivery be easy. The mother is secluded for ten days, but is not allowed to cook or enter the cooking room for thirty days more. If the first child be a boy the women of he clan assemble daily and sing songs of rejoicing as long as the seclusion of the mother lasts.

The family priest offers some dîb grass to the father as a sign of congratulation, and receives a present in return.

[1] At the same time it is significant that at the last Census the Hindu Gîjars showed 160, 573 males to 119, 540 females.

[2] On this fraternal polyandry, see Westermarck, History of Human Marriage.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 343

On the third day the bed of the mother is moved with a rite known as "the coming out" (bâhar nikalna). On the tenth day the confinement room is purified by being plastered with cowdung and Ganges water is sprinkled on the clothes and utensils of the household. A Brâhman is called in, who recites some verses and does a fire sacrifice (hom), and casts the horoscope of the child, after which some Brâhmans are fed.

Death.

Gîjars cremate their dead, and all the rites are of normal type. They perform the srâddha, and some even go on pilgrimages to Gaya for that purpose.

Religion.

In religion they appear to be usually Saivas or Sâktas, and are particularly careful in the worship of Sítala Bhawâni, the small-pox goddess. Among minor gods they worship Châmar, but their real tribal worship is that of Pyâréji [1] and Bâba Sabha Râm. The temple of Pyâréji is at Randewa, the parent (thíka) village of the Dâpu Gîjars, equidistant between Nakur and Ambahta, in the Sahâranpur District. His father, Râmji Padârath, born in Sambat 1545, at Durjanpur, in Pargana Burhâna, of the Muzaffarnagar District, disappeared suddenly after his birth. The consternation of the infant's father, Sajan, a rope-seller (bâdhfarosh) was, as may be imagined, great. In six days he mysteriously reappeared. After this he was put to herd cattle. One day the herd strayed into a sugarcane field, and the owner made a complaint. Before the official sent to make an investigation could reach the spot, the crop was miraculously restored. The lad then gained many disciples, and he married a daughter of Bhawâni Dâs, rope-seller of Khundi-Shikârpur. Their son was Raghu Nâth, and his son, the famous Pyâréji. About this time there was a feud between the Gîjars and Brâhmans of Sadarpur, in the course of which the Gîjars, having invited the Brâhmans to a feast, treacherously murdered several of them. Their ghosts avenged themselves in the form of terrible Râkshasas, and the Gîjars were in such evil plight that upon hearing of the fame of Pyâréji, they invited him to take them under his protection. He expelled the demons, and Sadarpur regained its former prosperity, so that its name was changed to Annadeva. "lord of grain," of which Randeva is said to be a corruption. Pyâréji died there, and prayers are said and offerings made before his cenotaph. His son, Lâlji, having no male issue, bequeathed everything to his wife. Jada Bairâgi managed her affairs, and the people elected one of his disciples, Hargovind, to succeed him. Ever since the appointment has been in the hands of the people of the Bâdhfarosh clan, descended from Madâri, brother of Pyâréji, and the brothers of his son's widow. They own one-third of the village; the Mahants two-thirds. The Saint's followers are Vaishnavas, and wear black necklaces. His holiday is on the sixth of the dark fortnight of Chait. Bâba Sabha Râm, another tribal worthy, has a shrine on the banks of the Jumna, in the Ambâla District, where the Gîjars make occasional pilgrimages.

Social Status And Occupation.

The Gîjars as a tribe have always been noted for their turbulence and habit of cattle-stealing in Bâhar [2] In his Memoirs one author describes how the commander of the rear guard captured a few Gîjar ruffians who followed the camp, decapitated them and sent their heads to the Emperor. The Gîjars of Pâli and Pâhal became exceedingly audacious while Shír Shâh was fortifying Delhi, so he marched to the Hills and expelled them so that "not a vestige of their habitations was left." [3] Jahângír remarks that the Gîjars live chiefly on milk and curds and seldom cultivate land; and Bâbar [4] says: "Every time I entered Hindustân the Jâts and Gîjars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from the hills and wilds to carry off oxen and buffaloes. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships and guilty of the chief oppression in the country."

[1] There is a good account of this saint in Calcutta Reviem. LVII, 207.

[2] Dowson's Elliot, IV, 231-240.

[3] Ibid, IV, 477.

[4] Leyden's Bâbar, 294.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 344

They maintained their old reputation in the Mutiny when they perpetrated numerous outrages and seriously impeded the operations of the British Army before Delhi. According to the current wisdom of the countryside he is an undesirable neighbour-

Kutta billi do; Gîjar Rânghor do,

Yéchar na ho to khulé kiwâré so.

"The dog and the cat, the Gîjar and the Rânghar, if these four were out of the world a man might sleep with his doors open."

Yâr Dom ne kína Gîjar,

Chura chura ghar kardiya îjar.

"When the Dom made friends with the Gîjar he was robbed of house and home." The Gîjar though in popular estimation very closely connected with the Jât is yet much inferior to him in every way. The proverb runs:

Huqqa, sukka, hurkoni, Gîjar aur Jât,

In men atak kaha, Jagannâth ka bhât.

"Pipe, tobacco, courtesan, the Gîjar and the Jât are all one like the rice of Jagannâth's temple which all castes may eat together." The Gîjar is in fact more a man of flocks and herds that the Jât, who is one of the most industrious and skilled cultivators in the province. They will drink spirits and eat mutton, pork, and fowls. They can in most places eat, drink, and smoke with Ahírs and Jâts. In Bhartpur the Kharé Gîjar are inferior to the Laur, being principally engaged in making butter and ghi, which women sell, and which is looked on by the others as derogatory. They have a curious custom of making a cow of cowdung, covering it with cotton, and going through the process of killing it- a custom which seems to show that the reverence for the cow which they now profess may be of comparatively modern growth. [1]

Musalmân Gîjars.

The Musalmân Gîjars are most numerous in Oudh and the Meerut Division. They were apparently converted to Islâm at various times; but their tradition in Oudh attributes this to the compulsion of Timur- when he attacked Delhi and converted all the people in the neighbourhood by force. Some of them still maintain their Hindu sections and regulate marriage, although in places this in being replaced by the Muhammadan law of prohibited degrees. They are mostly Sunnis, and Sunni will not intermarry with Shiah families. In spite of their conversion they retain a number of their old tribal practices. When the bride arrive at the house of her husband her mother-in-law does the wave ceremony (parachhan) over her head to scare evil spirits, and then takes her into the household chapel (deoghar), where she worships the guardian deities of the family, for whom they still retain respect. After this the husband's mother is allowed to see the face of the bride for the first time, and gives her a present. Widows marry by the nikâh rite, and the levirate is allowed. Some families retain the rule that the elder brother cannot marry the widow of his younger brother, but this is violated by some of the tribes in Oudh. Betrothal is done on a lucky day fixed by the Pandit, and the only rite is that the fathers exchange cups of spirits. When the procession arrives at the house of the bride the usual door rite (duâr ka châr) is performed, and after the document fixing the dower (mahr) payable on divorce is drawn up, the Qâzi reads the nikâh in the ordinary way.

[1] Rajputâna Gazetteer , I, 162.

---------------------------------

page 345

Birth and death rites When a baby is born the Chamârin is called in and bathes the child in a broken earthen pot (khapra): in this the father puts two pice (khapré ka taka), which are the fee of the midwife. Then the Pandit is asked to fix a lucky time for the first bathing (nahân) of the mother, and he again has to fix a time, generally on the twelfth day, when she leaves her room. When a boy is four or five years of age he is circumcised in the usual way. They bury their dead. When the burial is over they make a fire offering (agyâri) by burning incense in the name of the dead, and after waiting a short time they upset a pitcher of water near the grave. They visit the shrine of Ghâzi Miyân at Bahrâich, and offer there sweet cakes (malída). They also venerate various local saints and martyrs such as Alâ-ud-dín Shahíd. Madâr Shâh, and Buddhi Chandra Bâba. They employ Sarwariya and Sanâdh Brâhmans to give them omens and propitiate the family gods. They observe the Holi and Nâgpanchami festivals so far that on those days they do not work. On Fridays they make offerings of food to their deceased ancestors, and when a death occurs in their family they feed beggars in the hope that the food will through them reach the dead man in the world of he dead. They observe the ordinary Muhammadan rules about food, and will eat with any Musalmân except a Dhobi, Dhuniya, or Mehtar.

Gulgulia: -a wandering non-Aryan tribe [1], who live by hunting, teaching monkeys to dance, selling indigenous drugs, begging, and petty thieving. Their origin is obscure, but it seems likely that they are a branch of the Bediyâs. I have been unable to obtain any trustworthy information regarding the internal structure of the caste. Some Gulguliâs in Gya assured me that they had three sub-castes-

Bantari, Pachpaniâ, and Sukwâr-and I mention this statement in case it may be of use to other inquirers. My informants seemed to be stupid and ignorant men, and I doubt whether their evidence was worth much. They have a legend that Rukmini, the reputed ancestress of the Pâsi caste, had a son, called Tirsuliâ, Maghâyâ, Turk (the Mahomedan Pâsi), Gilehri, and Gulguliâ. These seven sons challenged each other to jump off the top of a palmyra tree (târ). Gilehri (the squirrel) jumped first and landed unhurt. Tirsuliâ, who went second, was killed on the spot, whereupon Mohabâbâ, seeing that Gilehri had led the others into trouble, smote him with his hand and cursed him to be reckoned among the inferior animals and to be fortunate only in this, that he should jump from great heights and come to no harm. This is the reason why the squirrel is a good jumper and bears the marks of five fingers on his back. The story goes on, in a somewhat inconsequent fashion, to say that the next to leave the family was Gulguliâ, who observed that his brothers, after serving their customers with ri, always washed the cup, however low the caste of the man who had drunk from it. This struck the youngest brother- in folklore it is usually the youngest brother who takes a line for himself-as showing a great want of self-respect, and he at once decided to throw over his family and adopt a wandering life. His descendants are true to the traditions of their mythical eponym, and during the dry season at least have no fixed habitations. In the rains they build themselves a sort of tente d'abri about eight feet long by six feet wide, of two bamboo uprights and a ridge pole covered in with a tilt of sirki matting (Saccharum sara, Roxb), which reaches to the ground on either side. The whole thing can be struck and carried off at a moment's notice if the owner and his family want to change their quarters in a hurry- a common chance with a tribe of predatory instincts, whom the police are ever ready to credit with every petty theft that baffles their slender detective ability. Such huts or rather tents are usually found on the outskirts of large villages, and the residents do in fact usually return, if not to the same village, at least to the same neighbourhood, for the rainy season.

1 See Risley

----------------------------

page 346

Marriage.

Gulguliâs affect to practise infant-marriage, but admit that poverty often leads to a girl's marriage being deferred until she has passed the age of puberty. As is the case with gypsies in other parts of the world, their women have a certain reputation for chastity, and sexual indiscretions are said to be rare. When anything of the kind occurs, the woman at fault is turned out of the caste, and the man with whom she has gone wrong is fined Rs. 10 or so by the chief of the panchâyat. This official is elected by an assembly of the local representatives of the caste, and holds office until displaced by the same authority. The marriage ceremony is a meagre copy of the ritual followed by low-caste Hindus. The functions of priest are usually performed by two men selected at the time from the family of the bride and bridegroom, but sometimes the village barber is called in to officiate. A bride-price of from four to six mounds of rice and Rs. 3 in cash in usually paid. Polygamy is allowed, but is rarely resorted to, owing to the extreme poverty of the caste. A widow may marry again, and it often happens that she marries her deceased husband's younger brother. To him in any case belongs the custody of her children by her first husband, but in some cases it would appear that the panchâyat of the caste exercises the right of allotting the children to the widow in the event of her marrying an outsider.

Religion

The religion of the Gulguliâs appears to be a form of the animism which characterises the aboriginal races. They worship a host of spiritual powers, whose attributes are ill-defined, and who are not conceived as wearing any bodily form. This at least may be inferred from the fact that they make no images, and that Baktâwar, the tutelary deity of the Patna Gulguliâs, is represented by a small mound of hardened clay set up in an earthen plate. Among their objects of worship we find also Jagdamâi or Devi, Râm Thâkur, Baren, Setti, Goraiya, Bandi, Parameswari, and Dâk. In Hazaribagh they worship Danu in the form of a stone daubed with five streaks of red lead and set up outside the house. The offerings made to these deities consist usually of rice, milk, fruit, and sweetmeats, which are afterwards eaten by the worshippers.

Funerals.

In disposing of the dead they have the curious practice of pouring some country spirit into the dead man's mouth and killing a fowl, so that the spirit may be satisfied and may not come back to trouble his relatives with bad dreams. The corpse is then burned and the ashes thrown into a tank.

Occupation.

Although the squirrel is the reputed ancestor of the caste, Gulguliâs are so far from regarding the animal as sacred that its flesh forms their favourite food. Spearing squirrels with a series of seven reeds (narsar), which fit one into the other like the joints of a fishing rod, is a pursuit at which they are specially expert, and some say that the name Gulguliâ is derived from a peculiar noise, sounding like gul gul, which they make in order to attract the squirrel's attention while they are gradually bringing the narsar closer. Gulguliâs are sometimes called 'the chatterers,' because they use a peculiar patois of thieves; slang understood only among themselves. The narsar is also used for spearing birds. Gulguliâs never cultivate themselves, but they are in the habit of gleaning what is left on the ground after the crops are cut. Begging, pilfering, and exhibiting goats and monkeys are their chief means of livelihood. They buy monkeys from the Birhors, who they affect to look down upon for their promiscuous habits in the matter of food. Gulguliâs themselves profess to abstain from beef, but they eat pork, field-rats, a variety of small birds and animals, and the leavings of all Hindu castes except the Dhobi, Dom, Musâhar, Hâri, and Chamâr. Their women sell drugs and profess to cure a variety of small ailments, such as earache, toothache, rheumatism and the like.

-----------------

page 347

It is rumoured that they also know remedies for barrenness, and will supply medicines which facilitate parturition and bring about abortion. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the Gulguliâs in 1881. There is no separate entry of them in 1872:

Patna 254

Gya 99

Darbhanga 113

Monghyr 77

Purniah 125

Hazaribagh 436

Singbhum 12

Manbhum 92

Gulguliâs: -The Gulguliâs [1] are a wandering non-Aryan tribe, who live by hunting, teaching monkeys to dance, selling indigenous drugs, begging, and petty thieving. Sir Herbert Risley thinks that they are a branch of the Bediyâs. At the Census of 1911, 853 Gulguliâs were returned, 824 from Bihar and Orissa and 29 from elsewhere.

No information about the language of Gulguliâs is available in Census Reports, and no such dialect was reported during the preliminary operations of this Survey. At the Census of 1901 it was, however, reported from the Hazaribagh District that the Gulguliâs speak a separate dialect, but that they make use of a kind of argot when they use to prevent others from understanding what they say. Three short sentences in this jargon were forwarded to Sir Edward Gait, the then Superintendent of the Census operations in Bengal, and he has been good enough to place them at the disposal of this Survey. They show that this argot is of the same kind as other secret jargons. In the first place there are some peculiar words such as †ebigó, fell; lugigó, died; kutâcchhi, have eaten; liór, tempest; némru, bullock; nâhkat, in the house. Some of these are well known from other argots, compare Sêsí †aunâ, fall; lignâ, die; dîtnâ, eat; nâd, village; Garódí nând, house. Besides this, ordinary words are disguised by changing their initials. Thus kh is substituted for b in khíâh=biyâh, wedding, and for p in kheâch=jpâch, five; jh for t in jhin-gó=tín, three; n for g in nâchh=gâchh, tree, and so forth. I now give the sentences themselves with an interlinear translation.

Kórâet Last-night

liór a tempest

†ebigó; fell

jhin-gó three

nâchh trees

†ebigó-gó fell,

kheâch-go five

némru bullocks

lugigó. died

Jhâtî-séti from yesterday

nópi not

kutâchhi, have eaten

nâhkat in house

kónâgi food (?)

chhakhâló. is.

Hamar My

pânhír daughter's

khíâh wedding

bhékhâligó became,

jamâé son-in-low

[ 1] See Linguistic Survey of India

---------------------------------

page 348

Hâbura: -A vagrant thieving tribe [1] found chiefly in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duab. The derivation of the name is very uncertain. It possibly means a "bugaboo" (hawwa, which is probably through the Prakrit the representative of the Sanskrit bhîta "an evil spirit"), expressive of the fear in which they are held by their neighbours. Ethnologically the Hâbîras are no doubt very closely connected with the regular gypsy tribes of Sânsiya and Bhâtu; in fact there seems reason to believe that these have only become quite recently endogamous groups, and even now it is asserted that they occasionally marry. Though the Hâbîras are now in a much superior grade to the Beriyas, who live by prostituting their women, both the tribes have the same traditional with the old ruined city of Noh-khera to the north of Pargana Jalesar, in the Etah District, and many of the gangs who traverse that part of the country make their way to Non-khera during the rainy season and there arrange marriages and other caste matters in a series of general tribal councils.

Legends Of Origin.

According to one story their ancestor was a certain Rig who one day went out hunting and pursued a hare into the forest retreat then occupied by Síta in her exile. She was so offended at the intrusion, that she cursed him that all his descendants were to be wanderers and live by the chase. By another they are one Chauhân Râjputs who lived at Jartauli in the Aligarh District. They rebelled against the Emperor, and Alâ-ud-dín sent a force to coerce them. They were defeated, and most of them had to take refuge in the jungle, where they lived on the game they killed. Meanwhile some of their brethren compromised with the Emperor and returned to their homes. They ascertained that one of their wild kinsmen had died, so they went to see his widow become sati . When she was brought out she saw a hare and immediately started after it with cries of han! hau! whence the tribe was called Hâbîra. The respectable Chauhâns were so disgusted with her impiety that they excommunicated all the savage branch of the tribe, and they have remained outcastes to the present day.

Tribal Organisation.

They usually name four exogamous septs which are all named after well-known Râjput tribes-Solanki Chauhân, Punwâr, and Bhatti, also called Râthaur. The Census Returns give a list of sections which illustrate the mixed elements out of which the caste had been formed-Ajudhyabâsi, Baddhik, Bahâdsiya, Bahâli, Bahâniya, Bâhas, Banjâra, Banohra, Banwâr or Banwariya, Barchandi, Chauhân, Chiryamâr or "bird-killers," Dâli, Dom, Gauriya, Hindubalana, Jadwâr, Kalkanaur, Kârgar or Kârigar, Khauna, Khaurkhâl, Lodh, Mardârbatti, Mârwâr, Nahâli, Nandak, Phârli, and Tahali. These septs are exogamous. In Bijnor they are said to have two endogamous sub-divisions: those who wear a bead necklace (kantki) and those who do not. According to another account their only rule of exogamy is that they do not marry blood relations, and it is very doubtful how far the sept system really prevails. There is some reason to believe that all or at least some of them practise a sort of group exogamy, not marrying in their own camp or horde. They have a strong tribal council (panchâyat) under a president (sardâr), who manages all caste business.

Marriage.

It is quite certain that up to modern times they were in the habit of recruiting into the clan by kidnapping girls of other castes; since they have been placed under more careful supervision this has, it is believed, in a great measure ceased, but there seems reason to believe, though the Hâbîras themselves are very reticent on the subject, that they still introduce and marry in the tribe outcast women of other castes.

[ 1] See Crooke. Based on notes by Mr. F.W. Court, District Superintendent of Police, Aligarh, Bâbu Alma Bâm, Head Master, High School, Mathura, and the deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bijnor and Morâdâbâd.

------------------------------------------------------------

page 349

In Bijnor it is reported that people of other castes introduced into the tribe in this way hold a lower social position than the Hâbîras of legitimate descent. For a virgin bride the price fixed by the tribal custom and payable by the father of the bridegroom is twenty-five rupees, and he has also to pay the expenses of the marriage feasting. The feeling against inter-tribal immorality appears to be strong, and it is said that a man who seduces a married woman has to pay as much as one hundred and twenty rupees before he will be readmitted to caste. On the other hand the girls have considerable liberty before marriage, and a sexual faux pas is not very seriously dealt with. Their women, from their vagrant, mendicant life naturally bear an indifferent character; but though not particularly virtuous, they are not habitually prostituted by their male relatives as the Beriya women are. Widows and divorced women are married in the tribe according to the karâo or dharícha form, and their children are regarded as legitimate.

Marriage Ceremonies.

The marriage is arranged by a go-between, who is a member of the tribe and is called bichauliya. He takes two rupees from the boy's father to the father of the girl, and acceptance of this constitutes the betrothal. If the relations of the bride break the engagement they are fined from ten to twenty rupees by the relations of the boy. The marriage ritual is entirely carried out by the father of the girl and the man who acted as marriage broker. No Brâhman is employed, and all that is done is that the pair acknowledge in the presence of the tribesmen that they are man and wife, and they then make five or seven revolutions together round the marriage shed. In Etah a curious form of marriage is reported. When the friends on the both sides assemble, one of the men mounts a horse and rides some distance on the plain close to the camp. All the others, men and women, pursue him, and meanwhile, the bridegroom being left alone with the bride carries her into a grass hut prepared for the purpose and immediately consummates the marriage. When the friends return the event is celebrated with singing and dancing. The ceremony at widow-marriage is the same as that prevailing among other low castes.

Birth.

The mother, during her confinement, is attended by a midwife of the Bhangi caste, and after that by the women of her own family. They perform the usual sixth day ceremony (chhathi), and on the tenth day the mother is taken to worship the well from which the family supply of water is obtained. This is known as Kuân pîja.

Death Ceremonies.

Like the Beriyas, the Hâbîras are in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Mathura they either cremate or throw the corpse into the Jumna. In Bijnor they either bury or expose the corpse in the jungle. In no case is the Mahâbrâhman called in. In Mathura when they cremate the dead they leave the ashes where the corpse was burnt. They cover the corpse with cloth, tie it to the bier, and fasten a number of wheaten cakes to it before they set fire to the pyre. Then, on the next Monday or Thursday, whichever comes first, the mourners are shaved and a dinner is given to those members of the caste who joined in the funeral. On the twelfth day after, some uncooked grain is given to Brâhmans and the brethren are feasted. Then in the month of Kuâr which next follows, on the date corresponding to that of the death of the deceased, they do themselves a sort of srâddha and pour water on the ground in the name of the dead. On this occasion, too, uncooked grain is given to Brâhmans and the relatives are entertained. In Aligarh, when they are well off and cremate the dead, the relatives make an earthen platform on the site of the pyre, and there they make periodical oblations in the name of the dead. From Etah it is reported that when a man dies at home he is cremated, the bones are buried on the spot, and a masonry platform erected over them. If a man dies at a distance from home his bones are brought to one of the regular camping places of the tribe, and are there buried as above described. From the date of the burial of the bones the days of mourning, including the Tíja or third day and the Terahwín or thirteenth, are fixed.

----------------------

page 350

The tombs of old men of the tribe are specially venerated, and they are recognised as tribal godlings. When the bones of an old and respected member of the tribe are being buried, the senior man of the tribe who is present makes a sort of funeral oration in which he dwells on the fact that the Hâbîras are the only really free people in the country, as they are subject to none; and he thus shows in detail how much superior they are even to Brâhmans and Râjputs. Part of the speech is devoted to explaining one by one in what respect other castes are inferior to them, and he ends by imploring Parameswar that if it is fated that the soul of the dead man is to be born again, he may be reborn as a Hâbîra.

Religion.

All the Hâbîras in these Provinces call themselves Hindus; but, as we have seen, they accept little or no service from Brâhmans. In Aligarh it is said that when a boy reaches the age of twelve they initiate him before a Jogi and then begin to train him in thieving. In Bijnor they usually worship Kâli Bhawâni. In Mathura they have a local goddess, Kela Devi, to whom they make offerings in the months of Kîar and Chait. These offerings are consumed by the worshippers. But it is only on special occasions that they sacrifice a buffalo or goat in her honour. This sacrifice is done at the house of the person making the offerings; the goddess has no regular temple. The victim is killed in her name, and the flesh distributed among the relatives and friends. They celebrate the usual holidays- Salono, Holi, Diwâli, and Dasahra. They never go to Gaya to propitiate the sacred dead, but they bathe in the Ganges in their honour, and in Mathura visit for the same purpose the temple of Dâîji.

Social States And Occupation.

Like the Beriyas they appear to be in a transitional stage as regards food. In Aligarh, it is reported that they will eat almost any kind of food- the goh or iguana, the sânda or lizard found in îsar plains, the hedgehog, jackal, wild eat, tortoise, buffalo, and deer; and that there are only four castes from whose hands they will not take food- the Chamâr, Bhangi, Dhobi, and Kalâr. They will not eat the cow or the donkey, and they have this much respect for the cow that they will not geld an ox with their own hands. It is also asserted that they do not drink spirits, which is almost certainly incorrect. In Bijnor they drink spirits and eat pork, fowls, the flesh of deer and goats, fish, the crocodile, jackal, and other vermin, as well as the leavings of all respectable Hindus. They will drink from the hands of all Hindus except Chamârs, Bhangis, Kanjars, Sânsiyas, and the like. In Mathura they assert that they have given up the use of vermin and eat the flesh of all cloven footed animals, except the cow, and fowls, and fish. As in other places, they will eat the leaving of all high caste Hindus. The fact is that there are two classes of Hâbîras: those who have settled down to agriculture and become fairly respectable members of society, and those who still preserve their vagrant mode of life. The former are gradually shedding off the filthy habits and customs of their vagrant brethren under the example of the Hindu caste by whom they are surrounded. By and by as they become more civilised they will assert a decent from Râjputs, and will, as they rise in the world, be accepted as such. From Etch it is reported that if a member of the tribe commits an offence such as theft or immorality, he is excommunicated for a certain time and is not admitted until he draws blood from some part of his body, usually the nose. Women are not allowed to eat goat's flesh or rice, or to partake in the funeral feasts. If any woman touches this food of the dead she is expelled from the caste.

They do not use any medicine in disease but pray to Devi and Zâhir Pír. They attribute disease to the displeasure of their deceased ancestors who have not been suitably propitiated. They have much fear of the Evil Eye, and their remedy for it is to get a Faqír or a Jogi to blow on a vessel of water, which is then waved over the head of the patient. In Aligarh if a woman is caught committing adultery with a stranger to the tribe she is branded three times on the left arm with a hot iron and has then to bathe in the Ganges, while her husband is obliged to feast the brethren. Her paramour is not punished. When a boy is born he is named on the tenth day by a Brâhman, who receives five sers of grain. Then some wheat porridge is cooked with coarse sugar and eaten only by the women.

--------------------

page 351

As a rule they are truthful among themselves, but lie to others to procure the release of a clansman. Their oaths are as follows: The most binding is to light a lamp (chirâgh) and then blow it out. By this he means, "If I lie may my family be destroyed as I blow out the light." If a Hâbîra can be induced to take this oath, he will never lie. Another is to cut the root of a pípal tree. The third is swearing by Devi.

Original Habits.

The vagrant branch of the tribes supplies some of the most audacious criminals in the Province. A recent report says: "They are the pest of the neighbourhoods which they frequent, are continually pilfering, robbing standing crops, attacking carts and passengers along the roads, committing robberies and even dakoities." It is preposterous to connect them, as has been done in this report, with the Thârus, a particularly harmless, inoffensive race inhabiting the Himalayan Tarâi. The boys are trained at first on field robbery, and are then taken out on excursions for the purpose of burglary. When they go to rob fields the gang consists of not less than twenty men. When out for the purpose of burglary eight or nine go together. Unlike the Sânsiyas the Hâbîras very seldom use violence except to save themselves from arrest, and they never carry any weapons but bludgeons. Mr. A.O. Hume [1] writes of them:"They never worship Thâkurji except in sickness or great misfortune, such as the visit of the Police or of a Magistrate to their camp. At no time is their ritual a complicated one; it consists of an extraordinary manipulation with grains of wheat, the petitioners making at the same time a vow of sacrificing a goat or a fowl, which is subsequently performed by half roasting the offering in a flame of ghi in which frankincense is thrown, and then feasting upon it. If a crime has been committed and traced to any horde, the chief immediately determines who are to be given up. Usually a compromise is made with the Police; two out of six or three out of eight are made over to justice, the rest escaping. All the chief does is to repeat a form of words, he places them on the head of the scapegoat. The oath of the brotherhood is upon him and whether he be guilty or not, he confesses to the Magistrate or Judge and goes to the gallows or to a lifelong exile confident that his chief and brethren will, as they are bound, feed and protect his wife and children that he leaves behind even before their own. Marriage seems scarcely to be with them a religious ceremony; it consists in placing four small coins in a figure of diamond shape outside which a circle is drawn, and round this the bride and bridegroom walk seven times."

In Aligarh at the present day if a Hâbîra is killed in the commission of any crime his accomplices give his widow one hundred and fifty rupees; if he is only arrested they have to support his wife and family until he is released. If an innocent man is convicted the real offender has to support his wife and family while he is in prison. They will not inform against each other if anyone does so he is turned out of the gang. Neither men nor women wear any jewellery. They do not go long distances to commit crime, and in the daylight they can easily be identified as Hâbîras, because both men and women wear the modicum of clothes consistent with decency. They do not attempt to conceal their movements from the Police; and if one of the gang be arrested, the headman will at once give notice of the fact. The only stolen property they bring into the camp is grain; jewellery, vessels, and clothes they conceal in earthen vessels and bury them in the neighbourhood of the encampment. They are generally supported by some landowner, who assists them in the disposal of stolen property and gets a commission of four annas on the rupee.

[1] Selections from the Records of Government, N. W. P., I, 420.

-------------------------------------------------------------------

page 352

Their Argot. Hâbîras have a regular Thieves' Latin of their own, of which the following are examples:-

Corn of all kinds-- kau.

Bread-- tuk.

Mother-- ai.

Father-- bâbu.

Son-- dikra.

Daughter-- dikri.

Wife-- dhaniyâni.

Husband-- dhanni.

Son-in-law-- pahuna (guest).

Vessels of all kinds- tanwara.

Clothes-- lugariya.

Shoes-- khakra.

Bullock-- dhanda.

Cow-- jengariya.

Go from here-- paro hind.

Run away-- nasija.

Policemen-- kapâhi.

Police officer--Mota modhana.

Schemes Of Reformation.

A full account of the measures from time to time with a view to the reclamation of the tribe will be found in the report by Mr. D. T. Roberts appended to the report of he Police Commission of 1890. In the Etah District they have been brought under the operation of the Criminal Tribes Act but without much success, as the only persons subjected to the Act were the settled branch of the tribe who are, as rule, comparatively harmless. A scheme for their colonisation in the Morâdâbâd District seems to have met with comparatively small success.

Hakkipikki: -They are birds-catchers and they sell them live in the markets. They live in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. But they claim to be originally from Rajasthan and Gujarat.

Halam: -They live in Tripura and Assam. They are a pastoral nomadic people.

Hallir: -They are musicians of Kanara.

Harnis: -A wandering criminal caste. They claim to be Rajputs, but they are probably descendants from the Bhils of Rajasthan. People see them as house-breakers and thieves.

Hawaldar: -See Kadera.

Helava: -They are the bards of the Okkaligas.

Helevas: -They wander begging and sitting on a bullock. They live in North Karnataka.

Hensi: -In Himachal Pradesh professional actors are called Hensi. They are probably Mongols.

Hijra: -Khasus[1] - The class of eunuchs, who form a separate community, recruited by the admission of persons born with this deformity or reduced to the like condition by amputation. In saugor it is said that the Khasuas are natural and the Hijras artificial eunuchs, and the Khasuas deny that they admit Hijras into their society. They may be either Hindus or Muhammadans by birth, but all become Muhammadans. Children born in the condition of eunuchs are usually made over to the Khasuas by their parents. The caste are beggars, and also sing and dance at weddings and at the births of male children, and obtain presents of grain from the cultivators at seed time and harvest. They wear female clothes and ornaments and assume the names of women. They are admitted to mosques, but have to stand behind the women, and in Saugor they have their own mosque. They observe Muhammadan rites and festivals generally, and are permitted to smoke from the huqqas of other Muhammadans. They are governed by a cast panchâyat or committee, which imposes fines but does not expel any member from the community. Each Khasua has a beat or locality reserved to him for begging and no other may infringe on it, violations of this rule being punished by the committee. Sometimes a well-to-do Khasua adopts an orphan and celebrates the child's marriage with as much expense and display as he can afford, and the Kâzi officiates at the ceremony.

The Hijras form apparently a separate group, and the following account of them is mainly taken from the Bombay Gazetteer. [2] In Gujarât they are the emasculated male votaries of the goddess Bouchera or Behechra, a sister of Devi. She is the spirit of a martyred Châran or Bhât woman. Some Châran women were travelling from Sulkhunpur in Gujarât when they were attacked and plundered by Kolis. One of the women, of the name of Bouchera snatched a sword from a boy who attended her and with it cut off both her breasts. She immediately perished, and was deified and worshipped as a form of Devi in the Chunwâl.[3] The Hijras usually mutilate themselves in the performance of a religious vow, sometimes taken by the mother as a means of obtaining recovery by the favour of the goddess from a dangerous illness. [4] Hence it is clear that they worship Boucheraji on the ground that she obtained divine honours by self-mutilation and should enable her votaries to do the same. But the real reason for the Châran woman cutting off her breasts was no doubt that her ghost might haunt and destroy the Koli robbers, in accordance with the usual practice of the Chârans.[5] As a further fulfilment of their vow the Hijras pull out the hair of their beards and moustaches, bore their ears and noses for female ornaments, and affect feminine speech and manners. The meaning of the vow would appear to be that the mother sacrifices her great blessing of a boy child and transforms him after a fashion into a girl, at the same time devoting him to the service of the goddess. Similarly, as a much milder form of the same idea, a mother whose sons have died will sometimes bore the nose of a later-born son and put a small nose-ring in it to make believe he is a girl. But in this case the aim is also partly to cheat the goddess or the evil spirits who cause the death of children, and make them think the boy is a girl and therefore not worth taking.

[1] See Russell. Partly based on a paper by Munshi Kanhaya Lâl of the Gazetteer Office.

[2] Muhammadans of Gujarât, by Khín bahâdur Fazalullah Lufullah Paridi, pp. 21, 22.

[3] Ra`smâla, ii. p. 90.

[4] Faridi, pidem.

[5] See article on Bhât.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 354

The rite of mutilation is described by Mr. Farídi as follows: "The initiation takes place at the temple of the goddess Behechra about 60 miles from Ahmadâbâd, where the neophyte repairs under the guardianship or adoption of some older member of the brotherhood. The lad is called the daughter of the old Hijra his guardian. The emasculation is a secret rite and takes place under the direction of the chief Hijra priest of Behechra. It is said that the operation and initiation are held in a house with closed doors, where all the Hijras meet in holiday dress. A special dish of fried pastry is cooked, and the neophyte is bathed, dressed in red female attire, decked with flower-garlands and seated on a stool in the middle of the room. Which the others sing to the accompaniment of a small drum and copper cymbals. Another room is prepared for the operation, soft ashes being spread on the floor and piled in a heap in the centre. When the time for the operation approaches, the neophyte is led to the room and is made to lie on his back on the ash-heap. The operator approaches chewing betel-leaf. The hands and legs of the neophyte are firmly held by some of the fraternity, and the operator, carelessly standing near with an unconcerned air, when he finds the attention of his patient otherwise occupied, with great dexterity and with one stroke completely cuts off the genital organs. He spits betel and areca juice on the wound and staunches the bleeding with a 1 handful of the ashes of the babul. The operation is dangerous and not uncommonly fatal." Another method is to hold the organs in cleft bamboo and slice them off. The Hijras are beggars like the Khasuas, and sometimes become very importunate. Soon after the birth of a child in Gujarât the Hijras or eunuchs crowd round the house for gifts. If the demand of one of them is refused, the whole rank and file of the local fraternity besiege the house with indecent clamour and gesture, their claim to alms rests, as with other religious mendicants, in the sacred character which attaches to them. In Bombay there is also a belief that the god Hanumân cries out once in twelve years, and that those men who hear him are transformed into eunuchs. [2] Some of them make money by allowing spectators to look at the mutilated part of their body, and also by the practice of pederasty.

Homosexual practices are believed to be distinctly rare among Hindus, and not common among Muhammadans of the Central Provinces. For this the early age of marriage may probably be considered a principal cause. The Hindu sacred books, however, do not attach severe penalties to this offence. "According to the Laws of Manu, a twice-born man who commits an unnatural offence with a male, or has intercourse with a female in a cart drawn by oxen, in water or in the daytime, shall bathe, dressed in his clothes; and all these are reckoned as minor offences." [3] In his Origin and Development of the Moral Indas Dr. Westermarck shows that, apart from the genuine cases of sexual perversion, as to the frequency of which opinions differ, homosexual love frequently arises in three conditions of society. These are, when women are actually scarce, as among the Australian aborigines and other primitive races; when the men are frequently engaged in war or in predatory expeditions and are separated from their wives for long periods, a condition which accounts for its prevalence among the Sikhs and Pathâns; and lastly, when women are secluded and uneducated and hence their society affords little intellectual pleasure to men, This was the case in ancient Greece where women received no education and had no place at the public spectacles which were the chief means of culture; [4] and the same reason probably accounts for the frequency of the vice among the Persians and modern Egyptians. "So also it seems that the ignorance and dullness of Muhammadan women, which is a result of their total lack of education and their secluded life, is a cause of homosexual practices; Moors are sometimes heard to defend pederasty on the plea that the company of boys, who have always news to tell, is so much more entertaining than the company of women."[5]

[1] Acacia arabica.

[2] The late Mr. A. M. T. jackson's notes Ind. Ant., August 1912, p. 56. Vol. III.

[3] Laws of Manu, xi. p. 175. quoted in The origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, ii. p. 476.

[4] Westermarck, The origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, ii. p. 470.

[5] Ibidem, ii. p. 471

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 355

The Christian Church in this as in other respects has set a very high standard of sexual morality. Unnatural crimes were regarded with peculiar horror in the Middle Ages, and the punishments for them in English law were burying and burning alive, though these were probably seldom or never enforced. [1] The attitude of the Church, which was reflected in the civil law, was partly inherited from the Jews of the Old Testament, and reinforced by similar conditions in mediaeval society. In both cases this crime was especially associated with the heathen and heretics, as shown in Dr. Westermarck's interesting account:[2]

"According to Genesis unnatural vice was the sin of a people who were not the Lord's people, and the Levitical legislation represents Canaanitish abominations as the chief reason why the Canaanites were exterminated. Now we know that sodomy entered as an element in their religion. Besides kedéshóth, or female prostitutes, there were kedéshím or male prostitutes, attached to their temples. The word kâdésh, translated 'Sodomite,' properly denotes a man dedicated to a deity; and it appears that such men were consecrated to the mother of the gods, the famous Dea Syria, whose priests or devotees they were considered to be. The male devotees of this and other goddesses were probably in a position analogous to that occupied by the female devotees of certain gods, who also, as we have seen, have developed into libertines; and the sodomitic acts committed with these temple prostitutes may, like the connections with priestesses, have had in view to transfer blessings to the worshippers. In Morocco supernatural benefits are expected not only from heterosexual, but also from homosexual intercourse with a holy person. The kedéshím are frequently alluded to in the Old Testament, especially in the period of the monarchy, when rites of foreign origin made their way into both Israel and Judah. And it is natural that the Yâhveh worshipper should regard their practices with the utmost horror as forming part of an idolatrous cult.

"The Hebrew conception of homosexual love to some extent affected Muhammadanism, and passed into Christianity. The notion that it is a form of sacrilege was here strengthened by the habits of the Gentiles. St. Paul found the abominations of Sodom prevalent among nations who had, "changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped and served the creature more than the creator." During the Middle Ages heretics were accused of unnatural vice as a matter of course. Indeed, so closely was sodomy associated with heresy that the same name was applied to both. In La Coutume de Touraine-Anjou the word he`ite which is the ancient form of he`re`tique, seems to be used in the sense of 'sodomite'; and the French bougre (from the Latin Bulgarus, Bulgarian),as also its English synonym, was originally a name given to a sect of heretics who came from Bulgaria in the eleventh century and was afterwards applied to other heretics, but at the same time it became the regular expression for a person guilty of unnatural intercourse. In mediaeval laws sodomy was also repeatedly mentioned together with heresy, and the punishment was the same for both. It thus remained a religious offence of the first order. It was not only a 'vitium nefandum et super omnia detestandum,' but it was one of the four 'clamantia peccata,' or crying sins, a 'crime de Majestie, vers le Roy celestre.' Very naturally, therefore, it has come to be regarded with somewhat greater leniency by law and public opinion in proportion as they have emancipated themselves from theological doctrines. And the fresh light which the scientific study of the sexual impulse has lately thrown upon the subject of homosexuality must also necessarily influence the moral ideas relating to it, in so far as no scrutinising judge can fail to take into account the pressure which a powerful non-volitional desire exercises upon an agent's will."

[1] Ibidem, ii. p. 481, 482.

[2] Ibidem, ii. p. 487, 489

-----------------------------

page 356

Holia: -They work leather and make drums. They live in Uttar Pradesh.

Idaiyan: -The Idaiyans are the great pastoral or shepherd caste of the Tamil country , [1] but some are landowners, and a few are in Government employ. Those whom I examined at Coimbatore were engaged as milkmen, shepherds, cultivators, gardeners, cart-drivers, shopkeepers, constables, family doctors, and mendicants.

Name origin and sub-sections

It is recorded in the Tanjore Manual that "the Rev. Mr. Pope says that Ideir are so-called from idei, middle, being a kind of intermediate link between the farmers and merchants." Mr. Nelson [2] considers this derivation to be fanciful, and thinks that "perhaps they are so called from originally inhabiting the lands which lay midway between the hills and the arable lands, the jungly plains, suited for pasturage [i.e., the middle land out of the five groups of land mentioned in Tamil works, viz., Kurinji, Pâlai, Mullai, Marutam, Neytal. [3] The class consists of several clans, but they may be broadly divided into two sections, the one more thoroughly organised, the other retaining most of the essential characteristics of an aboriginal race. The first section follows the Vaishnava sect, wear the nâmam, and call themselves Yâdavas. Those belonging to the second section stick to their demon worship, and made no pretensions to a descent from the Yâdava race. They daub their foreheads with the sacred cow-dung ashes, and are regarded, apparently from this circumstance alone, to belong to the Saiva sect."

Social standing

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, it is noted that milkmen and cowherds appear to hold a social position of some importance, and even Brâhmans do not disdain to drink milk or curds from their hands. Further, the Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the Idaiyans take a higher social position than they would otherwise do, owing to the tradition that Krishna was brought up by their caste, and to the fact that they are the only purveyors of milk, ghí (clarified butter), etc., and so are indispensable to the community. All Brâhmans, except the most orthodox, will accordingly eat butter-milk and butter brought by them. In some places they have the privilege of breaking the butter-pot on the Gókulâshtami, or Krishna's birthday, and get a new cloth and some money for doing it. They will eat in the houses of Vellâlas, Pallis, and Nattamâns."

The Idaiyans claim that Timma Râja, the prime minister of Krishna Déva Râya of Vijayanagar, who executed various works in the Chingleput district, was an Idaiyan by caste. The Idaiyans have returned a large number of divisions, of which the following may be noted:

Kalkatti and Pâsi. The women, contrary to the usual Tamil custom, have black beads in their tâli-string. The practice is apparently due to the influence of Telugu Brâhman puróhits, as various Telugu castes have glass beads along with the bottu (marriage badge). In like manner, the married Pandamutti Palli women wear a necklace of black beads. According to a legend, pâsi is a pebble found in rivers, from which the beads are made. A giant came to kill Krishna when he was playing with the shepherd boys on the banks of a river. He fought the giant with these pebbles, and killed him.

Pal, milk. Corresponds to the Hâlu (milk) division of the Canarese Kuruba shepherd caste.

Pendukkumekki, denoting those who are subservient to their women. A man, on marriage, joins his wife's family, and he succeeds to the property, not of his father, but of his father-in-law.

[ 1] See Thurston.

[2] Manual of the Madura district.

[3] Madras Census Report, 1891.

--------------------------------

page 357

Siviyan or Sivâla. An occupational name, meaning palanquin-bearer.

Sangukatti, or those who tie the conch or chank shell (Turbinella rapa). It is narrated that Krishna wanted to marry Rukmani, whose family insisted on marrying her to Sishupâlan. When the wedding was about to take place, Krishna carried off Rukmani, and placed a bangle made of chank shell on her wrist.

Sâmbân, a name of Siva. Most members of this division put on the sacred ashes as a sectarian mark. It is said that the Yâdavas were in the habit of making offerings to Dévéndra, but Krishna wanted them to worship him. With the exception of a few Yâdavas and Paraiyans who were also employed in grazing cattle, all the shepherds refused to do so. It is stated that "in ancient times, men of the Idaiyan caste ranked only a little above Paraiyans, and that the Idaichéri, an Idaiyan suburb, was always situated close to the Paraichéri, or Paraiyan's suburb, in every properly constituted village." [1]

Pudunâttu or Puthukkanâttar, meaning people of the new country. The Idaiyans claim that, when Krishna settled in Kishkindha, he peopled it with members of their caste.

Perîn(big) Tâli, and Siru(small) Tâli, indicating those whose married women wear a large or small tâli.

Panjâram or Panchâramkatti. The name is derived from the peculiar gold ornament called panjâram or panchâram shaped like a many-rayed sun, and having three dots on it, which is worn by widows. It is said that in this division "widow marriage is commonly practiced, because Krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of the Idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, to transform them from widows into married women, to whom pleasure was not forbidden, and that this sub-division is the result of these amours." [2]

Maniyakkâra. Derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the necks of cattle, sheep and goats.

Kalla. Most numerous in the area inhabited by the Kallan caste. Possibly an offshoot of this caste, composed of those who have taken to the occupation of shepherds. Like the Kallans, this sub-division has exogamous septs or kílais, e.g., Déva (god), Véndhan (king).

Shólia, territorial name denoting inhabitants of the Chóla country.

Ánaikombu, or elephant tusk, which was the weapon used by Krishna and the Yâdavas to kill the giant Sakatasura.

Karutthakâdu, black cotton country. A sub-division found mostly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where there is a considerable tract of black cotton soil.

Traditions

The Perumâl Mâdukkârans or Perumâl Erudukkârans (see Gangeddu), who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls, are said to belong to the Pî (flower) Idaiyan section of the Idaiyan caste. This is so named because the primary occupation thereof was, and in some places still is, making garlands for temples. In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is recorded that "podunâttu (Pudunâttu?) Idaiyans have a tradition that they originally belonged to Tinnevelly, but fled to this district secretly one night in a body in the time of Tirumala Nâyakkan, because the local chief oppressed them. Tirumala welcomed them, and put them under the care of the Kallan headman Pinnai Dévan, decreeing that, to ensure that this gentleman and his successors faithfully observed the charge, they should always be appointed by an Idaiyan.

[ 1] Manual of the Madura district.

[2] Madras Census Report, 1901.

----------------------------------

page 358

That condition is observed to this day. In this sub-division a man has the same right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter as is possessed by the Kallans. But, if woman's age is much greater than the boy's, she usually married instead to his cousin, or some one else on that side of the family. A Brâhman officiates at weddings, and the sacred fire is used, but the bridegroom's sister ties the tâli (marriage badge). Divorce and the remarriage of widows are prohibited. The dead, except infants, are burnt. Caste affairs are settled by a headman called the Nâttânmaikâran, who is assisted by an accountant and a peon. All three are elected. The headman has the management of the caste fund, which is utilised in the celebration of festivals on certain days in some of the larger temples of the district. Among these Podunâttus, an uncommon rule of inheritance is in force. A woman who has no male issue at the time of her husband's death has to return his property to his brother, father, or maternal uncle, but is allotted maintenance, the amount of which is fixed by a caste panchâyat (council). Among the Valasu and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions, Another odd form of maintenance subsists. A man's property descends to his sons-in-law, who live with him, and not to his sons. The sons merely get maintenance until they are married.

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Póndan or Pógandan is recorded as a sub-caste of Idaiyans, who are palanquin-bearers to the Zamorin of Calicut. In this connection, it is noted 1 by Mr. K. Kannan Nâyar [1] that "among the Konar (cowherds) of Poondurai near Erode (in the Coimbatore district), who, according to tradition, originally belonged to the same tribe as the Gopas living in the southern part of Kérala, and now forming a section of the Nâyars, the former matrimonial customs were exactly the same as those of the Nâyars. They, too, celebrated tâli-kettu kalyânam, and, like the Nâyars, did not make it binding on the bride and bridegroom of the ceremony to live as husband and wife. They have now, however, abandoned the custom, and have made the tying of the tâli the actual marriage ceremony". The typical panchâyat (village council) system exists among the Idaiyans, and the only distinguishing feature is the existence of a headman, called Kíthâri or Kílâri, whose business it is to look after the sheep of the village, to arrange for penning them in the fields. In some places the headman is called Ambalakkâran. In bygone days, those who were convicted of adultery were tied to a post, and beaten.

Puberty, marriage, and death rites In some places, when a girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or his sons, build a hut with green cocoanut leaves, which she occupies for sixteen days, when purificatory ceremonies are performed. The marriage ceremonies vary according to locality, and the following details of one form therefore, as carried out at Coimbatore, may be cited. When a marriage between two persons is contemplated, a red and white flower, tied up in separate betel leaves, are thrown before the idol at a temple. A little child is told to pick up one of the leaves, and, if she selects the one containing the white flower, the omens are considered auspicious, and the marriage will be arranged. On the day of the betrothal, the future bridegroom's father and other relations go to the girl's house with presents of a new cloth, fruits, and ornaments. The bride price (pariyam) is paid, and betel exchanged. The bridegroom-elect goes to the girl's cousins (maternal uncle's sons), who have a right to marry her, and presents them with four annas and betel. The acceptance of these is a sign that they consent to the marriage. On the marriage day, the bridegroom plants the milk-post, after it has been blessed by a Brâhman puróhit, and is shaved by a barber. The bride and her female relations fetch some earth, and a platform is made out of it in the marriage pandal (booth). The Brâhman makes fire (hómam), and places a cowdung Pillayar (Ganésa) in the pandal. The bride then husks some rice therein. The relations of the bride and bridegroom fetch from the potter's house seven pots called adukupânai, two large pots, called arasânipânai, and seven earthen trays, and place them in front of the platform.

[1] Malabar Quart. Review, II, 1906.

------------------------------------

page 359

The pots are filled with water, and a small bit of gold is placed in each. The bridegroom goes to a Pillayar shrine, and, on his return, the bride's brother washes his feet, and puts rings on his second toes. The kankanams (wrist-threads) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and the bridegroom takes his seat within the pandal, to which the bride is carried in the arms of one of her maternal uncles, while another carries a torch light placed on a mortar. The bride takes her seat by the side of the bridegroom, and the light is set in front of them. The tâli is taken round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The couple then put a little earth in each of the seven trays, and sow therein nine kinds of grain. Two vessels, containing mil and whey, are placed before them, and the relations pour a little thereof over their heads. The right hand of the bridegroom is placed in the left hand of the bride, and their hands are tied together by one of the bride's maternal uncle's sons. The bride is then carried into the house in the arms of an elder brother of the bridegroom. At the threshold she is stopped by the maternal uncle's sons, who may beat the man who is carrying her. The bridegroom pays them each four annas, and he and the bride are allowed to enter the house. On the night of the wedding day, they are shut up in a room. During the following days the pots are worshipped. On the seventh day, the ends of the cloths of the newly married couple are tied together, and they bathe in turmeric water. The wrist-threads are removed, they rub oil over each other's heads, and bathe in a pond. The bride serves food to the bridegroom, and their relations eat off the same leaf, to indicate the union between the two families. Into one of the large pots a gold and silver ring, and into the other an iron style and piece of palm leaf are dropped. The couple perform the pot-searching ceremony, and whichever gets hold of the gold ring or style is regarded as the more clever of the two. The bridegroom places his right foot, and the bride her left foot on a grindstone, and they look at the star Arundathi. The stone represents Ahalliya, the wife of the sage Gautama, who was cursed by her husband for her misconduct with Indra, and turned into a stone, whereas Arundathi was the wife of Vasishta and a model of chastity. The newly married couple, by placing their feet on the stone, Indicate their intention of checking unchaste desires, and by looking at Arundathi, of remaining faithful to each other. The bride decorates a small grindstone with a cloth and ornaments, and takes it round to all her relations who are present, and who bless her with a hope that she will have many children. In the Marava country, a grown-up Idaiyan girl is sometimes married to a boy of ten or twelve. Among some Idaiyans, it is customary for the tâli to be tied by the sister of the bridegroom, and not by the bridegroom, who must not be present when it is done.

It is said that, in some places, like the Gollas, when an Idaiyan bridegroom sets out for the house of his bride, he is seized by companions, who will not release him till he has paid a piece of gold. In the Madura Manual it is noted that "at an Idaiyan wedding, on the third day, when the favourite amusement of sprinkling turmeric-water over the guests is concluded, the whole party betake themselves to the village tank (pond). A friend of the bridegroom brings a hoe and a basket, and the young husband fills three baskets with earth from the bottom of the tank, while the wife takes them away, and throws the earth behind. They then say 'We have dug a ditch for charity.' This practice may probably be explained by remembering that, in arid districts, where the Idaiyans often tend their cattle, the tank is of the greatest importance." It is said that the Siviyan and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions take low rank, as the remarriage of widows is freely permitted among them. In the Ramnâd territory of the Madura district, the marriage of widows is attributed to compulsion by a Zamindar. According to the story, the Zamindar asked an Idaiyan whether he would marry a widow. The reply was that widows are aruthukattâdhavar, i,e., women who will not tie the tâli string again, after snapping it (on the husband's death). This was considered impertinent by the Zamindar, as marriage of widows was common among the Maravars. To compel the Idaiyans to resort to widow marriage, he took advantage of the ambiguity of the word aruthukattâdhavar, which would also mean those who do not tie up a bundle after cutting or reaping.

--------------------

page 360

At the time of the harvest season, the Zamindar sent his servants to the Idaiyans with orders that they were not to tie up the rice plants in sheaves. This led to severe monetary loss, and the Idaiyans consented reluctantly to widow remarriage. On the death of a married Idaiyan, at Coimbatore, the corpse is placed in a seated posture. A measure of rice, a lighted lamp, and cocoanut are placed near it, and burning fire-wood is laid at the door of the house. When the relations and friends have arrived, the body is removed from the house, and placed in a pandal, supported behind by a mortar. The male relations put on the sacred thread, and each brings a pot of water from a tank. The widow rubs oil over the head of the corpse, and someone, placing a little oil in the hands thereof, rubs it over her head. On the way to the burning-ground, a barber carries a fire-brand and a pot, and a washerman carries the mat, cloths, and other articles used by the deceased. When the idukâdu, a spot made to represent the shrine of Arichandra who is in charge of the burial or burning ground, is reached, the polluted articles are thrown away, and the bier is placed on the ground. A Paraiyan makes a cross-mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son, who is chief mourner, places a small coin on three of the marks, leaving out the one at the northeast corner. The Paraiyan takes these coins and tears a bit of cloth from the winding-sheet, which is sent to the widow. At the burning-ground, the relations place rice, water, and small coins in the mouth of the corpse. The coins are the prerogative of the Paraiyan. The son, who is clean-shaven, carries a pot of water on his shoulder thrice round the pyre, and, at each turn, the barber makes a hole in it with a chank shell, when the head is reached. Finally the pot is broken near the head. The sacred threads are thrown by those who wear them on the pyre, and the son sets fire to it, and goes away without looking back. The widow meanwhile has broken her tâli string, and thrown it into a vessel of milk, which is on the spot where the deceased breathed his last. The son, on his return home after bathing, steps across a pestle placed at the threshold. Árathi (wave offering) is performed, and he worships a lighted lamp within the house. On the following day, rice and Sesbania grandiflora are cooked, and served to the relatives by the widow's brothers. Next day, milk, ghí (clarified butter), curds, tender cocoanuts, nine kinds of grain, water, and other articles required for worship, are taken to the burning-ground. The smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, and the fragments of the bones are collected, and placed on a leaf. A miniature plough is made, and the spot on which the body was burned is ploughed, and the nine kinds of grain are sown. On his return home, a turban is placed on the head of the son who acted as chief mourner by his maternal uncles. A new cloth is folded, and on it a betel leaf is placed, which is worshipped for sixteen days. On the sixteenth day, a Brâhman makes a human figure with holy grass, which has to be worshipped by the chief mourner not less than twenty-five times, and he must bathe between each act of worship. The bones are then carried in a new earthen pot, and floated on a stream. At night, food is cooked and worshipped with a new cloth. Rice is cooked at the door. A cock is tied to a sacrificial post, called kazhukumaram, and set up outside the house, to which the rice is offered. One end of a thread is tied to the post, and the other end to a new cloth, which is worshipped inside the house. The thread is watched till it shakes, and then broken. The door is closed, and the cock is stuck on the pointed tip of the post, and killed. An empty litter is carried in procession through the streets, and alms are given to beggars. A widow should remain gósha (in seclusion) for twelve months after her husband's death. When an adult but unmarried male or female dies, a human figure, made out of holy grass, is married to the corpse, and some of the marriage rites are performed.

The Indaiyans are Vaishnavites, and the more civilised among them are branded like Vaishnava Brâhmans. Saturday is considered a holy day. Their most important festival is Krishna Jayanti, or Srí Jayanti, in honour of Krishna's birthday. They show special reverence for the vessels used in dairy operations. The proverb that the sense of an Idaiyan is on the back of his neck, for it was there that he received the blows, refers to "the story of the shepherd entering the gate of his house with a crook placed horizontally on his shoulders, and finding himself unable to get in, and his being made able to do so by a couple of blows on his back, and the removal of the crook at the same time.

--------

page 361

Another proverb is that there is neither an Ándi among Idaiyans, nor a Tâdan among the potters. The Ándi is always a Saivite beggar, and, the Idaiyans being always Vaishnavites, they can never have in their midst a beggar of the Saivite sect, or vice versâ. Being extremely stupid, whenever any dispute arises among them, they can never come to any definite settlement, or, as the proverb says, the disputes between Idaiyans are never easily settled. Keeping and rearing cattle, grazing and milking them, and living thereby, are their allotted task in life, and so they are never good agriculturists. This defect is alluded to in the proverb that the field watered by the Idaiyan, or by a member of the Palli 1 caste, must ever remain a waste." [1]

Other proverbs, quoted by the Rev. H. Jensen [2] are as follows:-

The shepherd can get some fool to serve him.

Like a shepherd who would not give anything,

but showed an ewe big with young.

The shepherd destroyed half, and the fool half.

In 1904, an elementary school for Idaiyans, called the Yâdava school, was established at Madura. The usual title of the Idaiyans is Kónân or Kón meaning King, but, in the Census Report, 1901, the titles Pillai and Kariyâlan are also recorded. In the Census Report, 1891. Idaiya is given as a sub-division of Vakkaliga; and, in the Salem Manual, Idaiyan appears as a synonym of Shânân. For the following note on the Idaiyans who have settled in Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. They consist of two well-defined sections, namely, the Tamil-speaking Idaiyans, who are but recent immigrants, and are largely found in Tevala, Agastisvaram and Shenkotta, and the Malayâlam-speaking branch, who are early settlers residing chiefly in Kartikapalli and other taluks of Central Travancore. The Idaiyans are not largely found in Travancore, because a branch of the indigenous Sîdra community, the Idachéri Nâyars, are engaged in the same occupation. They are divided into two classes, viz., Kangayan (shepherds) and Puvandans, who neither interdine nor intermarry. The latter appear to be divided into four classes, Pâsi, Gopâlan, Nambi, and Valayitayan. Puvandan is another form of the word Póndan, which means a palanquin-bearer. It is well known that, in the Tamil country, this was one of the duties of the Idaiyans, as is evident from a sub-division called Sivi or Siviyar (palanquin) existing among them. In the early settlement records of Travancore, they are referred to as Sibis. Many fancy, though incorrectly, that the word means one who collects flowers. As the Sibis were experts in palanquin-bearing, they must have been brought from the Tamil country to serve the mediaeval Râjas. At the present day, besides pursuing their traditional occupation, they also engage in agriculture and trade. The position of the Puvandans in society is not low. They are entitled to the services of the Brâhman's washerman and barber, and they may enter temples, and advance as far as the place to which Nâyars go, except in some parts of Central Travancore. They are flesh-eaters, and the drinking of intoxicating liquor is not prohibited. On ceremonial occasions, women wear the Tamil Idaiya dress, while at other times they adopt the attire of Nâyar women. Their ornaments are foreign, and clearly indicate that they are a Tamil caste. The marriage badge is called sankhu tâli, and a small conch-shaped ornament forms its most conspicuous feature. Besides the ordinary Hindu deities, they worship Mâtam, Yakshi, and Maruta. At weddings, the Idaiyan bridegroom holds a sword in his left hand, while he takes hold of the bride by the right hand. Funeral ceremonies are supervised by a barber, who officiates as priest. Corpses are either burnt or buried. Though they appear to observe only eleven days' death pollution, they cannot enter a temple until the expiry of sixteen days. An anniversary ceremony in memory of the deceased is performed on the new-moon day in the month of Karkâtakam (July-August), and, on this day, most members of the caste go to Varkalai to perform the rite. Many purely Tamil names are still preserved in the caste, such as Tambi, Châmi, Bhagavati, and Châttu.

[1] Madras Mail, 1904.

[2] Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897.

-----------------------------------------------

page 362

Jabel: -They are hunters and fishermen.

Jajabor: -Manta, Bede. [ 1] In order not to write an aseptic text I will relate briefly how I came to know about Bajuk's group. I first met Bajuk last year in Barishal while he was caring for his son dying in hospital. As a matter of fact, I became involved in the child's case, who eventually managed to survive a long spell of acute tetanus. After having sold almost everything while the child was still in hospital, Bajuk had to sell his boat to pay for an urgent surgical operation for his wife. At that point I bought a boat for my own use and I asked Bajuk's family to take care of it while I was engaged with other groups. A year later, after several attempts we managed to meet again. After the difficulties of the first hour, I am now beginning to see the world with the eyes of boat's nomads.

Bede Jajabor: The Journey. The group I live with is a hundred percent nomadic, though every two years they make almost the same journey stopping in the same places and canals. It is only when they find out that an other large group is stationing in the same canal or has only just left the place where they were planning to stop, that they move on to the next place. They tend to dock their boats in canals rather than rivers, since rivers, especially during some seasons and at certain hours of the day, when the tide very high or low, would leave them exposed to strong winds that could be dangerous. On the other hand cyclones, whirlwinds and storms, which are quite frequent in Bangladesh, do not present such a threat for boats moored in such connecting canals, since they will not be struck by the big waves of the rivers. These rivers and canals are, relatively speaking, quite near to the sea line and they are therefore affected by the changing tides. The trips of the group are generally planned according to the direction of the tide. Sometimes they start to sail very early in the morning, sometimes in the middle of the day and at some other times in the middle of the night. If they are on what they consider a very important, though unforeseen, part of their journey, they sail on, even against the wind and the tide.

The Bede know everything about the rivers: the direction and duration of the tide and the difficult or dangerous spots in the water drift, nevertheless sometimes they are faced by sudden dangers. Re-sailing on the same route only every two years, quite often, they face difficulties in recognising land marks that tend to changed or have disappeared all together. Once, during the second week of the journey near Angheria, they pointed out to me a large area of about a square kilometre covered with trees and paddy fields, that was where the river was ten years earlier. On the third week they told me that twelve years ago, the canal we were navigating was so small that the boats had to sail past one by one and there was no way to do a U-turn. Now you could hardly see the other side of the river. On the eighteen day of sailing southward from Madaripur, all of a sudden the boat got stranded in shallow water in the part of the river that used to be very deep. The river was shifting its course in an unforeseen manner. Using the small boat which is always towed along the large one we had to inspect how far the mud had engulfed the boat, after that we got into the 30 centimetre deep mud and towed the boat by hand for about a hundred yards till we got again into deep water.

If the leg of the journey only takes few hours of the morning, on arrival the women go immediately to work in the nearby villages. If the journey takes longer there is more time for rest and relaxation, which makes this time delightful.

[ 1] Original version of unpublished papers was written in italian by R. Rosso, translated into English by R. Tobanelli. (Unpublished Paper)

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

page 363

Sailing along a river they sometimes happen to encounter other Jajabor groups sailing the other way, and when they recognise friends or relatives they dock the boats together, if not, they exchange news shouting from the tops of the boats while sailing on.

During the journey we chat, sing and sometimes approach another boat in order to loan some tools like knifes, axes, pans or some rope and cord to finish or mend a fishing net, or just to exchange some vegetables, fish or fruits. It's worthy to mention that, while on a journey, it becomes very difficult to re-trace other groups which are moving around in the same region, and it is almost impossible to fix and keep engagements. Therefore when someone has to leave the group for few days for reasons like a funeral, a particular business or a hospital sojourn, he arranges to rejoin the others few days later in a well-known town. On the arranged day the group stops and sends somebody to the rendezvous spot to wait for him, and to show him the way back to the boats.

As I mentioned before, the journey tend to last two years. The group I live with in 1994 had made 82 stops. Here is a record of them all according to the pronunciation of the names:

Madaripur [December 1993]

Kalkini

Torki

Piprakati

Nolgora

Tengramari

Babugonc

Kalaia

Dhulna

Gobindopur

Amzola

Ziknikamada

Ulainna

Arojbeki

Portuakali

Kukka

Golacipa

Patabunna

Ciramkati

Comesshil

Kolapara

Capali

Dulershor

Taltola

Mohipur

Shutanoli

Jalokati

Bhoga

Boalha

Bakorgonc

Banoripara

Shurukati

Inderhat

Mirirat

Ashokkati

Gornodi

Torki

Kalkini

-----------------

page 364

Fashiatola

Angheria

Tekerat

Bojeshor

Donshar

Noriar

Sholpara

Gojoria

Shipchor

Bromgonj

Cometpur

Badura

Pirerbari

laukola

Jajira

Foridpur

Bangar

Tengrakola

Kalirbajar

Bajbaria

Bumuria

Monlarat

Khulna a] Fulbarigate, b] Tepakola.

Bongobondhu

Jatirpita

Tunghi bari Thana - arrival at the end of March 1994. This stop lasted over a month in order to repair and refit the boats.

Resuming the journey at the beginning of May 1994.

Citolmarir

Nolciti

Indurkati

Attar

Para

Boitagada

Damura

Misripara

Goar

Agorpur

Shorikol

Nolgora

Iderpol

Sonnia

Cormokoria

Dudkali

Madaripur - Arrival at the end of October 1994.

This was a stop of more than a month, with people going off to different celebrations, encounters, meetings, and business. November is for the Jajabor the most important month of the year.

Bede Jajabor: The Living - Space.

The boat on which I lived was sixty years old, another boat in this group is 120 years old, none of them are new. The wood with which the boats are built is very strong and comes from India. Today is almost impossible to get hold of it, and in any case it is too expensive to buy.

-------------------------

page 365

The living space on the boat is subdivided into three sections. The first part is where usually guests are received and is also used for conversation and deals. In it there are some cushions, blankets and a variety of tin-cans and small containers. The boys and girls are usually kept apart for the night: boys may sleep in this part of the boat while the girls sleep in the kitchen. In this part of the boat some guests may stay for a night or two. There is a second central room, where all the valuables are stored: clothes, sheets, table cloths, cushions, blankets, mats, containers and oil lamps. Moreover in this part of the boat you find all the tools used in the Jajabor trade: sections of horns used to suck out pain from sick persons; all the tools used to cure tooth ache; home made herbal medicines; hooks, poles and canes used for fishing (hanging from the ceiling), and other tools for fishing which are piled together in sacks and varied containers. Husband and wife with a couple of the youngest children sleep in this part of the boat. There is then a third space: the kitchen, which is in turn subdivided in two parts. There is the inner kitchen which is like the other two sections of the boat covered by a roof, where pans, pots, plates, cups, a variety of other recipients and food stocks are stored, since not always at the different stops is possible to find what is needed for the kitchen. There is then the open sky section of the kitchen located on the meter and a half tip end of the boat, where an earthen three-picks stove (very easy to make, it only takes a couple of hours) is kept alongside some wood-fuel. When two families live on the same boat, one of them (or in some cases the second wife) lives in the first section of the boat where guests could be kept, the other stays in the central room, while the kitchen is shared. From December to March, in the different corners of the boats, an increasing quantity of rice is stockpiled into sacks and other containers. In March all these food provisions are sold just before starting an overhaul of the boat. Lashed onto to the typical Jajabor boat there is always a two to three metre long small boat. This is used for short logistic trips when the group is on a halt. Not having bathrooms, the small boat is quite handy when there is a need to get away and find a suitable place to discharge oneself. The small boat is also used to hunt birds nesting and feeding along the bank of the river. During frequent and long trips this boat is used as the proper place for taking a bath and laundering clothes. There is then a very special space: the roof of the boat which is about from 10 to 15 square metres in size. It is slightly curved, made of bamboo and strong enough to allow children to play on it. It is also used to dry the laundry and on long journeys is the ideal place for work or rest in the shadow of the sail. Another living space is the bank of the river. There often the children play; the adult men gather in groups, and women too, for a change from the usual boat, love to do some work on the bank like washing clothes, gathering wood-fuel and grinding coarse rice flour. This space becomes the ideal meeting place of two or more groups of Jajabor stopping over at the same place. Nevertheless as a living-space it is not as important as the boat. Life is on the water and therefore life is the boat itself.

Bede Jajabor: Work.

The Bede people, for their living, depend on their women's ability to cure the sick. They know some old herbal medicine and some mantras which are useful in curing a lot of diseases. They use some horn segments to suck pain out of the body. They lay the horn on the sick part of the body and repeatedly absorb the pain. For this work they are given a compensation either in goods or money. They are also reputed to be very good at curing tooth decay. They place between the teeth of the patient some cotton or other, after a while they touch several time his/her cheek with a special root while reciting faintly some incomprehensible mantras, then they ask the patient to spit everything on their hands. They show to the patient that on their hand there is a worm. The patient, upon seeing that such a creature was squatting in their mouths and is now gone is really impressed, and feels an immediate sense of relief (no comment: I am only describing some of their practices).

---------------------

page 366

Women, during a stopover, one by one go to do their work by moving from house to house. They are usually accompanied by the youngest son while the others stay with their fathers or oldest sons and daughters. This is a bonus, since in the rural areas, those who receive treatment from the Bede tend to compensate them with goods (rice, vegetables and other) and by the evening the burden the women have to carry back becomes heavy and children might help. During frequent and long trips, women, men and grown-up sons may exchange tasks. They may take turns at either the front or rear oar, the latter tends to be big and tiresome, since it also directs the course of the boat. Sometimes it takes an additional hand to control the sail, though in normal wind-conditions, it is held by the same person at the rear oar. The rest of the family performs other tasks either inside or on the roof of the boat. Men are often engaged in hunting birds, fishing and caring for the children while the mothers are at work. Though quite often either elder brothers or the neighbours may take care of the children. It should not be forgotten the boat is their life. Again going back to the theme of men's work, it needs to be said that the Jajabor technique of fishing is very different from that of the Malo-Jele group. The latter group tend to fish professionally in order to make a living, while the former group fish just for a meal. Their fishing technique has a jocund dimension. They fish in shallow waters with spikes. Its a blind way of fishing. the spikes are probed into the water repeatedly until an unlucky fish gets hooked. There is then a more complex system of fishing with the 'snake'. The 'snake' is made of about ten cane segments joined together head to tail to form a fifteen meter long tool, at the head of which there are seven or eight spikes. The 'snake', controlled from the tail, is made to follow the fish swimming just under the surface of the water, of which they can see the eyes, when the ' snake' is within striking distance from the fish they push the snake with a sudden movement, and the fish is hooked. The Jajabor prepare the hooks and all the other gear needed for fishing by themselves. They show an innate dexterity in using hammers as well as in using and shaping metals. For hunting birds with a sling they prepare hundreds of perfectly round little balls of mud which are then dried in the sun, since in Bangladesh it is impossible to find pebbles or stones. This pellets of dried-mud when hurled with the sling become lethal bullets for the birds.

Bede Mal Manta.

Nozrul Amin's Mal Manta Bede group has been living for the last 30 years in tents. In the past this group of Nomads were living and moving along the rivers and canals on boats. The vast delta of South Bangladesh was the preferred arena of their wandering journeys. Thousands of Jajabor in the last 50 years have changed over from boatsto tents. The reasons for such change are many: in some cases, having lost their boats in a cyclone and not having the economic possibility of buying the necessary equipment in order to restart their wandering life on the river, many of them had to fall back on putting together a less expensive tent of rugs and restart their journey on land. It is a lot cheaper to buy a plastic sheet than to face the expenses for another boat. Though many tend to support the above mentioned thesis, which, by the way, contributes to project a miserable image, in reality, only a relatively small group of them gave up the river routes for that reason. Another reason is that, in spite of the large number of rivers in Bangladesh, rivers allow access only to a limited number of villages within a 7 - 8 kilometres distance from the river. Moreover, on the same tract of waterways different groups follow each other and this affects the work of those coming after. A further reason is that, though life in the boat is relatively more comfortable, life in a tent offers more economic opportunities, since with less burden is easier to move around efficiently. To this, it can be added that, when disaster strikes e.g. floods or cyclone, and everything is lost, if you are in a tent what you stand to loose is the tent itself and the little amount of Taka carried around (about 300 Taka), whereas if the boat is damaged or lost you stand to loose from 20.000 to 30,000 Taka. To all this it can be added that some work is easier to be performed by moving around in a tent.

---------------------

page 367

The above comments relate to those groups who have chosen to give up boats for tents. Nevertheless it should be made clear that the tradition of moving around in tents, as far as it concerns nomadic life, is not derived from the tradition of boats, but it is a thousand-year-old tradition in itself. Moreover, if some of them have only replaced the tent, others have become formally settled. The phenomenon of peripheral settled life has always been part of the history of nomads. Some of them are tired and attracted by the amenities of settled life, and tend to prolong their stops over and little by little the tent or the boat is replaced by a house. In this way several centres of settled families have been constituted across the whole national territory. They have become gathering places for settled families but they are also places of referral for those who carry on with nomadic life. It is in this places that they meet up for celebrations with the rest of the extended family and other families. Whereas it can be said that, as far as nomadism is concerned, the house is a derived development from the tent and the boat, the same cannot be said about the tent vis a vis the boat. It is quite possible that both phenomena, fluvial nomadism and tent nomadism, have been coexisting in symbiotic form for centuries and millenniums. The tent and the boat are not even a distinctive sign to tell one group from the other. The typical example are the Baidda-Bebe or the other sub-groups of Bangladesh. Some of them live in boats and others in tents. Truly, the protagonists of one way of life or the other tend to exchange judgements of inferiority on the way of life of the other, since it is different from his/her own. The tent is relatively small: about 1.5 or 2 meters wide, 2 or 3 meters long and a little more than a meter high. It is built with small and thin bamboo sticks which are very flexible but strong. Four bamboo sticks which are less than two centimetres in diameter are planted in holes dug in the ground on the right, then four sticks are planted on the left facing them and they are bound together at the top so as to form an arch. A pole as long as the tent is then placed horizontally at the top binding together the four arches. Smaller sticks are then used to bind together one arch with the next and this contributes to the sturdiness of the tent. To finish the tent they put on top of it a blue or white sheet of paper. It always surprises me to see how this kind of dwelling can survive storms which are as strong as cyclones. At this point I would like to answer a question often asked by myself and by some other persons: "How is it possible to survive under such a tent under the scorching sun of midday during the hot season?" It is possible and not even that dramatic. The two openings in the tent allow for a good degree of draught air to circulate. The strong black plastic cover gives good protection, not allowing the infrared rays through, and the top layer of white or light blue plastic tends to reflect the sun's rays. During the day all sorts of cloths like lunghi, shirts, saris and blankets are laid on the tent, giving the impression of a miserable dwelling place built out of rugs, whereas it is a comfortable place which protects its inhabitants specially during the very hot hours of the day. When you need to move the tent is folded back into a neat pack a few kilos in weight. To move the camp on short distances tracks and buses are used and the rest of the journey is on foot -by a fast walk which is almost similar to running and very common in Bangladesh for people carrying weights. Men carry the tent and various household items divided into two packs of equal weight hanging from a curved bamboo stick, they look like a rustic weight scale. Women usually carry the bamboo poles, sticks and other luggage bound on their heads. Children as well as old people give a hand carrying some of the smaller burdens. Once the old people become unable to walk, they stop in areas where other nomads of the same group have become settled. This is also another reason for having a degree of settled life. Many groups travelling with tents tend to lengthen their stops over in such areas, especially during the raining season. During the raining season work is not stopped altogether, but the way it is carried out changes a bit. For instance, young and adult men either on their own or in groups go around with snakes, tabish or medicines and stay away for few days while the rest of the family -wife and children- stay at home. While on such trips in the evenings after a day work they take a bath, cook, have a meal and then sleep on the veranda of a school or in a train station.

-------------------------

page 368

In this period they prefer not to take along with them the tent. Some of them live in this way not only during the raining season but also all the year around. Those working in this way do not limit their area of work to the nearby large urban centres, but moving on buses the reach all the areas of the country. Speaking of work, it can be added that, normally, many of the Bede do not carry out just one type of work. While performing snake charming, or searching for lost objects in pukurs, or selling bijouterie, handicrafts and baskets made by them, they take the chance of solving health problems of their clients by either giving them some medicines they carry along or making arrangements to meet up at the camp where it is easier to find what they need for a proper cure. In this group both men and women accept a barter exchange of rice, eggs, ducks, wood for cooking and other things, as well as money as payment for their services. The economic viability of the family depends on both the work of men and women. This differs from what happens among the boats' groups, where I have seen that the income of the family, on the whole, depends on women's work, even though, in theory, the men decide how to dispose of such income. I said in theory, because in spite of the fact the women have very little power to make decisions about how to spend such income, through their cunning they manage to direct the course of the boat without touching the steering gear.

Jalâli:-A class of Muhammadan Faqírs [1] who take their name from their founder Sayyid Jalâl-ud-dín, who was a native of Bukhâra and a pupil of Bahâwal Haqq, the Sahrwardi saint of Multân, whose shrine is at Uchh in Bahâwalpur territory. "This teacher." says Mr. Maclagan, [2] "was himself a strict follower of the law, but his followers who call themselves Jalâlis are in many ways backsliders. They pay little attention to prayer. They use large quantities of bhang, and are given to eating snakes and scorpions. They shave beards, moustaches and eye-brows, and wear only a small scalp-lock(choti) on the right side of the head. They are branded with a special mark on the right shoulder, wear glass armlets, have a woollen cord round their necks, a cloth on their heads, and are a vagabond set with no fixed dwelling-places. There is a section of the order known as the Chahl Tan, or 'Forty Bodies,' who are said to be derived from a luckless woman who, wishing to be a mother, swallowed forty philtres instead of one, and thus produced forty children in place of one only. The Jalâlis are said to be strong in Central Asia."

Janappan: -The Janappan [3] , Mr. W. Francis writes,[4] "were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Désâyis or Désâdhípatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.' 5 In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district [5] Mr. H.A. Stuart states that Janappan is "the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp (janapa, Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dâsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods.

[ 1] See Crooke.

[ 2] Panjâb Census Report , 195 sq.

[ 3] See Thurston.

[ 4] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[ 5] Manual of the North Arcot district.

--------------------------------------------

page 369

By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yâgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahman's yâgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyâttam and other places as cattle-brokers." The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gótras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight.

Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gótras. Among the names of the gótras, are the following:-

Vasava. Madalavan.

Vamme. Piligara.

Mummudi. Mukkanda.

Pilli Vankaravan. Vadiya.

Makkiduvan. Thonda.

Thallelan. Kó'a.

Gendagiri.

The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gótras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gótra owe their name to a tradition that on one occasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gótra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahâ Rishi gótra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Makkanda sept may not use the fruit of Momordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gótra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kóla gótra, the eating of the fish called kólasi is forbidden.

Customs and society

In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purânic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grains is given by the bridegroom's father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous marriage. There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern district. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrâzus. The Bhatrâzu priest goes round periodically collecting his fees. Those among the Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandârams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kâmâtchi as the caste deities. The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans. Sâthu vândlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan. In the Mysore Census Report of 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gónigas, who are sack-weavers and makers of gunny-bags.

-------------------

page 370

Jangal Jati: -The Vagiri are called Jungle Jati by the Marathas. See Vagiri.

Jangam: -Jangama. - A Sivite order of wandering religious mendicants.[1] The Jangams are the priests of gurus of the Sivite sect of Lingâyats. They numbered 2500 persons in the Central Provinces and Berâr in 1911, and frequent the Marâtha country. The Jangam is said to be so called because he wears a movable emblem of Siva (jana gama, "to come and go") in comparison to the Sthâwar of fixed emblems found in temples. Jangams discard many of the modern phases of Hinduism. They reject the poems in honour of Vishnu, Râma and Krishna, such as the Bhâgavad Gíta and Râmâyana; they also deny the authority of Brâhmans, the efficacy of pilgrimage and self-mortification, and the restrictions of caste; while they revere principally the Vedas and the teaching of the great Sivite reformer Shankar Achârya.[2] Like other religious orders, the Jangams have now become a caste, and are divided into two groups of celibate and married members. The Gharbâris (married members) celebrate their weddings in the usual Marâtha fashion, except that they perform no hom or fire sacrifice, They permit the remarriage of widows. The Jangams wear ochre-3 coloured or badâmi clothes and long necklaces of seeds called rudrâksha [3] beads, which resemble a nutmeg in size, in colour and nearly in shape; they besmear their forehead, arms and various other parts of the body with cowdung ashes. They wear the lingam or phallic sign of Siva either about the neck or loins in a little casket of gold, silver, copper or brass. As the lingam is supposed to represent the god and to be eternal, they are buried and not burnt after death, because the lingam must be buried with them and must not be destroyed in the fire. If any Jangam loses the lingam he or she must not eat or drink until it has been replaced by the guru or spiritual preceptor. It must be worshipped thrice a day, and ashes and bel [4] leaves are offered to it, besides food when the owner is about to partake of this himself. The Jangams worship no deity other than Siva or Mahâdeo, and their great festival is the Shivrâtri. Some of them make pilgrimages to Pachmarhi, to the Mahâdeo hills. Most of them subsist by begging and singing songs in praise of Mahâdeo. Grant-Duff gives the Jangam as one of the twenty-four village servants in a Marâtha village, perhaps as the priest of the local shrine of Siva, or as the caste priest of the Lingâyats, who are numerous in some districts of Bombay. He carries a wallet over the shoulder and a conch-shell and bell in the hand. On approaching the door of a house he rings his bell to bring out occupant, and having received alms proceeds on his way, blowing his conch-shell which is supposed to be a propitious act for the alms-giver, and to ensure his safe passage to heaven. The wallet is meant to hold the grain given to him, and on returning home he never empties it completely, but leaves a little grain in it as its own share. The Jangams are strict vegetarians, and take food only from the hands of Lingâyats. They bless their food before eating it and always finish it completely, and afterwards wash the dish with water and drink down the water. When a child is born, the priest is sent for and his feet are washed with water in a brass tray. The water is then rubbed over the bodies of those present, and a few drops sprinkled on the walls of the house as a ceremony of purification. The priest's great toes are then washed in a cup of water, and he dips the lingam he wears into this, and then sips a few drops of the water, each person present doing the same. This is called karuna or sanctification. He then dips a new lingam into the holy water, and ties it round the child's neck for a minute or two, afterwards handing it to the mother to be kept till the child is old enough to wear it. The dead are buried in a sitting posture, the lingam being placed in the palm of the hand.

[1] See Russell

[2] Sherring, Castes and Tribes, iii. p. 123.

[3] The nut of Eleocarpus lanceolatus.

[4] Aegle marmelos.

-------------------------------------------------

page 371

On the third day a clay image of Mahâdeo is carried to the grave, and food and flowers are offered to it, as well as any intoxicants to which the deceased person may have been addicted. The following notice of the Jangams more than a century ago may be quoted from the Abbe`` Dubois, though the custom described does not, so far as is known, prevail at present at least in the Central Provinces: [1] "The gurus or priests of Siva, who are known in the Western Provinces by the name of Jangams, are for the most part celibates. They have a custom which is peculiar to themselves, and curious enough to be worth noting. When a guru travels about his district he lodges with some member of the sect, and the members contend among themselves for the honour of receiving him. When he has selected the house he wishes to stay in, the master and all the other male inmates are obliged, out of respect for him, to leave it and go and stay elsewhere. The holy man remains there day and night with only the women of the house, whom he keeps to wait on him and cook for him, without creating any scandal or exciting the jealousy of the husbands, All the same, some scandal-mongers have remarked that the Jangams always take care to choose a house where the women are young." The Jangams are not given to austerities, and go about well clad.

[1] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, 1897 ed. p. 118