Summary

 Gypsies of Europe and America : history of a culture 

By Fr. Renato Rosso

Bhopal, October 25, 1996

The History of Gypsy People

One might ask what is the reason for these pages on the gypsies ? Here you have the main reason for it. If any one wants to meet a gypsy, he must first of all accept him or her as a human being and not as someone ‘less human’ or ‘savage’, for the simple reason that he leaves in a circumstance or setting different than ours. A gypsy whom one may encounter is just an individual who belongs to a particular ethnic group, which has its own distinct history, ways, customs and habits.

Undoubtedly these few pages will not be exhaustive enough to provide a complete knowledge of this particular people. It is my earnest hope that these pages serve as a source of light and discovery to remove our ignorance which, I think, has been the cause of great fear, violence, and repression. Further more, I hope that it may serve as an incentive to approach a gypsy who may extend his hand to wish us.

A millennium of History

The history of the gypsies as it is known to this time is a rather brief one tracing back to a 1000 years, having for its beginning their appearance in western Europe. Hardly anything or very little is known of incidents that led to their migration. It is not even known whether they were nomads or settlers.

The history of the gypsies is the history of a group of people that never fought any battle, neither aspired for any power, from the very origin suffered from wars fought by others and been persecuted.

Its subdivision into small autonomous groups, its extraordinary capacity to adopt themselves to an ambient of life, coupled with great courage, perseverance and a profound consciousness of their identity are all factors that helped them to survive. In every gypsy one can find a deep seated trace of the sufferings he or she has undergone. Though today many people no longer consider the gypsies as rogues, unconsciously they are victimised as rouges by people.

Who are the Gypsies?

The gypsies are a nomadic people that set out from the north of India and took the road to the West about a thousand years ago. Though numerically insignificant and a vanishing group, they reached almost all the countries of Europe and, today, their presence is noticed in all the continents.

The gypsies are nomads but not all the nomads are gypsies. There are people in Africa, America, Asia and Northern Europe who migrate in search of pastures, for hunting and fishing. When we use the term 'Gypsy' we refer to a well defined group, a clearly distinct ethnic group, having its own language, with a particular culture and who are normally nomads.

In Europe, the gypsies and Lapoes of the Fenoscandia represent two important groups from the anthropological and cultural point of view, just as we have in Brazil the Indians, the group of Negroes and those properly called gypsies.

It is well known that over the centuries the gypsies who came in contact with different peoples went through a process of "mimetizacão". They also came to the point of establishing blood relations with settlers. As a matter of fact, marriages between gypsies and non gypsies have not been uncommon. The very language of the gypsies was subject to a lot interpolation with local influences specially in places where they stayed for longer periods of time. And the same can be said about other traits of life and customs.

In spite of all these setbacks, we must admit that the gypsies preserved their language carefully as a cultural patrimony which is common and unifying. It is rare for a stranger to have the possibility of learning their language. Even just a superficial attempt to examine the interaction between the gypsy world and that of the settlers makes this abundantly clear. The gypsies maintain their universal consciousness; the language with all its difficulties arising our of the use of a wide variety of dialects, has just one root which is Indian; their ways and customs maintain its specific characteristics, not merely those characteristics which are connected with nomadic people.

It is not possible to speak of gypsies as one homogeneous group.  Nor can we consider them to exhibit a homogeneous culture and way of life. This is particularly true if one wants to speak of their way of life and traditions. Those who migrate to different places or have their camp in different places  and under various situations have also differences in their way of life, language and culture. The North of Russia and the South of Spain, for example, have a different social organization, a different climate, a distinct culture; therefore the gypsies who migrated to those regions over a century ago, have remarkable differences among themselves even though they belong to the same stock of nomads.

It is quite common to hear to speak about Italian, Slovenian, Argentinean or Brazilian gypsies. To avoid ambiguity, I must make it clear that such a denomination is merely a matter of convenience. For example, the Brazilian or Argentinean gypsies can recognize very well gypsies who share the same linguistic heritage just as the Portuguese or the Spanish as well as the regional dialects. This phenomenon can be explained by the fact that they have lived for a long time in those regions. The gypsies in these areas registered themselves in the municipalities through which they passed by or lived in, and a great majority of them received citizenship of the country. The same thing can be said of the gypsies living in other countries as well.

To describe the gypsies, it is necessary to divide them into two big groups: The ROM and the SINTOS. Since this distinction is mainly based on language, we can say that the ROM, considered to be originating from the "VLAX Language", have come under the strong influence of Romanian and Hungarian languages, and preserve in a better way many oriental traits. Sometime after they fled India, they stayed for long periods of time in countries like Romania, Hungary, Russia and Yugoslavia. The ROM can further be divided into other big groups, like for example, the LOVARA (Horse Merchants), the CALDERASHAS (Brazing and Gold Gliders) and the CURARA.

At times places of ROM are named after the country where they resided for centuries, after their first emigration from India as: Romengria, Serbaja, Russurja, Unghertike, Macvaja, Moldovais, Horahane, etc. There is also a group of SINTOS, considered to be coming from the "non VLAX Language". They are a group which represents the western gypsies, who from the very first centuries of emigration proceeded towards the West, and settled in the Southern parts of Europe. Here are some of the names: Sintos Gackane (from Germany), Estrakaria (from Austria), Valstike (from the Latin countries), Lalleri (from Bosnia), Tinkors (from Scotland and Ireland), Tattaren (from Scandinavia).

There is a detail which is useful to distinguish better the groups, and that is the dress of the women: The woman of the ROM group (Eastern) generally wear long and very colorful dresses. On the contrary, the women of the westernized group are more discreet in the way they dress. They look poorer, and adopt themselves to the local ways of dressing.

Origin and spread in Europe

Until the 19th century no one, still less the gypsies themselves, knew anything about the origin of this particular group of people. The Sintos and the Rom spoke a language that was neither German or Latin origin; the colour of their skin was tanned; their customs and habits were rather strange; they continued to move from one place to another, which gave rise to many questions in the minds of the people without any clear answers emerging.

All this contributed to a deep seated mistrust of the gypsy population by the well settled population. This gave rise to a lot of strange conjectures full of myths about their origin.

It was only towards the end of the 18th century that the German historian Bryants discovered a close link between Indian languages and that of gypsies.

Since the gypsies do not have a written tradition, it became extremely difficult to undertake a research on the different stages of the origin and history of this nomadic people. The records available so far do not go beyond a thousand years. As for the history of the gypsies predating this period, and particularly regarding their existence in the Indian society, there is hardly anything known. Some historians and scholars tend to believe that before the year 1000 A.D., prior to their migration to the west, they had been a non-nomadic group, but were compelled to migrate due to wars or natural calamities.

There are others who opine that the gypsies had been a nomadic people for centuries and it was only at the beginning of the second millennium of the Christian era that one group began to move towards Europe. Besides these in India even now there are many groups of gypsies (Lambadies), very much akin to the gypsies of Europe. Even though they are separated from each other by a gap of thousand years of history there are many close resemblances between the gypsies of the West and those of India.

The presence of gypsies in the island of Crete around the year 1322 is a proven fact, and a little later their presence is found in the islands of the Mediterranean sea such as Chipre, Rodes, Negroponte and Corfu.

Special mention may be made of the presence of the gypsies in the coastlands of Peloponeso, where hundreds of huts formed the dwelling place of gypsy families near the Gjoe Mount. The place was known as "Small Egypt". This explains why the gypsies on their arrival in western Europe would talk of their country as "Small Egypt". For a long time it was thought that the gypsies were Egyptians.

From the 10th to the 13th century there is a gradual formation of two groups; one group went up to western Asia, Arabia, Turkey, Syria, Palestine, Egypt. The other group reached the Byzantine Empire, where they remained for a long time. They mingled with the local population and absorbed a great deal of the local vocabulary. In this way they came to be known as Atsiganos (which may have later on came to be called Ciganos), a name that in olden days meant a sect of heretics notorious for witchcraft and fortune‑telling. From the common belief that they came from Egypt, in England these nomadic people came to be called Gypsies.

In the Byzantine regions the gypsies came in contact with the Christian world near Modon. They came to know many Christian pilgrims who were on their way to the Holy Land. They were mostly pilgrims from Italy, France and Germany. They came to understand that the pilgrim is a privileged traveler. Since then, they thought of moving towards the West, as if to be pilgrims returning to Europe. Thus around the year 1416, a few groups started leaving Byzantine territories in search of better countries and better fortune. They got themselves into groups of tens or even a few hundreds of persons:men, women and children lead by chieftains known as Voivoda. The Slovanian and Hungarian states in those days had Counts while Germanic countries as well as Western European nations had Dukes who received them.

Besides posing themselves as pilgrims from the Holy Land, they also carried letters of protection from Emperor Sigismund, King of Bohemia and Hungary. In many of the cities, the gypsy leaders who posed themselves as pilgrims were well received by various municipalities with gifts in kind and cash. They were given bread and vine, meat and fish, oats and coal.

But after sometime, in spite of the letters of protection the gypsies found it difficult to convince people that, they were pilgrims. Therefore they approached the Pope to get support from him. In 1422 a group of gypsies went to Rome with this objective.

One of the first noteworthy presences of gypsies in Italy is seen in 18th July 1422 in Bologna, and twenty days later in Forlì. In the year 1423 around three thousand gypsies moved from Romania to Hungary. In the year 1427, a group of gypsies arrived in England and soon after in Scotland. In the year 1433, a group of them is found in Bavaria, Bohemia and West of Austria. In the year 1477, a big group of them entered Spain. In the year 1500, they arrived in Russia.

The presence of the Gypsies in Brazil

In Brazil and Latin America the gypsies entered along with the first European migrants. In Spain the gypsies arrived a little earlier than 1450. Hardly had they entered Spain, they started creating problems for the Catholic sovereign rulers. They were not only a group of strangers but a group that could not be understood and above all a group that could not be controlled. They kept on moving from place to place. For the average people the gypsies were a group as strange as the Jews and the Muslims.

The Kings of Spain tried to get the gypsies to be settled down. In order to solve this problem and at the same time obtain the desired results there was an ordinance issued to expel all those who would not reside permanently in one particular place. But in reality this group of people did not get settled down, nor did they abandon Spain, in spite of being severely persecuted.

The Jews were expelled from Spain on 31st March 1492. The Muslims who did not embrace Christianity were expelled on 14th February 1502. The gypsies were willing to go to America but were simply forbidden to do so. The Muslims would have to return to Africa. The gypsies and the Jews searched for another place to reside. A few groups of gypsies finding unbearable the pressure brought about on them by Spain, went over to Portugal. From there eventually they migrated to Brazil.

Some of the gypsies came to Brazil as ordinary merchants, some others as people condemned for some crime or the other. They made use of the exile in order to escape from the penalty. There were some who enlisted themselves voluntarily to come to Brazil, and therefore they could not be rightly counted as slaves.

In Brazil, the first mention made of a gypsy is found in an order issued by King Sebastian, dated 1575. This order was a commutation into exile of a certain gypsy who was condemned to the gallows. It was the case of Joan Torres who came on board the ship with his wife and children. It is not true that this was the first gypsy to arrive in Brazil but he is the first one about whom there is an official record. Within a few years, some gypsy families from Brazil went over to the territories of Spanish domain. King Philip II on knowing about it, ordered that they be immediately imprisoned and deported to Spain. There they would be judged and further expelled. At the same time the King of Spain forbad by an express order any further migration of gypsies to America.

In short all these prohibition orders ended up with the gypsies remaining in Spanish  controlled America and in Brazil, as well as in Spain and in Portugal. 

Finally in the 17th century many Gypsies arrived Brazil getting themselves settled on the North Eastern part of the country. According to a witness of the time, the gypsies did not like very much to come closer to the Indians (natives). They preferred to remain close to the sea shore, as they were engaged in the horse trade as well as slave trade.

In the year 1710 the gypsies fell victims to a fierce persecution. When those in authority came to understood that the gypsies were a homogeneous group with a language, culture and customs of their own, and thus, they could be a threat and danger to the country and customs. Therefore in 1710 there was a law in Brazil forbidding the gypsies to teach to their children their own languages or even following the Gypsy customs.

In the same century among the reforms of Marquis de Pombalinas referring to Brazil, there was a plan to colonize the region of Amazone. To this effect there was a decree of the king dated 1751 which decided to deport to that region those men who were under some penalty. There was a plan to give these men in marriage to women who were taken away from the correction houses. Thus there would be a population in the Amazones.

As for the Spaniards, now wondering how to get rid of the gypsies from Spain in the 18th century, the period of Enlightenment, they came up with the idea of sending the gypsies to colonize America and not just anybody. The reason for such a plan being to avoid the spiritual and material damage caused by the gypsies in these kingdoms. Thus, the Council of Castela proposed to the king to use some of them as laborers after an‑apprenticeship of two years; that they should be sent to the remotest areas of America and that there should be there among them honest and loyal Spaniards. Fortunately, the Minister for American Affairs, Jose de Galvez, in 1777 rejected this order and the plan of the Council of Castela did not come through. It was only twenty years later, around the year 1797, that many gypsies were sent to Amazones.

Many of the Gypsy families that came, got themselves settled and adjusted themselves to the new situation. Many of them excelled in dramatics, music, arts and crafts and commerce. In the last century at the marriage of King Pedro with the Queen Leopoldina strong signs of cultural assimilation could be seen when groups of gypsies were invited to take part in the festivities in the royal court.

Personally, I am in agreement with the idea of Manuel Diegues Junior who opined that the gypsies have made a great contribution in the way they ethnically related themselves within the different ethnic groups in Brazil.

Nomadic life

The nomadic way of life of the Gypsies is a fact which is mysterious and typical of this people. It is something that cannot be fully explained by so much scientific research already undertaken. First of all the nomadic way of life is so ancient that we could trace it back not only to that part of the East which is India, but also to that period of history which is not known to us. This could explain why nomadic way of life is so deeply rooted in the gypsies. As a matter of fact, many groups of the Oriental nomadic groups got settled while the gypsies still continue to stick to their nomadic life. There is also the fact that the gypsies are on the look out for ways of livelihood that are in keeping with nomadic life. These very means of survival to which the Gypsy is attracted keeps him pushing ahead on his journey. For example a gypsy woman will not look for a super market for her shopping for the simple reason that this type of marketing is not in keeping with the nomadic life which is so much rooted in the soul of a nomad. One could, for example, think of a traveling suitcase with handkerchiefs, necklaces, socks, or some other small things but useful and easy to carry from place to place. When the gypsy woman has sold all the materials, she finds it easy to go on with her journey to another place. There is no thought of coming to this same village for quite some time where the materials sold will last in that place for some time. She goes in for the type of work that compels her to move from place to place.

The art of circus is another typical example. You cannot continue in the same place with the same show for a long time, but you have to shift from one locality to another.

These are the reasons why the gypsies who are traveling merchants and circus artists are compelled by the nature of their work to stick to a nomadic life. They are invited to different places with their circus shows and the type of goods they sell.

This is how they developed a culture, a history, a psychology, a sociology, a politics, which is typical of a gypsy on the move. It goes to the extent of becoming a way of life. Even when circumstances are favorable for a long stay, the gypsy will change place at the first opportunity. The Gyspy does not radically change to a settled life.

When the gypsies live in houses for a long time, they don't have for their neighbors those who live next door, but the gypsies who may be living quite far away from them.

One should keep in mind that in the city there are ghettos of people who come together to defend some of their petty interests, be it for some business, or to keep up their supremacy or the good reputation they enjoy. Therefore it is necessary to imagine the big metropolis which is made up of R.C.C. jungles quite distant from each other.

In Brazil very often there arises a comparison between the gypsies and the native Indians since both these groups have an origin with marked characteristics that distinguish them from each other ethnically as well as culturally.

It is sad to say that the native Indians are pushed far into the backward areas by the Whites. With the pretext of reservation the Whites want to occupy the better land that is the property of the native Indians. This is also being done by the Whites in order to occupy places with gold mines or precious stones. The Whites in keeping with their greed for comfortable life know how to select places for their habitation.

The gypsies on the contrary came away from real jungles and started living in R.C.C. jungles of which our cities are made of. They got used to living a life that is less in harmony with nature, and to breath an air that is more polluted and to live according to a more sophisticated socio‑political relationship. Such a situation enables them to survive in a milieu which is not natural for them.

As a conclusion to the reflection on nomadic life we can say that moving from place to place is very important for the gypsies, especially in relation to their future survival.

We can say that being nomadic is one of the essential features for the survival of the gypsies. However nomadism is not the only characteristic that defines them.

We cannot say that the gypsies are only ‑ those who are traveling and others are only descendents of gypsies. The administrative and political departments define a gypsy only on the basis of the fact that one is a nomad and other is not. The distinction is drawn between those who live in tents and those who live in houses. This kind of distinction is not only inaccurate but arbitrary.

A gypsy is not just one who fits into a list of certain characteristics. On the contrary a gypsy is one who belongs to an ethnic group with a peculiar historical background. He has a spiritual and cultural heritage peculiar to the group and he is closely attached to a particular socio‑political group.

The Family

The family is the centre of the Gyspy life. Everything moves around this institution which is the basic unit of the socio‑political, economical and moral life of the gypsies. It is through the family that the new members of the gypsy family are educated. In the midst of so much instability and conflicting situations, it is in the family that the gypsy finds his or her security and protection. The great defense of the family comes from that certain mistrust the gypsy family has about the conduct and behavior of the settled inhabitants of the place. The mistrust has prevented a lot of benefits that would derive from a healthy interaction. On the other hand this attitude has been helpful in keeping intact the gypsy culture and traditions.

At a close study of the gypsy family we see the preservation of material goods, cultural heritage and certain knowledge of which the gypsies are proud of.

Rosa Janush, a gypsy woman writes: “The rule in vogue in a gypsy camp about the distribution is the only authentic form of democracy that I have so far known.

The profits obtained by the various members who work together on a certain task are equally distributed among all the members, irrespective of the quantity and quality of work put in by individual members. In the same way if any of those who are working on a particular job falls sick, that person gets the same share of profit as the rest in the group engaged in that particular work. This type of democratic dynamics is lived out by the gypsy family. It is not only the goods that are enjoyed in common but they put up also collectively with the conflicts that arise.”

Any problem that arises even at the individual or personal level, it is always taken as the problem of the family since one is so closely linked with his family for everything. As a rule a Gypsy does not known how to live outside his family. Apart from the capital sentence, the next greatest punishment that the "Kris" (Gypsy Tribunal) can pass on a culprit is to exclude him from his family even if it is for some time only. During this particular period of exclusion from the family, the Gypsy goes through such a cruel situation as if he has been in jail, because it is forbidden to him to camp with his family group which is the vital centre of his life that is so much depending on this social factor.

One cannot understand a Gypsy type of life except in relation to the settled type of life that tries to absorb it. On the one side it is rejected, since it continues to be a strange body, on the other hand it tries to stimulate an ever deeper coercion for coexistence so as to be able to survive.

Something that struck me from the days of my childhood is the following fact: when the gypsies passed by at home they would sound an "alarm" as if to get ready for a battle. The reason for this was the fear that a "strange body" which could cause some conflicts was approaching.

On knowing that they were approaching we would close the door and pretend as if we were not at home. On the contrary in my home the people always received them well (out of fear). We would also buy something from them and even give alms to those who were poor and begged for alms. I would go at the back door of our house to warn I my uncles and aunts: "gypsies". Soon my uncles and aunts would alert my grandma: "There come the gypsies;",  and she soon ran to the garden to collect some vegetables and be on the alert. My aunt and my mother at once would go to feed the chickens (in those days the chickens were an easy prey to gypsies). Thus there was a gathering in groups of chickens, ducks, turkeys. All of them, each of these groups of birds making hell of a noise in their own way, served as an alarm to the neighbors warning them "gypsies are around". The gypsies who were given the appearance, that they were most welcome, knew it very well that they actually are not     at all welcome. In five minutes it was the end of it all for me, for my mother, for my aunt, for my uncle and granny and there would be a sigh of relief: "They are gone" But for the gypsies it all began ten minutes after that in the house of our neighbor. And after twenty minutes with another house and after half an hour still another, and so on. Several times I have been thinking of how one would feel to be pointed at with a finger and being received with an alarm. By this and so many other examples one can very well understand how the Gypsies are being marginalized and segregated. All this leads them to be closed up into their own family circle.

Thus the world outside the family circle becomes one of the great factors that strongly attaches the gypsy to his family circle, and in it he or she finds security. The family group becomes very much united and a source and means of Gypsy pedagogy for every individual of the group. This family group to which the individual is ever readily attached becomes the new pedagogical law depending on the changes that occur in their outside world of the people who are not nomadic. Thus the gypsy group manages to keep authentic an autonomous way of life. The very pedagogy of the group calls for a stronger unity and gives security. A gypsy family has its own identity which is a result of this triple dimension in the life of a gypsy sticking up to each other, security and pedagogy of its own. Such a pattern of life continues to preserve a link with the past and builds up, the future. It is all geared to form an unmistakable identity of a gypsy family. The gypsies would not like that the vital elements of this reality, typical of a gypsy family, should be lost.

What is the kind of situation which the gypsy family is facing today? First of all the lack of understanding on the part of the settled people about the nomadic life. It is quite evident that the outskirts of the cities are reserved, for the Gypsies.

They are very poorly maintained and beset with lots of dangers. The difficulty that the gypsies encounter in finding other suitable areas force them to stop for long periods of time in the same place and in this way many become permanent settlers. Mixed marriages with non‑gypsy women brought into the gypsy camps exposes the group to certain exigencies. The media of social communication, especially the television brings a real "bombarding" to the gypsy camps. Such a brain‑washing by the media is an invitation for all to have the same interests with the aim in view towards consumption of the same products. The mass media is tending towards leveling all who are exposed to it, so that all may think in the same way or better still, that people, may not think at all but simply just follow the media. The young and the adolescents are exposed to the media, to ideas, like the fashions, which may in themselves appear to be very superficial. But all these prove to be devises that bring about a profound change in the mentality of those who are exposed to the ravages caused by the media.

And, if on the whole there was a tendency to delegate to the parents the choice of their marriage partners for the adolescents, now they assume themselves this responsibility and what was once a marriage among adolescents is becoming more and more a marriage between the young who are "more and more adults".

The recent economic constraints put a limit to the birth rate, and thus, the group is weakened day by day. Having to live more and more in the suburbs, the gypsies are coming in contact with realities that are more violent. Suddenly they notice in their camps, besides, alcoholism and drug abuse, also organized gangs of bandits, assaults, crimes etc.

We cannot ignore the fact that the, gypsies always had the opportunity to project their image to the extent of occupying prominent position in various fields of human endeavors ‑ in the field of politics, economics, science and also in religion. This situation brought about lots of benefits to them. This is a positive aspect but it is not something new. They can meet with the exigencies of modern civilization (frequent a college or university, have medical assistance, dentistry, social work and take up a profession).

The gypsy society always responded to the expectations of integral human development. When there not was yet any association to promote the development of the gypsies, they had already occupied noteworthy positions in the various spheres of human society. In Brazil there have been poets of national fame; there have been among them many judges and lawyers, especially in Rio do Janeiro. There have been also politicians, one of them became the President of the Republic. Many have been also among the clergy, priests and bishops. The gypsies themselves are responsible for their proficiency in many other spheres of human activity.

Even though the present situation may give the impression that the gypsy society is not going to last long, yet we should not be like Predari who, some hundred years ago, believed that the Gypsy culture was coming to an end and advised those interested in learning about the Gypsy family to do it soon. As a matter of fact now there are many more gypsies than in those days, and let us hope that this is so hundred years hence. 

The Orang Laut of Natuna Island  

By Judistira GARNAZ 

Abstract

Land settlement is the predicate and the original place of the Orang Laut who are known as Mesuku people. They live in Nation and the surrounding of Amanitas Island of which fishing as the main sources of income to fulfil their daily needs. 

The number of population of the orange lot in Riau archipelago is 2,710 persons or about 626 households which are spread out in 24 land settlement areas of 19 villages on 9 sub-districts. The Muse people consist of 619 persons (120 households) is one of the groups of the sea-nomad who has not been developed by the Government through Ministry of Social Affairs. The Muse living place seems to change from Sap (temporary shelter) to floating house within a complex of dwellings due to environmental factor and adaptation to the surrounding.   

The appearance of their belief systems to be a syncretism of Sangyo (Chinese belief), Islam, Christianity together with their port Malay principle. The long period of the land settlement has not change their original characteristics as long as their opportunity of fishing is still good and maritime cultural transformation to the young generation smoothly.  

1 Paper for International Seminar on Bajau Communities Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPIO, Jakarta, 22-25 November 1993. 

2 Professor of Anthropology and Sociology, Padjadjaran University, Bandung- Indonesia. 

1.  Orang Laut of Natuna Island 

The Orang Laut in Natuna Island and those in its surrounding islands are known to the inhabitants of these islands by the name Orang Mesuku, whilst they call themselves as Orang Laut instead, making a distinction from orang pulau (Malays and Chinese). Besides, roaming in the sea as their, they also have on-land settlements, such as on the islands of Mengkait, Temiang, and several smaller islands in their surroundings within the western territory of Indonesia, in the South China Sea, or on 2° 55’ North Latitude and 106° 8’ East Longitude (Figure 1). The settlements, according to the Governmental, administrative territory, are in Kiabu village, sub-district, Siantan, regency of Riau Islands. The area is about 1,2 square kilometres with the height of 0 – 15 meters above the sea level. They have built there on land settlements in the northern parts of the islands, protected against the north wind, and the beaches of which are of white sand compared to those of the southern parts which are covered by granite. The northern part of Mengkait Island is protected by Temiang Island. (Located between 106° 7’ - 106° 10’ East Longitudes and 2° 23’ - 2° 51’ North Latitudes).

     The Orang Laut in the Regency of Riau Island amount to 626 households in number or 2,710 people, spreading in 24 on-land settlements, 19 villages and 9 sub-districts (Office of the Social  Affairas Department of Riau, 1993). Since 1982 the government, by means of the Department of Social Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, has been conducting development, namely a number of efforts in respect to enhancing their standard of living as a whole by having determined definite settlements. Those who have been resettled amount to 840 people of 209 family chiefs, located in 5 island settlements, in Sei Buluh Village (Singkep Sub-District), penoba Village (Lingga Sub-District), Karas Village (Galang Sub-District), and Kelong Village (Bintan Timur). This means that thete still 1,870 people or 417 households who have not been resettled (Office of the Dept. Social Affairs of Riau, 1993).

     The number of Orang Laut in the on-land settlements of Mengkait Island, in accordance with the record of Department of Social Affairs of Riau amount to 44 household or 194 people, and those of Temiang Island 60 households or 276 people. In the meantime, in accordance with 1992 observation there were 619 Mesuku people of 120 households, in Air Sena there were 500 people and in Pemutus Island there amounted to 45 people or 15 households (Zen, 1992). In Siantan Sub- District there are four on-land settlements of Orang Laut, namely besides in the Islands of Mengkait and Temiang there are also in the islands of Nyamuk (76 people) and Air Asuk (25 people). At the beginning the 0n-land settlements were temporary in nature, during the West Wind monsoon, which gradually tended to settle definitely for the purpose of domicile at a place deemed suitable while waiting an opportunity to fish along the coast and in the sea. During this monsoon,the waves are invariably so great that they are required to wait on land. A humble shelter was built,called sapao,of which the walls made of tree bark,and with a thatch roof of nipah leaves (Nypa fruticans),or remained to live abroad perahu kajang as their dwelling.

      The Orang Laut in Riau Islands may be classified into detail of their number which have on-land settlements in each sub-district,as inscribed on Table 1 below.

Source: Compiled from the data of the Office of the Department of Social Affairs of the Regency/the Second Level Region of Riau,1993. 

      The roaming region of Orang Laut covers smaller islands in the second level Region of Riau Isles and Batam Administrative Town, or they are within the fold of Riau-Lingga Isles. The name orang they also use to indicate a community, such as Orang Kelong of isles of Toi and Air Klubi; Orang Senayang or Orang Kentar; Orang Kiabu or Orang Mengkait (Figure 2). The community may further be divided into kinships, each of which takes after their place of dwelling to refer to their community. Although they have their own name of community,the Malay people still use various other names, such as Orang Sampan, Orang Laut, Mantng and Orang Barok for all Orang Laut (Sembiring, 1993). In Batam area there are also Orang Laut, and they who have settle and lived there, their number amounts to 163 people in Batam Timur Sub-District (the isles of Malang, Toidak and Kubung), and the still roaming oner are 79 people; in Batam Barat Sub-District (the isle of Padi and Boyan) there are 61 family chiefs; in Belakang Padang Sub-District (the isle of Belakang Padang, Kasu, Pemping) there are 55 family chiefs or 391 people (Sembiring, 1993).

      The areas of Natuna and Anambas Isles have been of new comers’ destinations as resourse to earn living since time immemorial. In the end of 19th century the people from Kuantan and Kampar ares (now Riau mainland) came to the area of Tujuh Isle (Natuna and Anambas Isles) to be workers in coconut plantation (Adarrechtbundel XX, 1920, No. 31). Later, many of them who did not return to their original places, settling in the area of Afdeling Poelo Toedjoch, namely the North and South Natuna Isle and Anambas Isles, which were then populated by 22,000 people, comprising Malay community, Orang Kuantan, Kamper and Rokan; Chinese who were 2,000 people in number and several hundred of Orang Laut (Staatsblad 1911, No. 599). Orang Laut in the group of Siantan Isle had been settled on the coasts, separated from the Malay and Chinese settlements, their number was estimated about 300 people, including those who still dwelled aboard sampan. Previously, according to Kroesen’s record (1871) Orang Laut Anambas, Natuna and Tambelan Island scattered to Serasan Isle (160 people), Subi Isle (120 people), Bunguran Isle (350 people), Siantan Isle (220 people), and those who were in Jemaja isle 100 people in number.

        The first arrival of Orang Mesuku to Mengkait Isle was pioneer by a small group of Orang Laut, they were about 10-15 people making use of gubang sampan (the local calls it is a kajang sampan) headed by a barin. Besides, gubang as a name for a sampan there is also a gubang song, namely singing and receiting with two or more persons singing quatrains at a wedding ceremony and other adat parties.

       The number of the population of Mengkait Isle is now 619 people (120 cottages), whilest in 1964 there were 170 people with 40 cottages (Zen, 1992). Population growth besides caused by birth it was also due to local migration of Orang Mesuku from the isles of Pemutus and Air Sena, added by the people from Flores, East Nusa tenggara (East Lesser Sunda Islands) and Chinese from their surroundings of other places. The region of Riau Isles is an important resourse of oil in Indonesia, together with Mengkait isle as the center of fishing of a national private enterprise, has attracted the arrival of a new inhabitants. The existence of fishing centre has also made use of the skills of Orang Laut there as fishermen, such that various kinds of new social institutions have entered into their daily life. Traditional fishing is supplied with easy movement by means of diesel-motor, or their small boats are carried out by a fishing boat to off-shore seas. Those small boats are then disembarked to catch fish, whilest the fishing boat acts as a storage of the fish yielded   by Orang Laut.

      Orang Mesuku has a Mongloid characteristic which is more salient, although in several groups there prevail Negroid characteristics. Both characteristics are probably more emphasized by cross marriage between the Chinese and Malay with Flores people who have come as evangelists. The Flores people, besides spreading the skills of catching fish, work in the garden in Teming Isle. At the present time, cross marriage between Malay people and Orang Mesuku have scarcely taken place, mainly due to the difference of rightful and prohibited things. And Orang Mesuku are considered as animistic and less likable due to probably having black magic.

2. Livelihood in the Sea and on the Land 

Besides the vast sea waters, the swallow sea waters or the sea waters near the coast where mangrove grows, estuaries and coral reefs are the area of Orang Laut’s livelihood to catch fish and other sea biota. At night they earn the sea products by nyuluh, by means of a kerosene lamp with pump fixed at the bow end of the sampan to light a catch target in the shallow sea waters. The important tools which are most preferred to for catching fish and sea biota are tempuling and serampang, which have long cylindrical handless made of wood; they also conduct ngedik or angling and nyala or fishing with a net, although they do not like the both ways verymuch.

         Most of the sea products are sold, such as kerapu (Cromileptes altivelis), kerapu batu (Epinephelus tautavina), kakap putin (Lates calcarifer), kakap merah (Lutganus altifrontalis), tripang (Holothuria scabra), lola (Trochus niloticus) and several kinds of oyster, such tiram bakau(Plicatuia plicata) and tiram martil (Malleus malleus). Besides, fishing and catching other sea biota some of Orang Mesuku are good carpenters to build their sampan and cottages, raise goats and ducks, plant clove trees and coconut. The characteristic of breeding and planting have indicatedthat they tend to be a settled on-land community, although the work of fishing by making use of the sea they still carryout. The boat they use to dwell and catch the fish is called jongkong or jong, possibly this name has come from Chinese jung;whereas a motorized boat is called pompong(in 1990 there were three pompongs belonging to Orang Mesku there). The pompong owners had made the Siantan Sub-District become the activity centre of Orang Mesuku,besides there was also afleet of pompongs belonging to a private fishing enterprise(Zen 1992). The cooperation between a private enterprise and traditional Mesuku fishermen as user of jongkong is to pull a number of jongkongs to the sea of exclusive economic zone, then they catch fish according to their tradition. The yield of catching fish is purchased every ten days, on average got 250,000.00 rupiahs. Two telecommunication radios which could communicate Orang Mesuku in the sea with the surrounding sub-district towns had been able to make their activities run smoothly. Party and ceremony at night in Mengkait isle were merrily held with electrical light produced by two generators belonging to two owners of Orang Mesuku. Information from outside entered there through television-set and radio receivers.

         The way of keeping fish alive has been imitated from that of a private enterprise which temporarily tends various kinds of fish that have fairly high price. Waiting for buyers,the fishes are tended in pens along the coast,namely kerapu (Epinepheluus tauvina), kakap putih (Lates calcarifer) and kakap merah (Lutganus altifrontalis), and fishes knon by local names as ketipas, ketipung, and kertang (Zen, 1992).

         The live stock raise there are duck, chicken and goat (although goats are let live freely such that they often feed on the plants of the inhabitants). Tilling the soil is much conducted by Orang Mesuku, Flores, Batak and Chinese. Many of the Chinese who have got married with the group members of Orang Mesuku, in 1964 the only owned by a Chinese got married with a Mesuku women; the marriage was apparently encouraged also by the Chinese belief in Siantan that if one gets married to a Mesuk women he will obtain great hoki (luck) (Zen, 1992). The solidarity of Orang Mesuku community has also supported such luck, and outsidrs who get married with the women of their community will be considered as part of them, therefore they are more convince to do business with the members of the new group. It is no wonder that if there were many Chinese traders and shop owners who had got married with the local women; their descendants later took control of economic activities, particularly shop ownership in the isle of Mengkait, Pemutus and Matak (Air Sena Village). Besides they have been successful in business, the Chinese descendants are also skillful in working in garden and as fishermen. Inter sub-district transportation in the Tujuh island is fairly smooth by interinsular pompong motor.

3.  Pattern of Settlement: from Sampan Kajang to Sapao and Floating House 

Orang Laut usually dwell aboard a boat as lng as the sea condition enables them to catch fish and other sea biota. It is only later they build cottages on the coast if the weather is bad as the result of he monsoon. Before Orang Mesuku determine the location of on-land settlement deem suitable, they remain aboard a boat as their dwelling,which is considerate to make them move ease to follow the flow cycle of the types of fish and other sea biota. The size of the dwelling boat is on average 6-7,50 meter in length and 1,70 metre in breadth that they build themselves. The roof of that boat is made of kajang as shelter against the rain and glare of the sun, therefore their boat is also called sampan kajang by the members of local community. Kajang is woven of throny pandanus (mengkuang and jakas). Besides it is used as a shelter, kajang is also used as important material for wall, cottage roof, kitchen utencils and mat. A group of settlement aboard sampans usually consists of 10-15 sampans kajang, aboard each sampan is billeted by a nucleus family, the member of this settlement are close kinship. A girl who has come of age usually sleeps aboard another sampan os sampan tunda (sloop in tow) close by the sampan kajang of her paents. Thus the smallest family unit of Orang Laut is still on boat, or a nucleus family.

          They will move in group led by a batin, each consist of about 10 boats, aboard each of which is occupied by nucleus family. Besides, each sampan kajang will have one or more sampan kajang of which the size is smaller. Orang Laut will decide to select a place for their sampans to be at anchor, then they build a temporary cottage (sapao) on the coast due to the monsoon calculation and repairing sampans which have been used continuously for three to four months. Sapao is a temporary cottage made of kayu bakau (Tizuphora), having a floor of bamboo and a roof and a roof of kajang. The boat is required to dry on the coast to prevent it from decaying. Therefore, as a matter of fact, Orang Laut do not always roam in the sea, periodically they are required to settle on land, although it is temporary in nature. The need of a temporary settlement for them has apparently arouse the government’s attention and a private enterprise, participation to build an alternative model of settlement in the form of rumah apung (a floating house), or houses on the coast and on land in the effort of changing them to settle on land permanently.

           Afloating house is called rumah beranyur, which is one of the endeavours to settle Orang Laut in the water region of Batam and Bintan island (in 1991 in Gara Bay near Batam Isle and sea waters of Batam Municipality). Sampan kajang is tied one side of the house, ever ready to move and go fishing. In the North Wind monsson they will operate in the sea waters of Mantang and Mapur Islands, during the East Wind monsoon they are in the waters of the islands of Batam, Galang and Karas, and in the West Wind monsoon they operate in the sea waters of the islands of Bintan and Kelong. In these settlements there gether several groups of Orang Laut, namely Orang Barok (Dabo Singket Island), Orang Mantang (Mapur Island), Orang Tambus (Lingga Islands), Orang Galang (Galang Islands), Orang Sekanak (Loban Islands), and Orang Mesuku have come the islands of Tibelan, Serasan and Siantan (Zen,1992).

4.  Belief and Pantang Larang (taboo): Norms and Social Control 

Orang Laut belief that at a certain time the soul of the ancestor will pay a visit,therefore each year a feast day is commemorated by lighting candles which is conducted three days after a Chinese feast day (Imlek, Hsin nien). They also clean the graves of their parents and relatives. The graves are watered with limon eater. Then, offerings are provided and candles are lit on the graves. After the candles have been extinguished, then they visit each other, to relatives, with the group.

         The mysterious world and magical powers that accompany it cannot be separated in the life of man. Natural phenomena are connected with the possibility of having taken place a violation against pantang-larang. The violation is enterpreted as the cause of the occurance of a disaster which can shake fast and hard the life of the whole community since they have lost their tranquility. In order to restore harmony it is held a ceremony of tolak bala (denial of disaster), namely to deny all disasters that will take place and have taken place. Batin is assisted by pawing to lead the ceremony, here he acts as the owner of magical powers.

        A man who is suffering from sickness is considered to have been disturbed by an evil spirit, a witch doctor comes to cure by means of reading incantations in the effort to move the evil spirit to a wooden puppet which has been provided. The ritual is called buang saker (saker means disturbance) or to cast out evil spirit as a disturbance. Each visitor is obligated to comply with pantang larang, for a man who comes in the day light may not put his jacket on and without any adornment, and for a woman she must wear batik cloth up to her breast and wearing no adornment, either. In the meantime a visitor who comes at night may wear casual cloths. Now-a-days, modern medical treatment which is conducted by a medical doctor or a health officer is usually conducted as the same with traditional cure by a witch doctor.

       Penawar is one of the incantations which besides healing is also preventive in nature; usually such incantations at the beginning and the end have essence and a touch of Islamic teachings, for example (Zen,1992), jampi penawar of the rib-ache, as follows:  

Bismillah                                                 In the Name of Allah

Tak nama Bapak                                 Tak Father’s name      

La nama Mak                                       La Mother’s name

Kutikam pagi                                       I stab in the morning

Kucabut pagi                                       I draw in the morning

Kutikam dengki                                 I stab jealously

Kucabut dengki                                 I draw jealously

Pulang kau dengki                            go home you jealously

Kau tau kau penyakit Rusuk       you know you are a rib-ache

Kau baliklah ke kayu are               you do return to a bunyan tree

Di bukit rindang                                 on the shady hill

Kau naik tawa                                     you promote cure

Kau turun bise                                    you lessen poison

Bukan aku punya Penawa           not I who have cure

Allah punya penawa                       Allah has cure

Tawa Allah                                            the cure of Allah

Tawa Mohammad                            the cure of Mohammad

Berkat Allah                                        the blessing of Allah

Ya Rasulullah                                      Ya Rasulullah.

Besides, it contains Islamic teachings as indicated at the inception of a prayer, including incantation by saying bismillah (in the Name of Allah) and ended in the power of Allah together with His divine messenger, Mohammad; there appears the load of Malay culture. Incantation amongst several groups of Orang Asli in mainland Malaysian Peninsula, for example, they who have a salient Negroid characteristic and Mongoloid, also contains Malay culture. The first couplet of the love potion incantation of Orang Kanaq of Johor Baru region, Malaysia, having stated that they have also come home the Riau Isles, as the important source of Malay culture, appears with fairly strong influence of the said culture (Garna, 1987), such as follows: 

Buluh perindu                                 Bamboo of love charm

Buluh perindang                            Bamboo of shade

Selasih tumbuh atas baru        Selasih grows on the rock

Duduk rindu                                    Sitting just longing

Berdiri bimbang                            Standing ever doubt

Kur semangat!                               Less spirit!

Kau cinta!                                         Love me you!

Berahikan aku!                              Arouse my love potion!

The burial of corpse is still conducted in the manner as their ancestors did. Before their house a bonfire is made, having been burning as long as three days before the corpse is buried and three days after the corpse has been buried, in order that soul does not return. The corpse is bathed with sea water and fresh water, one after another, then it is continued by showering water mixed with soil, limon water and sandal wood. The corpse is later out in clothes in which he or she used to be during his or her life, then wrapped in white cloth and tied in five knots. The mouth of the corpse is filled with small change, customarily the coins of fifty rupiahs, which is prepared for the guard of the gate of heaven. Apart from that it is supplied into the grave various kinds of things most preferred during his or her life, such as fishing spear and adornment. The grave is also customarily given a shelter, the size of which is 2x2 square metres and 1.5 metres high, with a roof at night it is even furnished with lamp lighting for the purpose of those family members alive who are still longing for him or her may sleep in this hut. Twice a day during the first one hundred days an offering is sent to the grave; after this period has passed the shelter may be pulled down or abandones there, such that it falls into decay in the coast weather. 

According to their account, once in Mangkait Island, batin was a group leader under datuk kaya appointed hereditarily by the Sultan of Riau-Lingga. After the sultanate power had faded away, to the upper relation changed and batin became firm as the central figure of Mesuku leadership who must maintain pantang-larang to be complied with by their community members. What has been determine by batin is kata putus (decision), which means everything determined by batin must be obeyed or abided by every member of Mesuku group. It is batin that incurs sanction against the violator of pangtang-larang, customarily by means of tolak-bala, namely the ritual to deny disaster that may strike a Mesuku member. 

In order to maintain pantang-larang, the relation between the Mesuku members and cosmos, and many kinds of prediction of life in the future based on the past and present, they have pawing. He is considered as a man who is most able to predict the future, including to tame natural phenomena by means of the magical powers, such as to ask for ans stop rain, and to determine the location of sapao. 

According to their account, once in Mangkait Island, batin was a group leader under datuk kaya appointed hereditarily by the Sultan of Riau-Lingga. After the sultanate power had faded away, to the upper relation changed and batin became firm as the central figure of Mesuku leadership who must maintain pantang-larang to be complied with by their community members. What has been determine by batin is kata putus (decision), which means everything determined by batin must be obeyed or abided by every member of Mesuku group. It is batin that incurs sanction against the violator of pangtang-larang, customarily by means of tolak-bala, namely the ritual to deny disaster that may strike a Mesuku member. 

In order to maintain pantang-larang, the relation between the Mesuku members and cosmos, and many kinds of prediction of life in the future based on the past and present, they have pawing. He is considered as a man who is most able to predict the future, including to tame natural phenomena by means of the magical powers, such as to ask for ans stop rain, and to determine the location of sapao.

5.  Family Life 

The opinion about the existence or position of a child in a family is different from one another, depending on his or her heredity, whether he or she is indigenious or of Chinese descendant. For indigenious Mesuku a girl and a boy considerate as productive labour in earning their living, with an emphasis that a boy is expected to roam in the sea to catch fish  whereas a girl is expected to help and to take care of her parents if they are sickly. Having many many children is considered normal, since baby morality is high Taboos, norms, maxims, quatrains, and other tales are told by mothers to their children. While playing the children also try to catch fish by means of several kinds of tools, swimming,diving and boating. Those children who have been to school just do the same thing. on the way home from school, for example, the pupils go to the beach as their arena of playing-and-training. One of the important tools is a jong, a boat for play made of kayu kumbar (Zalacca wallichiana) which floats easily in the water. The bigger children are used to playing with jongkong, a slim boat which is often used to store fish, to gather fuel wood on smaller islands in the surrounding of their settlement.

         Elementary school was first introduced in 1964, which for the children of 9-10 years old is now considered as the way they spend their time before they go to the sea. In 1977 elementary school buildings were build based on the presidential instruction to replace the old buildings in that condition. Until 1992, the number of the whole pupils was 105, and only six of them who had been sat in the six grade, or indicating 57% of them quit before graduation (Zen, 1992).

        Orang Mesuku of Chinese descendants differ the position of a child in the family based on sex. They make a difference of the existence of a boy and a girl. A son is as internal child and a daughter is considered as an external child. It means that a son will remain in the family, although he has got married. Therefore, a son will remain to live in the nucleus family of origin. In the meantime, a daughter as an external child after she has got married will leave her original family for her husband’s family, instead.

Conclusions 

1. The name of Orang Laut Mesuku is first based on their roaming areas in the sea, deemed as having had no relation between one group and another. In their processes with their adaptive capability the external influence of culture and technology has become parts which have been integrated, such that their group names they preferred those names of their on-land settlements. 

2. Orang Mesuku are a group of Orang Laut who have a double pattern of settlement in accordance with the time in their life activities and earning a living,which although each pattern has its own function, it cannot be separated from their social system. 

3.       The system of belief which is characterized by cultural elements of the migration era of the proto-Malay is connected with the new influences of sanjiao (Chinese belief), Islam, Protestant Christianity and Catholic. The influences appear very syncretic; therefore, in general, the external influences have brought about of less change to their life system, but they have furnished the ritual parts in their social system.

4.       The number of the drop-out Mesuku children at the elementary school level which is relatively high indicates that the schooling expectation is only to know how to read and write Latin letters and not to acquire skills of earning a living in their life in the sea. The tradition of fishing is perpetuated by making maximum use of technology of the private fishery enterprise, the existence of which is also made use of the traditional skills of fishing of Orang Laut. 

References

 Adatrechtbundel XX, (1920), No.31. 

Judistira Garna (1989). Pembauran dan Batas-batas Interaksi Antar Etnik. Bandung:Fakultas pascasarjana, Unpad. 

Kantor Departemen Sosial R.I. (1993). Pembinaan Suku Lauut di Kabupaten Riau. 

Mohammad Zen. (1992). Pofil Pendidikan Orang Laut sebagai Rujukan Operasionalisasi Pendidikan Nasional. Dissertation draft. Bandung; IKIP Bandung. 

Staatsblad. (1911) No.599. 

Sudarman Sembring; (1993). ‘Orang Laut di Wilayah Kepulauan Riau-Lingga’. In: Koentjaraningrat, et-al., Masyarakat Terasing di Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia. 

Orang Suku Laut Ethnicity and Acculturation 

A malay teacher;

The sea tribe people in this Malay area do not know any religion. They also do not know how to socialize, and do not have any kind of custom. They are extremely backward, very dirty, they smell like fish, their body is scally, they are disgusting. They do not want to live in house, they are born in their boats, eat ,sleep, obey the call of nature in the boats and do not have any feelings of shame. Where there is fish, then they go. Their everyday principle is only to eat and to drink. They always avoid mingling with us. We, ourselves, are afraid just to approach them, they like to use magic powers against people, therefore we must be careful not to make any mistake. Oherwise, their magic will get us. They can make us ill or we must follow them. This aboriginal lifestyle, whether willingly or not, has to vanish totally. In the course of time we all shall become backward.

The Suku Laut communities live in small groups. Social life is based on tribal views and they  are always suspicious of everything coming from outside, especially if it is intended to influence their traditional value system. However, the development of the Suku Laut people has to be implement to renew their way of life, to drive forward the wheels of development of this region more quickly, so that they become equal with the already progressive Indonesian society, without intending to abolish their customs and traditions as long as these are not contradictory to current ordinances.

These statements by a Malay teacher  and a local official are  typical for many land dwellers with whom I talked during field research on the Orang Suku Laut or Sea Tribe people for the Riau archipelago,a region  that is part  of the republic of Indenasia. However, it belongs culturally and historically to the Malay world, and is now undergoing a process of rapid modernisation. The Orang Suku Laut have always been confronted with prejudices and pejorapive behaviour by out siders. Contact between them and members of the Malay majority and other ethnic groups is still the exception rather than the rule. On the other hand, economic, ecological and demographic changes in this rapidly modernizing region and government projects of directed change conducted among the Orang Suku Laut have proven to be the main factors pushing for change in their present way of life. Today, their sendentarization is regarded as the first step to release them from the misery of  nomadism, or a way of life which is thought to be suspect, uncivilized, insufficient and a hindrance  for nation building and economic development. Their integration into the wider society is intended to imply the continuous merging of their culture and way of life into that of the mainstream culture.

This paper deals with Orang Suku Laut ethnicity  with regard  to interethnic contact and acculturation. It takes up and extends and my account of the Orang Suku Laut’s concepts of the ethnic self with reference to basic and situational identities. The emphasis is to examine non-Orang Suku Laut views, such as those of  the Malays  and other population segments of the Riau islands as well as of government official, on the Suku Laut people in the context of a Malay region and a modernizing postcolonial state.

In first section, I start by drawing an outline of the region and its history. Then, I give an overview of the striking characteristics of the Orang Suku Laut as a unique ethnic group. In the second section, I discuss acculturative effects on the Orang Suku Laut’s present way of life. I sum up the economic, ecological and demographic changes accompanying the modernization process in the Riau islands that affect of the natural habitat and the social environment of the Orang Suku Laut. In this section, I will also describe government programs of directed change conducted among them. In the third section, I look at the Orang Suku Laut  through the eyes of the Malays, government officials and other population segments in the region. I compare these opinion with those of the Orang Suku Laut on themselves. The non-Orang Suku Laut’s views  on the Orang Suku Laut are specifically shaped by the majority’ self-other ascription of malay versus Orang Suku Laut identity which on the part of the Malays, some time still refer to a social reality during the time of the past Malay kingdom. These views continue to influence current interethnic contact and have proven to be a hindrance to the Orang Suku Laut’s acculturation. The government programs of directed change conducted among the Orang Suku Laut, and indeed the whole Indonesian policy regarding ethnic minorities, are molded by a view of such peoples as backward, isolated tribal. This policy, an integral part of Indonesian development nation-building policies, aims at the integration of these peoples into the wider Indonesian society. Thus, that is also why the accompanying measures are hastening the pace of the Orang Suku Laut’s acculturation. Because Malays and officials differ with regard to the cultural, spatial and temporal orientations that frame their particular perspectives, the discussion of Orang Suku Laut ethnicity in the views of those in daily contact with them and those who intend to integrate them into wider Indonesian society considers the various realities constructed by them and imposed on a presumed being of the Orang Suku Laut in region and the state.

In the forth section, I discuss reaction of a Orang Suku Laut community that has recently been resettled in a village built by the government. Against this background, I examine some striking problems of resettlement, not only for the purpose of the gaining a deeper understanding of the acculturation process experienced at present by the Suku Laut people,but also to examine measures to avoid interethnic conflicts.

The Region

 The Riau archipelago has a long history as highly conspicuous area because of the position as a “bottleneck for the movement of culture and trade” between India, Southeast Asia China. The migration of different ethnic people to this  malay region, and the national and international political as well as economic interest in this area have been enduring phenomenon since the time of former native maritime kingdoms and British and Dutch colonial powers up to the postcolonial area. The forces of globalisation that have evolved over the last centuries, and which today strongly affect the economic, political and cultural landscape of Indonesia, have also become increasingly tangible again in this region. The process of globalisation has given renewed relevance to the old, still unsolved problems of regionalism as well as of localism, and raises questions about the cultural affiliation of majorities and minorities.

        The Riau archipelago is located at the far northwestern Indonesian border. In 1950,this area became part of the republic of Indonesia,which had declared its independence five years before. Nowdays,the Riau archipelago is devided into two administrative units, the sub-district kabupaten Kepulauan Riau and the municipality  Batam,with its autonomous status as an area for industrial development. Kabupaten Kepulauan Riau and Kotamadya Batam are the part of the province of Riau.

       The population of the Riau archipelago consists of about 565,000 people(1990),with half of them living on the main islands of Bintan and Batam in the north. The rate of population growth in Kabupaten Kepulauan Riau now amount to 5.9 percent(1988-1992) and in Katamadya Batam to 13.6 percent(1983-1990) (Mari Pangestu 1991:82) These figures are excepted to increase again in the course of the coming decade due to an ongoing influx of migrant workers from all over Indonesia. All connection with the rapid economic development in this region (Mari Pangestu 1991:82-3). The population comprises various ethnic groups with different religious denominations, namely the Malay as the majority, followed by the Japanese, Baweanese, Minangkabau,Buton, Flores, Batak and other native Indonesians who profess Islam or Christianity as their religion. The Chinese (Teochiu, Hokkien, Hailam, Hakka, Cantonese and others) are mostly Buddhists. The aboriginal ethnic groups comprising the Orang Suku Laut in the Riau-Lingga area, the Orang Suku Hutan who are also called Orang Suku Dalam or Orang Suku Asli in Rempang, and the Orang Suku Akit and Orang Suku Kuala in Kundur from the minority groups. The majority of these aboriginal groups still follow animistic beliefs, although some have nominally become Muslims or Christians (Bappedadan Kantor Statistik Kabupaten Kepulauan Riau 1988:32). The location of the different groups of the population show a more or less clear ethnic differentiation accompanied by a distinct ethnic division of labor. These features are typical for most Southeast Asian states (Uhlig 1988:512). In Riau, the majority of the Indonesian ethnic groups live in rural areas and are for the greater part fishermen and horticulturists. The Chinese, for the most part, have settled in the towns or the hinterland and are engaged in local and regional trade. Higher positions in administration, the police force and military are mostly held by the Javanese.The lower positions are occupied by members of other Indonesian ethnic groups, but rarely by the Chinese. Members of the aboriginal groups do not play any role in the political and economic hierarchy(Wee 1988:198-209).

        Until the beginning of the 1970s, Riau was not only a periphral geographic region of Indonesian state territory with a subordinate political and administrative position, but also a rather neglected area in the context of the national economy. This situation has changed rapidly due to the subsequently forced national politics of economic development for Riau. The focus has been on the exploitation an industrial use of the rich natural resources of the islands and the sea (minerals, for example, oil, gas, bauxite, tin, and forest and marine products), the development of tourism, agro-base industries, manufacturing of the electrical and electronic products, food processing, ship repair and maintenance, textiles, warehousing and transportation. Economic development has been accompanied by the creation of an infrastructure that fits the industrial needs, an influx of  migrant, workers from other parts of Indonesia, and-because of a special conditions granted to foreigners-of foreign investments that bring a large amount of foreign capital into the region in edition to the unstable rupiah. Up to 1990, economic development activities were mainly concentrated on Batam, which in 1970 had become a designated area of industrial development and, some years later, a bonded area or duty-free zone. Since 1990, the whole Northern part of the archipelago has been included in economic development politics. At that time it became part of a regional economic community or Growth Triangle, with Riau/Indonesia, Johor/Malaysia and Singapore as partners. The aim of this Growth Triangle is to build up an economically integrated area with free movement of goods, services and people to make the whole area attractive as one investment location. On the part of Indonesia, the economic co-operation with Johor and Singapore in the long term is intended not only the whole area of the Riau islands,but the entire province of Riau(Mari Pangestu1991:75-115)

    Culturally and historically, the Riau archipelago has always belonged to the Malay world(alam Melayu) of genealogically related kingdom. The Region had already been a peripheral area of the Malacca-Johor sultanate ruled by a Malay dynasty who resided on the Malayan penisula (1400-1699), and subsequently became the centre of power of the Riau-Lingga sultanate governed by a coalition of Malay and buginese dynasties whose courts were seated in the Riau archipelago itself (1722-1911). The nobility of the Riau-Lingga sultanate constituted and ethnically segmented as well as politically and socially stratified society. It also assumed an important political role until the first decade of this century when the area came under the direct rule of the Dutch colonial government. However, more importantly, it represented a Malayan cultural continuity. Until today, the Malay majority of the population of the Riau islands is highly aware of its history and cultural heritage, which in the opinion of some is still represented by the successors of the Sultans. However, the features ascribed to Malayness (kemelayuan), a category of cultural affiliation that is basically associated with the adherence to Islam, the Malay language and the practice of Malay custom (Nagata 1974:335-7; 1982:98-100; Wee 1985:448-64), are to a certain degree variable. For some, Melayu is a rather strictly defined category with fixed subcatagories. It can be ascertained on a continuum between two poles of pure Malayness (Melayu murni) and impure Malayness (Melayu yang tidak murni). The successors of the ruling nobility of the sultanate view themselves as subsumed under the first subcategory, and the successors of the former vassals as under the second rubric. This view still connects Malayness with zaman sultan (the era of the sultanate), where by descent (keturunan) and rank (derajat) in the sultanate’s societal hierarchy demanded the submission of the lower ranking population segments to members of the ruling houses. However, this ‘rear-view image of zaman sultan’ (Wee 1985:166) is not uniformly shared by all. For others, Melayu is a fluid category that has to be traced within a field of a mixed Malayness (Melayu kacukan), which encompasses different cultural influences.

The Orang Suku Laut

The Orang Suku Laut or Sea Tribe People of the Riau archipelago-one of several small ethnic groups found scattered throughout Southeast Asia, popularly known as sea nomads or sea gypsies are descendants of a Proto-Malayan population who probably immigrated before AD 1000. They are estimated to number between 3,000 to more than 5,000 people (Walikotamadya Kepala Wilayah Kotamadya Administrative Batam 1986:3-6), having their own ‘language of the sea’ (bahasa laut), or more precisely, speaking various Suku Laut dilects closely related to Riau Malay. Their way of life is well adapted to the ecological zone of the sea, mangrave swamps and adjacent coastal areas. At the very most, approximately half of them still follow a nomadic way of life. The others life in coastal settlements or recently built villages given to them by the government. Some of the Orang Suku Laut still return seasonally to their boat-dwelling way of life.

      The Suku Laut people navigate through the archipelago by following ocean currents and tides, winds, fishing grounds, position of the sun, moon and stars, about which they bear a remarkable knowledge. Also, their beliefs and convictions refer to their natural environment, which they experience as animated nature. They make their living from fishing and strand collecting of marine products for both subsistance and small-scale trading with Chinese middlemen (tauke). Besides this, some are seasonally employed as woodcutters and workers at the tauke’s charcoal kilns. For a time not too long ago, they bartered some of their products for things to cover their daily needs (such as oil, matches, rice) without using money. Now a days, they sell and buy things instead of bartering. However, they still do not accumulate stocks, goods or money. Their social organisation is characterised by the principles of independence, equality and seniority. Its basis is kinship ties and the ideal of marriage is endogamy. They travel around in small groups of kinsmen under the leadership of an elder, or live in corresponding groupings in settlements ashore. The most common form of a household comprises members of a nuclear family. Orang Suku Laut society as a whole is segmentary consisting of several clans (the Suku Galang, Suku Mapor, Suku Mantang and Suku Barok, etc.) which are further divided into various subgroups.

        According to historical sources, most of the forefathers of the present Orang Suku Lait were an integral part of the population of the kingdom of Malacca-Johor and the sultanate of Riau-Lingga respectively, and belong to the stratum of the nobility’s vassals (orang kerahan). One of their duties consisted of supplying the local rulers with marine products such as tripang (sea cucumber), the pearls, sea weed and birds’ nests for international trade, specially with China. A few Orang Suku Laut clans living close to the centres of power gained an important role in politics as the Sultans’ military forces and coastal guards. The other clans of the peripheries form the lowest status groups who were difficult to control and could often escape their feudal duties. Besides these, some clans on the peripheries were not regarded as subjects and were therefore, able to continue their life under the leadership of their tribal chiefs (batin). In the 19th century, certain members of the kingdom’s ruling nobility who had lost their former position of power and who had started to engage in piracy-which was hardly regarded as a criminal act-were supported by some of their Orang Suku Laut loyalists (specially members of the Suku Galang). In the course of time, those Orang Suku Laut clans who had played an important role in the politics of the former kingdoms have experienced a continuous assimilation process. Today, Their life style and customs do not differ very much from those of the Malay population. The other clans, which since former times have lived far away from the centres of power and have not been assimilated to other population segments, have remained geographically peripheral and socially marginal until now.

Acculturative Effects on the Orang Suku Laut in a Rapidly Modernising Region

The manners of the qualities of contact between the Orang Suku Laut and members of the other ethnic groups cannot be discussed without considering the Riau archipelago as a region undergoing a process of rapid economic and technological modernisation. The measures of economic development affect not only the natural habitat of the Suku Laut people, but also their social and cultural environment. Besides this, as an integrated part of government programs for economic development of the region, projects of directed change are being conducted among the Orang Suku Laut and aim at their integration into the wider society of the islands and Indonesian society as a whole.

       Interrelated economic, ecological and demographic factors shaping the development process in the Riau island are pushing for the Orang Suku Laut’s acculturation. Because of them, the habitat and ecological niches used by Orang Suku Laut as a basis for securing their material and cultural existence are altering and under serious threat.

      The growing mechanisation of old-established economic sectors (such as fisheries, agriculture and quarrying of mineral resources) and the establishment of new small-scale and medium-scale industries, accompanied by the building up an infrastructure to ensure a more effective distribution of products from production centres to customers, affect the natural environment. Striking examples are extensive logging and levelling down of hilly formations to quarry bauxite in Bintan, or population of the sea by sewage and feces from the biggest pig farm in Indonesia, as well as other effluent from various industrial plants in Batam. Simultaneously, the continuous and increasing migration of workers from all over Indonesia the previously thinly populated Riau islands (its skilled and non-skilled manpower not being sufficient to cope with economic development), are changing demographic patterns. The extra ordinary population growth, as well as mechanisation and commercial marketing strategies in various economic sectors, result in growing competition for resources in general, and natural resources in particular. Competition has a reverse effect on the resources. If their exploitation reaches a still greater extent, sooner or later they will be reduced drastically. Therefore, alternative economic resources are needed. This reinforces industrialisation measures.

       The factors mentioned affect the Orang Suku Laut’s traditional way of life, which is characterised by adaptation to the specific ecological zone of the small islands and the mangrove coasts. In this habitat, the Orang Suku Laut can survive because of their nomadic or semi-nomadic spatial behaviour; the living in small groups of kinsmen rather on their own, under the leadership of the respective groups’ elders; and their utilisation of natural marine and coastal resources mainly for subsistence needs, without endangering the ecological balance, supported by beliefs that refer to an animated nature with the Orang Suku Laut as part of it.

        Today, as a result of on going economic and accompanying ecological and demographic changes, the Orang Suku Laut have to face the problem and that other population segments are beginning to show an interest in spatial and ecological niches Orang Suku Laut previously possessed alone. This questions every aspect of the Orang Suku Laut’s traditional way of life, such as nomadism or semi-nomadism, subsistence economy, patterns of social organisation and beliefs. Due to the growing competition for space and natural resources, possibilities of withdrawal are decreasing. On the other hand, interethnic contact is intensifying and with this, main stream values continue to spread. All this leads not only to growing sedentarism among the Orang Suku Laut and to the modification of their economic activities or adoption of others; but widening interethnic conflict also accompanies sedentarism, and the social and cultural orientations of the Orang Suku Laut are influenced as well. Their confrontation with new values-of which many do not coincide with their traditional cultural and social values-and strong pressures to assimilate to the wider society of the Riau islands, are undermining their ethnic self-awareness. The undermining of the Orang Suku Laut’s ethnic self-awareness is compounded by special government projects of directed change imposed on them to accelerate their acculturation       

Directed change

As one of several hundred numerically small ethnic groups living in Indonesia, the Orang Suku Laut are officially categorised as isolated communities or isolated tribes (masyarakat terasing, suku terasing). All of this groups are remnants of an old immigrant population that settled in regions now belonging to the Indonesian state before the arrival of the dominant populations. Based on various decrees by the President and the Minister of Social Welfare of the Republic of Indonesia (Menteri Sosial Republik Indonesia 1988) and conducted under the auspices of the Department of Social Welfare (Department Sosial) and associated government institutions in the context of a program entitled ‘Development of the Isolated Tribal Communities’ (Pembangunan Masyarakat Suku Terasing or PMST), projects of directed economic, social and cultural change aim at the integration of these minorities into the wider Indonesian society. Scheduled as a first step is the adaptation of the masyarakat terasing to the regional majority society. This is regarded as a precondition for reaching their political maturity and as a change to integrate them into the national society. It is stated that in modern Indonesia neither the masyarakat terasing’s subsistence economies can be maintained, nor their social life within the close boundaries of their respective communities. Instead, they should become an integral part of the super-ordinate economic and social life of the country and accept new values, namely individual independence, self-fulfilment and orientation to the future to enable them to cope with modernization. Also, according to the first principle of the state philisophy of Pancasila, they should believe in the one and only God and therefore, abandon their animistic beliefs. Their cultures or at least their respective folklores should continue to exist in so far as they do not hinder the development of the regions and the national economic, social and political aspects of the Indonesian nation-building process (Gatot Soeherman 1993:ix-x).

     Projects for the Orang Suku Laut and some other groups in the province of Riau,which are included in the category masyarkat terasing,are part of the government measures for the regions development. They are based on the guidelines of the fifth Five-Years Plan of Development,and are expected to be translated into action by province,district and subdistrict authorities. The measures for the masyarkat terasing of the region are carried out in the context of program of the Department of Social Welfare, entitled ‘Building-up of Social Welfare of the Isolated Tribal Communities of Riau.

      Until the beginning of the 1990s, the authorities were able to motivate about 19% of the Orang Suku Laut population to move to resettlement sites in the terget areas of Singkep, Lingga and Galang located in Kabupaten Kepulauan Riau and the islands of Kotamadya Batam. In view of the intense efforts to hasten Orang Suku Laut resettlement, I suppose that this figure has already increased. The project reflected three approaches to sedentarization/ resettlement as developed by the innovators, namely: sedentarization/ resettlement in houses on land, in pile dwelling in the sea with a connecting bridge to the land, and in floating dwellings that are moored near the coast. The last two approaches have resulted from the relative failure of the first. However, all of them, to varying extent, face the general problem that formally boat dwelling Orang Suku Laut tend not to take to resettlement in houses for long. Many leave the resettlement sites and returned to their housesboats. The main measures intended are resettlement of nomads, supported by construction of houses in special large-scale resettlement sites; formal education of children in schools and campaigns to increase the literacy rate of adults; religious education; political education regarding Indonesian history and present politics; measures to improve health conditions and increase involvement in the national-birth control program; teaching of alternative or supplementary livelihoods; and assistance program.

Views on the Orang Suku Laut in Malay Region and a Modernizing Nation State

The Malays and other population segments in the region as well as government representatives concur in considering the Orang Suku Laut to be a marginal minority in the region and the state, and in need of development. Even so, with regard to social intercourse with the Orang Suku Laut, the arguments of the regional majority prove rather to be a hindarance to the Orang Suku Laut’s acculturation, whereas the official view is conductive to it. The underlying conceptions in evaluating contact with the Orang Suku Laut are different and, to a certain degree, reflect spatial, temporal and cultural oppositions, namely, the Riau archipelago regarded either as part of the Malay world or as part of the Indonesian state; the construction of ‘past-in-the-present’-day reality according to either a ‘rare-view image of the past’ as in the time of the early immigrations and the era of the Malay sultanate, or the image of the modern state undergoing a process of nation buildings; and a cultural focus either on Malayness or on Indonesianess.

         Not only in the present, but also in a historical perspective it is pure fiction to regard the Orang Suku Laut as an isolated ethnic group. Due to their extensive local mobility, they have always been in contact with members of various other ethnic groups in the region. During the time of the Riau Lingga sultanate, most Orang Suku Laut clans were an integral part of the kingdom’s society. However, those contacts were mostly confined to the fulfillment of feudal duties and bartering or small-scale trading activities. At present, both sides meet in daily life from time to time and in different places, but nevertheless still tend to avoid social contacts apart from economic transactions. Besides these situations of interaction, Orang Suku Laut and officials who conduct projects of directed change today meet in various Orang Suku Laut resettlement sites.

        In daily life, Orang Suku Laut and members of other ethnic groups for various reasons withdraw from most social contact. From the perspective of the non-Orang Suku Laut, the Orang Suku Laut are a people without religion and culture. People who profess to Islam also regard the Orang Suku Laut as impure. The avoidance of the contact is justified with ideas about the Orang Suku Laut way of life, namely the unhygienic conditions of Orang Suku Laut families who are crammed into their small house boats, and the Orang Suku Laut habit of hunting and eating wild pigs, drinking alcohol and keeping dogs. Non-Orang Suku Laut are also afraid of the extraordinary magic powers that they ascribe to the Suku Laut people. Also, Orang Suku Lauts themselves normally avoid social contact with the non-Orang Suku Laut. The Orang Suku Laut are aware of the arguments used against them and often experience negative behaviour based on these attitudes. Moreover, the Orang Suku Laut reinforce outsiders’ fears by creating an awesome and ominous magic aura around themselves, thereby contributing to maintaining the interethnic status quo of mutual contact avoidance.

        Normally, officials meet with Orang Suku Laut in various resettlement sites while carrying out measures of directed economic, social and cultural change in order to fulfil their political task of developing the Orang Suku Laut as an ethnic minority in the context of the region and the state, and to integrate them into the wider Indonesian society. For these reasons, their social intercourse with the Orang Suku Laut is quite intense, although in a private capacity, their ideas about the Orang Suku Laut way of life and culture concor with those of the regional majority. In the beginning, many Orang Suku Laut exactly understand who the officials were, or which institution they represented. Many of the Orang Suku Laut were not aware of their citizenship-and some are still not-and could not define the pemerintah (government) accurately regarded it as an athority similar to the ruling houses of the former Malay sultanate, the president being equated with the Sultan. However, now that the official goal of resettlement has become widely known among the Orang Suku Laut, they have started to learn about their citizenship.

        During field research, I interviewed non-Orang Suku Laut officials as well as non-officials in contact with Orang Suku Laut about their knowledge and their opinion of the Orang Suku Laut way of life. These research findings give an impression of the negative image of the Orang Suku Laut that influences the extend and quality of interethnic intercourse. This also explains why the Orang Suku Laut are considered to be a people in urgent need of development. The evaluation by officials and non-officials concerning the character and appearance of the Orang Suku Laut, their attitudes to life in general and their attitudes and behaviour regarding interethnic contact in particular, did not differ much. According to the most extreme items mentioned, Orang Suku Laut are shy individuals, have ugly black skin, a dirty, foul-smelling body and like to wear clothes with garish colours; they are backward, ignorant and pitiful ethnic group, take each day it comes and show no concern for the future; they do not want contact and isolate themselves, frighten other people and are vindictive, for example, and they like to take revenge by using black magic. Also, my interviewees said that they had no personal interest in the Orang Suku Laut culture and traditions. All of them shared the opinion that the Orang Suku Laut must leave their backward lifestyle behind and be developed. On my question as to whether the cukture of the Orang Suku Laut should be protected in the course of on going economic and social change in Riau and what measures could be taken to do so, nearly all interviewees answered that the Orang Suku Laut must adapt to conditions of modern life, which inevitably necessitates the change of their culture. At the most, some respondents agreed that folklore aspects of culture, for example the Orang Suku Laut’s traditional dances, could be preserved. Some of my interview partners did not accept this question and instead of answering, asked me if I thought that the Orang Suku Laut were really a people with an original culture worth preserving.

The Malay View

The views of the Malay majority and other population segments living in the Riau archipelago often encompass a comparision between the Orang Suku Laut and Malays as the indigenous inhabitants of this part of the Malay world in Indonesia. In principle, subsuming the Suku Laut people under this generic group-which with regard to language, traditional beliefs and customs of both groups is obviously true-implies that their Proto-Malay aboriginals or orang Malayu asli, whereas the Malay majority who immigrated later are therefore orang Malayu and dagang/ pendatang. However, if membership is defined in items of cultural affiliation-thus referring to Islam being the Malays’ faith, to Malay customs and Malay language as the main criteria quoted for being Malay-Orang Suku Laut are marginalized or even expelled from this group as bukan Malay.

      The debate on the inclusion of the Orang Suku Laut into the category of Malay is more relevant to the Malays themselves than to the other population segments. A specific form of inclusion, combine with the idea of superiority virtues inferiority, is expressed by some of the successors of the sultanate’s nobility, who construct a relationship between themselves and the non-aristocratic parts of the malays, including the Orang Suku Laut, with reference to the past societal reality of the sultanate. The Orang Suku Laut’s possible inclusion as Malays is weighed in regard to the various degrees of Malayness that can be detected by reviewing descent and inherited rank. According to the Malays, the Orang Suku Laut as the first inhabitants of the region are indeed orang (Melayu) asli, whereas they themselves are orang dagang of the Johor-Malay and Bugis descent. Further more, they regard themselves as orang Melayu murni (pure Malays), because they are of noble birth and have had a high rank in sultanate’s hierarchy, due to which they became not only nominal Muslims, but true practitioners of Islam and were able to develop a refined Malay language and sophisticated manners. This, in their view, proves not to be the case for the population segments in the indentified as descendants of the vassals of the past kingdom, including various Orang Suku Laut clans who are therefore regarded as impure Malays. Within the group of the former vassals, the Orang Suku Laut clans are further divided. Some Orang Suku Laut are ranked lower than others. For example the Orang Suku Mapor rank lower in comparison to the Orang Suku Galang. In contrast to the views expressed by the aristocratic Malays, the common Malays normally regard the Orang Suku Laut as not being Malay. The Orang Suku Laut’s general image, particularly the boat-dwelling sections on the peripheries, among most Malays is that of a people who have no culture, because they do not profess a faith and because their language and manners are uncouth.

        Among the Suku Laut people, the different opinions expressed with regard to their culture affiliation with the Malays are also more relevant to some and less to others, depending on the different rates of contact between individual Orang Suku Laut groups and Malays as well as on these group’s knowledge and valuation of the outsiders views of them. However, some Orang Suku Laut go so far as to emphasise that they are orang Melayu asli, whereas others explain that they are orang asli (aboriginal people), but not orang melayu, whom they regard to be the most extreme opposite to themselves.

The Official View

The official view, expressed by the government representatives, implies a comparison of refinement between the Orang Suku Laut and wider present-day Indonesian society. As mentioned, the Orang suku Laut are subsumed under the minority category of isolated communities, that is, small ethnic groups who still lead a life of backwardness, and therefore-in contrast to the majority- prove to be neither able to adapt to modern conditions nor to take part in the process of nation building. Hence, in order to integrate them into the wider society and to let them profit from modernisation they have to be made a subject of directed development. The official view approaches the need for change in the way of life and cultures of the masyarakat terasing on different levels of argumentation. First, the official defination of the masyarakat terasing focuses on a cultural, social, economic and political gap between the tribal communities and the majority, thus accounting for the necessity for change. Second, the conception of dominant and subordinate groups as complimentary parts of a multi-ethnic society justifies the need to direct change from above. Finally, the formative ideas of Indonesian nation building explain why change is indispensable in a context of more general, national needs. All these conceptions mold the ethnic minority policy as a part of the state’s development policy, by which they are transformed into concrete measures carried out in the regions.

       According to the defination of masyarakat terasing given by the Department of Social Welfare, the isolated tribal communities have the following characteristics. Their social organisation is based on kinship ties, they practice subsistence economics, follow animistic beliefs, thus have no future orientation; they isolated themselves and reject interethnic contact and innovations from outside, due to their fear that in the course of development their cultural values and social norms might be destroyed. This defination is related to the conception of dominant and subordinate groups as complimentary parts of a multi-ethnic society. It is argued that history shows that the dominant group’s culture has the potential for functioning as a model or orientational frame, guiding interethnic communication and the structuring of interethnic relations. With reference to this conception, the masyarakat terasing are regarded as subordinate groups or backward micro societies in modern Indonesia, which are not able to develop by themselves to become responsible citizens. It is argued that due to their backwardness in their way of life and culture, their development can only be achieved by the leadership of the representatives of the dominant group and that they therefore have to be made a ward of government officials. The guidance of the tribal communities’ development from masyarakat terasing to as integrated part of the population of modern Indonesia necessitates not only the inducement of economic and social changes, but also implies cultural development, understood as the directed selection of cultural traits. Some of these traits are seen as worth preserving and others such as the belief in and practice of ancestor-spirit worship as better forgotten. The intended changes are regarded as indispensable not only in the interest of these minority groups, but also in the interest of Indonesia as a whole. That is why the ethnic minority policy which translates minority development goals into action is conceptualised as an integrated part of the nation-building policy. The nation-building policy or pembangunan nasional (national development) is understood as the interrelated processes of technological/economic modernisation and creation of a national society and culture. The building up of a national identity shared by all citizens is seen as one of the most critical tasks in the process of national development, being the precondition of modernisation and continuous economic growth that, in turn, contributes to the improvement of the living conditions of the populations. It is hoped that this national identity will develop on the basis of a national culture, as already conceptualised in the Constitution of 1945, Article 32, in the form of a synthetic mixture of selected traits of those Indonesian cultures regarded as superior such as Javanese, Sundanese, Buginese-Macassarese and Malay, enriched by Western values of humanism. It is argued that, to reach the goal of instilling a consciousness of national unity and a shared feeling of belonging to the nation among all citizens, the development of this national culture has to be directed by representatives of the government. 

    Applied to the case of the Orang Suku Laut, the oficial logic reads as follows. Due to its general backwardness, this marginal sector of the society of the Riau islands is not only at disadvntage,but also abstructs regional and hence national development. In the Orang Suku Laut’s own interest, as well as in the interest of Riau and Indonesian society as a whole, their backward way of life and their inferrior culture have to be changed by measured directed from above. This has to be based on evoking a sense of Indonesian identity and consciousness of national unity, being preconditions for the measures of change to lead to the goals of turning the Orang Suku Laut  into an integrated part of the wider society and into beneficiaries of the region’s modernisation. Furthermore, the projects for the Orang Suku Laut have to be evaluated against the regional cuktural setting. As part of development and national building-policy,they should also oppose Malay regionalism as well as the ethnic segmentation of the society of the Riau islands that over centuries have evolved in the context of the sultanates,so that the various population segments of this region together with all parts of the ethnically diversified Indonesian society can melt into a big whole. 

       The officially induced changes concern the very basic way of life and culture of the Orang Suku Laut,and so have become consciously disscussed themes among the Orang Suku Laut. Therefore,I now turn to the way the Orang Suku Laut cope with directed change.

Some Remarks on Orang Suku Laut Reactions to Directed Change

Although this paper focuses on non-Orang Suku Laut’s perceptions of Orang Suku Laut in conception with the acculturation process they are experiencing at present,I will not end without  giving some attention to Orang Suku Laut’s reactions. I reffer to the example of a settlement where the Orang Suku Laut had already been living for some years when it become a designated resettlement site. First,I describe reactions of different factions of this settlement at the time government initiatives started. Following that,I want to draw attention to some problems of resettlement which I noticed two years later.

      During field research(1988-90,and 1991),I realised that the Orang Suku Laut were aware of the negative image in the views  of others. In addition,I observed various behaviour strategies used by the members of this settlement to cope with problems arising from interethnic contact with regard to their ethnic affiliatin. These strategies were influenced by the outside stereotypes to which  they themselves refer,either in a confirming way,or to refute them.

       When contact with officials started,I recognized that the behaviour  of individuals correlated with basis  attitudes with regard to contact,in which they had different interests and expectations. Against the background of these basic attitudes and manners,the members of this settlement could be divided  into three factions labelled as modern minded,tradition minded and doubting minds. Each of these factions coincided with one  of the three groups of kinsmen living in the settlement. These groups showed a high degree of internal interaction and exchange of opinions. Howeve,contact and communication between these groups were rather  infrequent. The three groups differed in the degree of sedentarism   of  outside influence  penetrating into their immediate living sphere;and the importance attached to outside  acceptance. 

      The modern-minded  Orang Suku Laut had become  sedentary  house dwellers  many years ago,and since then only rarely left the settlement for temporary fishing trips. The forefathers of a few of them were of Chinese or Malay descent. The doubting Orang Suku Laut had been living a semised-entary  way of life for a couple of years,but some of them regularly returned to their houseboats. They had no non-Orang Suku Laut forefathers. The tradition-minded Orang Suku Laut had become house dwellers only recently and still returned to the boat-dwelling habit for months at a time. Among them were some  families who oscillated between being exclusively house dwelling or exclusively boat dwelling. All of them were descendants of Orang Suku Laut. Each of three groups had nomadic relatives who frequently visited the settlement for days or even for a couple of weeks. 

       When government officials visited the settlement,the modern-minded Orang Suku Laut normally joined the meetings. They also regularly attended gatherings to learn the tenets of Islam and took part in joint work programs to built a house of prayer and other projects proposed by the officials. They agreed fairly quickly to the officials even if they had not understood the inentions of the officials very well. The tradition minded Orang Suku Laut,on the other hand,were not ready to accept any kind of contact and attended neither meetings nor joint activities. In principle,they tended to refuse everything. When the officials came to the settlement,they avoided contact by withdrawal. They did this either by not leaving their houses or leaving the settlement before the officials arrived. The doubting Orang Suku Laut took a position between the two other groups. Interests expressed by the modern minded Orang Suku Laut with regard to contact with officials were material expectations. Furthermore, they hoped that their relationship with the officials would,in the long run,help them to become accepted by the members of the surrounding  sociaty. In contrast,the tradition minded Orang Suku Laut showed no interest and expresssed the wish to be left alone. The opinions of the doubting Orang Suku Laut oscillated between those expressed by the two others groups. With regard to ethnic self-ascription in situations of interethnic contact inside and outside the settlement,I was able to observe that the modern-minded and to a lesser degree the doubting Orang Suku Laut tend to avoid ethnonyms such as orang suku laut,orang sampan,orang suku Mapur as symbles of identity. This was so even with those who,among themselves and while talking to me,had no problem speaking openly and with pride about Orang Suku Laut culture and way of life. Situationally,some of them assigned themselves in a vauge way to another ethnic for example by stressing that ‘anyway,actually we are also,Malays’,and simultaneously try to disguise features characteristic of Orang Suku Laut ethnic affiliation. In contrast,the tradition-minded Orang Suku Laut did not try to get in line with outsiders and always referred to themselves as orang suku laut,or even as orang sampan,terms which,if used by non-Orang Suku Laut,have pejorative connotation. 

     Two years later,in 1993,I revisited this settlement,which had then become a site with more than 30 houses. This settlement now included some of the old ihabitants and many newcomers from nearby as well as distant location. Among them were also a few newly settled nomads. At that time,the population had increased from about 70 to more than 150 people. Many new houses were nearly ready to be inhabited. I met many of the people I had known from my first and second protracted visits. However,some I did not meet again because they had left the place. Among the people I met were all those who formerly had shown a modern-minded attitude;and now they expressed their satisfaction with the development. The tradition-minded and the doubting ones had either left or still tried to continue their avoidance pattern of behaviour with decreasing’success’. Obviously,not all Orang Suku Laut could cope with the development and innovations in the same way. This was especially so among those who were continuously torn between the alternatives of conformation or withdrawal. Those who were not able to make a decition seemed extremly insecure. 

As for resettlement,I noticed some striking problems arising from both project planning and daily project reality. A basic problem on behalf of the planning authorities proved to be their lack of knowledge about the Orang Suku Laut’s way of life and culture, which in turn affected the activities in the resettlement site. Also, the social workers living on the resettlement site had not been sufficiently trained for their job. They had some difficulties in explaining their tasks. These workers were also quite young and were therefore not accepted by many members in the resettlement site. A fundamental problem for the Orang Suku Laut emerged in that they were neither used to living on land, nor in settlements with a dense population. The fact that the Orang Suku Laut had been used to living together in small groups of kinsmen, corresponding groups now had chosen neighbouring houses in the resettlement site, but seldom interacted with other such factions of their new community. Therefore, social workers had problems in co-ordinating and involving many people in activities concerning the community as a whole. A communal spirit had not developed because the different factions were unable to agree on an official representative for the various groups of kinsmen. Also there were regular quarrels between the factions. The material aid provided to the Orang Suku Laut also led to dependence on others while decreasing their self-confidence. I observed that many Orang Suku Laut, specially those in the younger generation exhibited a certain laisser-faire manner. For example, they stayed in the settlement instead of going out to fish and often drunk too much. Finally, I recognised that accelerated proselytization had not led to religious conviction. The new converts seldom fulfilled their religious duties. Many community members referred to the old beliefs again; and suddenly some began to favour another faith (Christianity), which seemed to me to be a choice of strategy rather than a choice based on conviction.

        In my opinion, which I share with some local members of the ranks from the Derpartment of Social Welfare as well as the Indonesian anthropological community, the problems summarised above could be reduced by taking the following measures. In general, one has to rethink whether resettlement really makes sense. Resettlement puts the Suku Laut people in a position apart from the other sections of the Riau population. In this respect, resettlement is contradictory to the aim of integrating the Orang Suku Laut into the wider society. Also, as a general precondition for avoiding the failure of projects, it makes sense to consider the fact that the Orang Suku Laut are neither used to living on land nor to socialising in numerically big groups. Therefore, houses and settlements provided for them should be pile buildings in moderately scaled accumulations on the coast. Moreover, instead of large amounts of material aid, promotion of self-help programs would be much better. Measures to strengthen ethnic self-awareness could also be considered. More persuasive work rather than prescription is needed. With regard to the projects, preparatory research prior to the implementation of the program on the Orang Suku Laut and continued research during the implementation of projects are necessary. The course of a project should also be monitored by mid-term and post-implementation evaluation reports. Simultaneously, better training is needed for the social workers engaged in the projects. These measures would help to change the commonly held ideas about the Orang Suku Laut that, at present, influence the project’s designs and according to which stagnation in development is attributed all too simplistically to the obstacles of stubbornness in backward individuals sharing a static culture. This is hardly conducive to considering the potential for development. Further more, the projects have to be oriented to local needs, that is, to include the views of and address the needs perceived by the Orang Suku laut themselves and to concede a formative part in culture-changing measures for them. This can be done by building up village councils and in giving local leadership positions to some of their members.

Final Statement

My anthropological work is concerned with issues relating to the inherited cultures and identity articulations of ethnic groups, as well as their responses and cultural adaptations to changing environments. Hence, because I look upon change as an inherent aspects of culture, I by no means subscribe to the idea of living museums preservation programs, or more precisely, freezing persons and cultures. Against this background, I do not dismiss the fact that global modernising processes are affecting even the most remote areas and their peoples. Further more, I understand that every state with a multi-ethnic population has to solve the problem of integrating the different cultures and ways of life of majorities and minorities for the sake of the whole.

     With regard to the Orang Suku Laut in the Riau islands, I am realistic enough to see that the possibilities of withdrawal necessary for them to continue with their traditional way of living are decreasing. The impact of development on the Suku Laut people-who are only gradually getting used to dealing with this situation- should lead neither to social and cultural assimilation nor to social and cultural estrangement. In my opinion, persuasion should take the place of regulations in every single measure concerning Orang Suku laut affairs. That implies taking them as autonomous individuals who are able to think about matters fundamentally affecting their way of life. This also implies working toward dismantling the disparaging stereotypes about them that are still shared by the majority and are influencing interethnic contact. By pursuing alternative ways of communication and interaction, numerically small ethnic groups with an equally worthy cultural heritage will also have the chance to take a position in the Indonesian society that the majority groups already possesses, in accordance with the state motto of national unity in cultural diversity. 

The Orang Suku Laut

by Cynthia Chou 

Contesting the tenure of territoriality   

Introduction

President Soekarno declared land reform to be “an indispensable part of the Indonesian Revolution” (CCCIL 1988). The consequent execution of development programs for reconstructing the nation have provoked much hostility over issues concerning territorial rights. Global market forces in Indonesia have also seen heavy transnational flows of investments, capital, technology, foreign exchange and human resources that have similarly created a great demand on sea and land spaces.

Repelita vi, a chapter in Indonesia’s twenty-five-year long-term Development Plan under the leadership of President Suharto, affirms the pledge to carry out planning that will encompass “the whole nation, in an integrated, well-directed manner involving continuous and interrelated stages”. Yet in this momentum of change, several aspects of rural culture, in particular those categories as the Suku-Suku terasing (isolated people) in Indonesia, are severely criticised as a hindrance to progress.

The Orang Laut (sea nomads) in Riau, a categorical example of the Suku-Suku terasing who practice a mobile life style and economy, will provide my main point of reference, since that is where my own experience as an anthropologist lies. This paper focuses on the Orang Suku Laut’s anxious speculations about development projects infringing upon their living and life spaces. The general ethnography presents the Orang Suku Laut self-perceptions and their living spaces, their mode of production and the perceptions of the Orang Laut by others. This paper based on information and observations gathered through field work.

Prevailing definition of development, which misrecognise certain modes of living and claims to property rights as unproductive, have resulted in pressure programs causing dramatic changes to existing communities, thus threatening their claims for the tenure of territoriality and their livelihood systems. Hence, whether the momentum of change brought about by development programs in Indonesia is harmoniously propelling continuity and adaptation into its agenda to encompass one and all is the issue I want to consider in this paper.

Several pertinent questions are thus raised in this paper. The first concerns rethinking the concept of nomadism and the question of production. The second looks at the concept of ownership by examining forms of land tenure, or what I deem more appropriate: the tenure of space or territoriality. This paper is thus not solely devoted to the processes of change. Rather, it aims at provoking anthropologist, economists and planners for development programs to examine where and why they erect categorical boundaries. This simultaneously confronts us with a new agenda in the frame work of change with two related questions. First, “Are nomadic peoples capable of participating in developmental programs?” Second, “who is to assume the responsibility of continuity and adaptation?”  

Background and Setting

The Orang Suku Laut in the Riau archipelago of Indonesia are more commonly referred to as the Orang Laut. When translated, “Orang Suku Laut” means “a tribe of sea people”. Existing literature refer to the Orang Laut as “sea nomads”, “sea folk”, “sea gypsies” and “people of the sea”. The Orang Laut are also sometimes referred to as Suku Sampan or Orang Sampan. The Orang Laut have also been described as “sea hunters and gatherers” rather than as “fishermen”. Reasons given have been that “sea fishing with them is for the most part simply an extension of simple hunting and gathering”,which is basically a “primitive” culture. Hence,with this prevailing view,I proceed to re-open the case for the Orang Laut.  

The Orang Laut in Riau traverse an archipelago that encompasses over 3,200 islands in an area spanning from the central part of the east coast of Sumatra to the South China Sea. The archipelago is checkered by a diverse population of about 50,000 people, which also includes the Malays, Javanese, Baweanese, Minangkabau, Buton and Chinese. In 1993, the Kantor Social in Tanjung Pinang estimated the Orang Laut population in Riau as comprising 1,757 males and 1,652 females. These given figures are highly disputable. In the course of my field work, I found it impossible to coincide officially registered figures with the census that I had recorded. The mobile economies of the Orang Laut and the relaxed system of registering births and deaths officially in island Riau are among the various reasons for their hazy population figures for the Orang Laut.

The Orang Laut live in a region which has been designated as a zone for increased economic programs since December 1989. An economic co-operation agreement formalised as the ‘Growth Triangle’ was signed between a Riau, Singapore and Johor in Malaysia. This sub-regional co-operation is aimed at complementing and linking the three countries endowed with different comparative advantages to form a larger region with greater potential for growth. As a result, limelight has once again shone on Riau bringing it to new heights of political and economic importance.

Government and private business propositions have, among their various other enterprises, focused on promoting the marine tourist industry in Riau. The province is seen as boasting ‘an archipelago of virgin islands’. Plans are under way to transform the island chain into the ‘Caribbean of the East’. To lure investors to the sea, ‘pioneer status and tax breaks are being awarded to promote marine tourism, particularly the building of marina clubs and resort hotels, in the more remote parts of the archipelago’. Golf courses have also been part of the scheme to turn Riau into an ideal tourist belt.

Against the backdrop of plans to transform Riau’s sea and land spaceare the three million people who earn their living from fishing, farming, forestry and trading in the province. Business analysts are taking note of Riau’s territorial waters that span 235,000 square kilometres. They are now talking about the vast ‘potential of the fishery industry’. Presently, the local inhabitants in Riau practice open sea and kelong fishing and fish farming. However, the joint partners of the Growth Triangle are more interested in promoting higher-technology ventures in ‘aquaculture, seaweed and prawn farming’.

Potential dangers of displacing the local inhabitants posed by unchecked development projects have not gone unnoticed. Soeripto, the governer of Riau province, has noted the need to involve the Bintan islanders, with special mention of the fishermen, in development projects planned for the province. He was quoted as saying that they too could become involved in some way so that they would not be ‘disturbed’ by the planned development. However, his suggestions were without elaboration on how these fishermen could be involve in the tourism industry.

On many fronts, both directly and indirectly, the Orang Laut have been targeted for what are hailed as modernisation and developmental schemes. The Growth Triangle program has either already had an impact or is beginning to make imprints on some local communities including those of the Orang Laut.

Just as critical is the official definition of Orang Laut communities. Indonesian authorities classify rural communities into a hierarchically ordered four-category scale. The four-category comprise swadaya (traditional) villages, swakarya (traditional) villages, swasembada (developed) villages and pra-desa (pre-villages). The letter is regarded as a group prior to rural community. These categories correspond to ideas of ‘the expected stages of development through which rural communities are to progress uniformly as they move toward true integration into an advanced and modern Indonesian nation’. The Orang Laut are defined as the suku-suku terasing (isolated and alien people), or suku-suku terbelakang (isolated and backward peoples) who form  communities categorised as ‘pre-villages’ or ‘traditional’ villages.

Based on Colchester’s translation of the explanatory memorandum which accompanied the 1979-1984 Five-Year Plan (Colchester 1986: 90), the identifying characteristic of the suku- suku terasing are as follows. I have italicized the issues for further emphasis in this paper.  

1.      Many of these people subsist partly by hunting, fishing and by gathering forest products. Their rudimentary economics employ extremely simple nomadic farming practices and equipment. These farming techniques are devastating the environment and pose dangers to maintaining ecological equilibrium.

2.      These peoples have animistic practices. They are contrary to the five principles of the state philosophy of Pancasila. The first of which is belief in one Almighty God.

3.      Their social systems are unstructured, in which people live in small scattered and dispersed groups, isolated from the mainstream  of religious, ideological, political, economic, social and cultural life. They distrust anything coming from the outside.

4.      These peoples depending as they do on the resources of their natural environment, are nomadic and, therefore, it is impossible for the government to extend to them administrative and other services.

5.      These peoples are generally minimally clothed, covering only their vital parts.

6.      The diet of these peoples is inadequate.

7.       Their dwelling are merely places that provide shelter and a place to sleep. They are far below the norm and requirements that have been established for healthy, secure and pleasurable human dwellings.

8.      The health conditions of these peoples are far below generally accepted norms for healthy living.

9.      Formal education is unknown. Most of these people are illiterate.

10.  The art and culture of these people has merely achieved a very primitive level and their dances are still predominantly magico-religious in character.

11.  Their economics are centred on a system of barter. Monetary exchanges are still largely unknown.

12.  Most of these people remain ignorant of the existence of the government or one of the concepts of the Indonesian nation and state. They have no sense of their duties as citizens.

13.  These people have no capacity or ability to with stand external and internal political threats. In the context of the state doctrine of total people’s defence, these isolated communities constitute weak groups and regions within the total system of defence.

14.  These people are not yet in a position to enjoy the fruits of national development. Moreover, they are not contributing anything to the progress of nation and state.

Such views of the Orang Laut’s non –relationship with spaces that they occupy clearly mean that they are regarded as possessing no tenure systems.

Their problems are compounded by Indonesian land rights legislation. Indonesia’s land laws are enshrined in the Basic Agrarian Law of 1960 whereby adat law replaced formalised Western Laws relating to land ownership. Under the traditional adat land rights system, land is an inalienable and common property of the community that cannot be bought, sold or leased.

However, Article 5 of the 1960 Basic Agrarian Law simultaneously contradicts the traditional territorial rights of the Orang Laut. It states that, ‘The agrarian law which applies to the earth, water and air space is adat law as long as it does not conflict with the national and State interests, based upon the concept of  one nation, and with Indonesian socialism along with regulations that are issued accoding to this Law and with other legal regulations, all of above with due regard to principles deriving from religious law’.

Furthermore, Articles 3 and 14 of the Basic Agrarian Law No.5 weaken the position of tribal people to their land. Article 3 of the Law states clearly that traditional communal property rights must have a form ‘that is consistent with the national and State’s determination, based upon the concept of one nation. Also, it cannot be contrary to others law and regulations with higher force’. Article 14 adds to the anxieties by stating that the government ‘shall, within the frame work of Indonesian socialism, make a general policy with regard to the supply, preparation  and use of the earth, water and air space along with natural wealth they contain for the needs of the State, for the need of religion and other sacred uses, according to the principle of the One True God, for the basic living needs of the people, for the need to increase the production of agriculture, animal husbandry and fishing, for the use of developing industry, transmigration and mining. Hence, land rights are under pressure to be relinquished in the face of competing claims by the state. The Law also only provides legal security to registered property. This requirement overlooks the fact that documentary proof of title is irrelevant in traditional law. Hence the predicament of the Orang Laut.

Argument

It is thus not surprising that most orang asli studies are concerned sociocultural problems in view of changes brought about by developmental or modernisation programs. Yet, as cautioned by Benjamin, ‘unarmed investigators have tended to take up implicitly an evolutionary –ladder approach to cultural differences. Consequently differences that have in fact resulted from choice, such as following a foraging way of life instead of swiddening or an intensive agriculture one, have been seen instead as unavoidable steps in a progression from primitivity toward civilisation’. Such characterisations of the orang asli as noted by Benjamin have appeared numerously in text books, newspapers and other media.

Heed must be paid Benjamin’s insightful caution. It is precisely the ‘evolutionary –ladder approach’ that deems the Orang Laut to be foragers moving around helter –skelter in the vast expanse of the sea in search of food. Tenure of territoriality for the Orang Laut is denied because they are not recognised as producers, but as nomadic foragers. Depicted as premitive foragers, the Orang Laut are also viewed in practising a rudimentary sort of economics. Their fishing activities are seen as focused on immediate needs with no regard to securing anything for their long –term well –being. Consequently, the Orang Laut are depicted as a people whose lifestyle runs contrary to all aspects of development, responsibility for the environment and the progress of the nation and state. Such views have perpetuated the agenda of all those concerned with developmental programs to aim for drastic changes such as the ‘disappearance’ of communities such as the Orang Laut.

This misrecognition is addressed in this paper. I argue for the need to abandon the oversimplified dichotomy of equating nomadism with the unmonitored extraction or removal of resources from the environment for human use, and sedentarism with responsible producers or developers who appropriate resources and convert them into objects of property that are properly managed for present and future needs.

The question of production and tenure of territoriality among hunters and gatherers is addressed here. Marx and Engels were of the opinion that hunters and fisher-people belong to the ‘the undeveloped stage of production’. Marx, in the ‘introduction to a Critic of political economy’, also implied that production first begins with agriculturalists. Childe’s model of social evolution, however, distinguishing between ‘savage’ food –gatherers who act as parasites on nature, and ‘barbarian’ food –producers who culture plants and animals, also harmed much subsequent discussion of hunting and gathering activities. The Orang Laut, who are often regarded as hunters –gatherers of the sea, are thought to forage for rather than produce their food. They are almost never seen as owners of resources.

These perceptions assume a passive relationship between hunters –gatherers and the physical world. I extrapolate Hunn and Williams’ point on hunting societies to argue that there is considerable evidence to show that the Orang Laut communities, too, ‘actively manage resources via social control, political manoeuvres, symbol and ritual’. Ingold’s challenge to traditional views on the definition of production inspires the need to re-examine the appropriation of nature in hunting and gathering societies. I take as my starting point Ingold’s study of the interrelationship between environment, society, technology and culture to introduce a clarity to the concept of production in Orang Laut communities. Several key issues are raised to look at how the Orang Laut interact and transform the maritime world via their social organisation and strategies to produce a clear understanding of their economic frame work.

First, I challenge the view that the Orang Laut are simply foragers who do not engage the components of their environment in relations of tenure. I argue for their tenure of territoriality and coin the concept of the Orang Laut’s network of tenure of territorialities. There is free access of sea space and most coastal fringes to all Orang Laut and non –Orang Laut alike. Yet, the issue that must be stressed here is that the Orang Laut regard the sea not only as their life space that provides them with their main source of food and income, but also as a living space. I show how different groups of Orang Laut modify and organise sea and coastal spaces into areas for custodianship. Orang Laut communities have stories to tell to stake their tenure of territoriality. These stories are verified and respected by other neighbouring Orang Laut and non –Orang Laut communities in the region. For generations, their stories and rituals have accrued as their title deeds that in code their primary claims of responsibility for the area and its resources.

Second, I argue that the Orang Laut are engaged in an enduring relationship with their maritime environment. They are not foragers who procure their food through instantaneous activities of extra action from an unmodified environment. In taking Ingold’s cue to rethink the concept of production, I argue that the Orang Laut manifest ways of production similar to other food producer. The Orang Laut are involved in what have been distinguished as the hallmarks of production. They are namely,investment of labor,a creation of a lasting mutual dependency with a modified envirnment and a delayed return system of harvest and consumption. I show how the Orang Laut’s ongoing and cordial relationship of making presentation to sea and land spirits is the essence of reproducing resources. The aim is to access and appropriate resources.

Third,an ethnographic account of the Orang Laut’s repertoire of material and intellectual technology furnishes a requisite account of their external and internal tools of production and reproduction respectively. This is an analysis countering prevailing criticisms of the simple practices and equipment of the Orang Laut. Besides the remarkable range of self-constructed fishing gear that enables the Orang Laut to own their own means of prodction,this section also draws attention to their intellectual technology. The latter must not be overlooked. Intellectual technology is an important component of their productive process. It is that which forms the platform of the Orang Laut’s invalaualbe knowledge of the biodiversity of the maritime world,how maritime species produces,the best ways of approaching and appropriating different species and methods of labor co-0peration or formation of working partnerships best suited for gleaning successful harvest from the sea.

Four,the discussion narrows to looking at the individual Orang Laut’s strategies for producing for the future. This reorients nations of the Orang Laut as foragers concerned only with the present. The ensuing ethnographic discussion on the networks of social obligations to share and help must be seen as the Orang Laut’s framework of production. Within this framework of production,the Orang Laut are able to stake a claim to the appropriation and expantion of their resources earned through sharing and helping. This network of obligations to share and help is comparable to a scheduling of productive activities steeped in relations that are social,but more importantly,material. Ingold speaks of the relationship between ‘storage’and sharing whereby hunters and gatherers’invest their labor’and store their food in the expectation of delayed return. I go a step further to argue that the Orang Laut do not just earn equivalent shares in their network of social obligations. In ways similar to all other producers keen to glean profits, the Orang Laut invest in these networks and hope to multiply their resources as an insurance for their future well –being. On this note, I shall proceed to discuss in greater detail each of the issues that have been raised.

The Tenure of Territory

Historically, the Orang Laut were feudally organised into various suku. Different clans occupied different territories and were assigned different tasks to serve the ruler and were ranked accordingly. For example, the suku or orang Tambus who were in charge of hunting dogs were among the lowest in rank, and the suku Galang, a piratical tribe, was privileged group.

Such traditional polities no longer exist. Nevertheless, the Orang Laut still organise themselves into separate clans occupying different islands and moorage areas throughout the archipelago. Nowadays the Orang Laut do not speak very much of themselves as suku Tambus or suku Galang, etc. This is understandable in view of the connotations of servitude that such terms of identification are associated with in the historical context of Riau.

Rather, my Orang Laut informants readily identified themselves as Orang Pulau Nanga or Orang Teluk Nipah. It was a clear indication that they were keen to talk of themselves as belonging to a certain territory. For instance, Pulau Nanga and Teluk Nipah are islands in Galang area occupied by two different groups of Orang Laut. These islands are in such close proximity that they are within hailing distance. Yet the Orang Laut of both communities were adamant that I recognise them as different groups occupiying distinct territories. Each territory also acknowledged a different kepala(head) Orang Laut.

The sea and coastal fringes constitute life and living spaces for the Orang Laut. Different groups of Orang Laut respect each other’s collective tenure of territorial ownership. It is significant that other local non-Orang Laut communities respect such areas as belonging to the Orang Laut too. On my visit to the Pulau Nanga Orang Laut community,the Malays in the neighboring island of Sembur instructed me to inform Bolong,the headman of the Pulau Nanga Orang Laut community,of my presence before I commenced my fieldwork. Likewise,while making known my presence to Bolong, the latter reminded me that he was only the headman for the Orang Laut in Pulau Nanga. Bolong stressed that should I decide to cross over to the other Orang Laut community in Teluk Nipah, then I would have to seek meen’s permission. Meen was the headman of the ‘other’ Orang Laut commonity in Teluk Nipah.

In the weeks that followed, Bolong’s younger sister, Suri, explained her family’s territorial ownership of Pulau Nanga.

‘My father, Apong, used to live on the sea. Then he had enough interaction with the Malays and took up a religion. He then cleared the jungle –Pulau Nanga was formerly all jungle –and build his house here. It was an atap house. Not like the zinc –houses that we live in now. Sometimes, my father would live on land. Sometimes, he would on the sea. Our father was the first to live on Pulau Nanga. Therefore, our keturunan (ancestry, descent) is in Pulau Nanga. This is our tanah (land). No one can buy or take Pulau Nanga away from us. All of us who live here are family. There are no outsiders among us’.

Non-Orang Laut communities in the area support Suri’s claim of territorial ownership. They verify and respect the fact that Apong, an Orang Laut, was indeed the first settler on Pulau Nanga, and thus the owner of the island. In fact, the Chinese in the area tell me that even before Apong had set up house on the island, his boat- dwelling family had already long before moored their houseboats in the waters of Pulau Nanga.

In recognition of Apong’s descendants’ territorial claim of Pulau Nanga, Meen, the headman of the Orang Laut community in Teluk Nipah, explained how his family had in turn come to claim ownership of Teluk Nipah. In his account, Meen also explained why his family had chosen not to go the neighbouring Pulau Nanga in spite of it being inhabited by Orang Laut.

‘My mother’s name was Nenah and my father’s name was Gebak. Their keturunan is Daik. We were facing difficulties there, so we rowed here for fish. We were boat dwelling. We set up a kebun (small farm plot) and built a house in Teluk Nipah. There were already people on Pualu Nanga. Apong had settled there, but our asal is different. Although there were Orang Laut on Pulau Nanga, we did not want to settle there. They were suku lain. We were the first Orang Laut to settle on Teluk Nipah. This is our tanah’.

Meen’s claim of his family’s territorial ownership of Teluk Nipah parallels with that of how Apong’s descendants have come to claim territorial ownership of Pulau Nanga. The tenure of territoriality is contingent on the exclusive story that each clan possesses. The cricial aspects being how they were the first group to recognise the potential of the area as a moorage ground or as a place to be cleared of jungle shrub for a settlement.

These stories are the group’s collective territorial rights to a particular place or places. Although there continues to be free access of sea and land space to all, the Orang Laut hold the title deeds to these territories in the form of their stories. These title deeds modify and organise sea and coastal spaces into areas for custodianship for the Orang Laut. These rights mean that others should ask permission to enter their territory. Perhaps more importantly, these rights also invest the Orang Laut with responsibilities for the area and its resources. It is thus the concern of the Orang Laut to jaga their territories and to maintain and reproduce the resources in the area. The rituals performed by the Orang Laut are a manifestation of their responsibility for custodianship.

Lacet, a member of the Pulau Nanga Orang Laut community, explained how his older brother Ceco was responsible for protecting their village. ‘None of us knows everything. Hence, each of us is responsible for different things. My elder brother Ceco jaga kampong (protects the village). He protects our kampong from other people who might try to harm us and disturb our tanah. From time to time, Ceco will jampi (cast spells) and give beras (uncooked rice) to our tenah’.

The explantation offered for Ceco’s acts of scattering grains of uncooked rice was twofold. First the rice is scattered in the open space that separates the front and back of Pulau Nanga from other island communities. This rice scattering ritual was thus to protect the Pulau Nanga Orang Laut from outsiders who may have entered and caused harm and induce them to leave the territory. Second,the rice is scattered to appease the hantu (spirit),governing the territory to ensure the well-being and continued productivity of the area.  

Thus,contrary to criticisms levelled at the Orang Laut’s apathy to establishing an enduring relationship with their envirnment and their lack of interest in increasing the productivity of the areas they occupy,the Orang Laut have an reality expressed and exhibited a compelling manifestation of their concern. The Orang Laut assume responsibility to protect and take care of the area as soon as they assume collective tenture of territoriality. This responsibilities is enhanced by the fact that the territory is given to them by their ancestors. This gift establishes an inalienble bond between the givers and recipients.

Ingold’s approach to understanding tenture as analogous  to Mauss’s treament of the gift is appropriate for understanding the inalienable bond between the Orang Laut and their tenture of territoriality. Mauss’s theory of the gift revolves arround the spirit that is embedded in person and things. A gift is more than an inactive object. The spirit that is embedded in the gift bears the personhood of the giver ‘beyond the spatio-temporal bounds of his own immediate self’. Thus through gifts ‘the giver has a hold over the beneficiary’. The gift contains a power that is ‘invested with life’ and it seeks ‘to produce,on behalf of the clan and the native soil from which it sprang’. Hence the constant concern of the Orang Laut lies in the why they should piara,care for and protect their territory. The Orang Laut express this concern by carrying out periodict rituals to empower the continued life between the giver and themselves are recipients of the gift.

Every claim of tenture,as ingold correctly argues, is a ‘linear projection of past into future,the rather than as a sequence of isolable events each frozen in the instant of present’. All claims constitute ‘part of a continuous process, expression an intention or promise for the future through the fulfilment of past obligation. A contemporary patch of land is thus seen as having a time dimention represented by ancestral estates’.

Thus, during the second phase of my field work, when developmental projects were threatening to encroach upon the Orang Laut territories in the Galang area, the Orang Laut voiced their anxieties over losing their gift of territoriality. Boat, a member of the Pulau Nanga community, was among the first to raise the issue with me.

‘This place is going to be developed. In time to come, we will experience difficulties. The government wants to build this place into a town. We are still uncertain as to whether or not we would have to move. For us, we have been on this land since we were young children. This is tanah kami (our land) and not the tanah of others. Hence, we want to know what they intend to do with our tanah. If the government wants to help, we will accept their help. However, if they want to buy this tanah from us for Rp.20,000 or Rp.50,000, we will not accept it. We have a lot here. This is because our father, mother and siblings are all buried here. We do not want to disturb them. It will only make us malu (ashamed) to move. Who wants to move? No one wants to. Just think. If your father has died and you have buried him. You still want to disturb his place what more do you want? Who is going to look after his grave if we move? His hantu will kacau (disturb) us. We may not be able to see them, but they are able to see us. We do not want to move to another island. We just want to live and die in this one island, which is ours. This place has been marked out for development all the way from Batam to Senyentong. They are building a high way to link Batam to Senyentong and it will pass through Galang. Perhaps if this development happens, they will tutup (close) our tanah and we will no longer be able to kerja nyelan (work as a fisher- people). We will have to kerja ojek (motorbike services) or bawah mobil (drive cars or taxis). If we do not know, we will just have to learn. If we can dapat (get) fishing, then ofcourse we will kerja nyelan. However, we not want to move. Our father gave us this tanah’.  

The Orang Laut also possess a concept of a network of interrelated territorialities. In ways similar to the Bajau have three types of fishing grounds of relation to their land-based settlements. They have choose to fish in areas close to their village. An alternative decition is to embark on fishing voyages that may take them several days away from their village. Otherwise,they may fish in distant areas,which may take them away from their village for a number of months.

Yet the sites of production chosen,especially those of the latter decition,are usually areas that are also cnsidered as part of their clan’s. It is a network of territorial ownership through kinship. For example,it was a common practice for Orang Laut families from Tiang Wang Kang to move to Palua Nanga when they wanted a good harvest of sea cucumbers. Likewise,during the season for comek(a variety of cattle fish),the Orang Laut from Pulau Nanga would go to Tiang Wang Kang. In contrast,the Orang Laut in Teluk Nipah would head for Bertam and Pulau Cakang,and vice versa.

Ingold has termed this as ‘fixed -point nomadism’,which entails ‘a series of movies between pre-established locations’. The term ‘fixed-point nomadism’ does not offer sufficient justice to the Orang Laut. Several reasons prevail. First,the Orang Laut identify these sites as tempat kita juga. Second,by identifying certain territories as such,they also assume responsibility as custodians of the territory as discussed above.

Having made a point on why these sites of production should be considered as the Orang Laut’s,I must also stress that the Orang Laut do fish in other preestablished locations that they do not identify as tempat kita. They consider these other territories as borrowed areas and present prestations to the spirits whom they believe to govern the area. On the side of pragmatics,these movements of settlement to the sites of production mean that populations of Orang Laut are never so concerntrated in any one place to other hervest the area’s resources. The network of territories thus serves to percel out resources.

Within the concept of territorial ownership for the Orang Laut,they also observe the notion of the territorial ownership by sea spirit and land spirits. Two Orang Laut friends from Pulau Nanga,Halus and Baggong,rowed me in a boat to educate me in recognising and respecting the various forms of territorial ownership by spirits. Halus said: ‘These corals here are rumah ikan(the house of fishes). These are not dangerous areas’.

Later Bagong added:

‘Over there (pointing in the direction of jutting rocks) is a rumah hantu laut (sea spirit’s house). It is best to avoid that area so as not to disturb the spirit. There are spirits in all the tanjung (capes). Sometimes when we come home, we fall ill immediately with a fver because the hantu laut has hit our head’.

Important correlations can be drawn to territories identified as places or houses of fishes, sea and land spirits. The houses of fishes are usually coral reefs and small rocky or pebbly areas. These are important breeding grounds for various varieties of fish. According to my Orang Laut friends, these areas could be approached without fear of much danger. On the other hand, the houses of sea spirits werelinked with accident- prone areas. Sacred territories are also danger zones where the Orang Laut do not fish. These areas must be approached with great caution and great respect. For instance, while traveling with a group of Orang Laut from Tiang Wang Kang to Pulau Nanga, I was instructed to remain to show respect to the spirits as we nigotiated a cape. This ovservance of silence and great attentiveness also served to avoid any mishaps until we had cleared the zone.

The Appropriation of Maritime Products: Of Spiritual Matters and Economic Production  

The Orang Laut’s diet and income derives from a range of several fish species, crustaceans, molluscs and other maritime creatures. Sometimes, they suppliment their diet with hunted animals, fruits and berries gathered from surrounding islands.

The Orang Laut are not passive dependents on the natural environment for their resources. Instead, they have shown that  it is not uncommon for them to plan for amounts of catch to be harvested from the sea prior to their fishing trips. For the Orang Laut, production levels are achievable based upon the cordial relations that they establish with the spirits who govern the territories they are entering. Territorial ownership, as noted earlier, confers on the owner the right to be asked for permission to enter and for the owners to be accorded due respect. Ceco of Pulau Nanga elaborated:

‘Boat had asked the spirit to give him five to sixty fishes. The spirit gave him even more. After that, one kilo of glutinous rice to the Tua peh Kong (a Chinese spirit) near Teluk Nipah. Not to the Tua Peh Kong here, but to the Tua Peh Kong there because Boat entered there and not here. Others give an egg on a plate to the spirit. Yellow glutinous rice is given to the land spirit and white glutinous rice is given to the sea spirit. There are many spirits in the sea. There is Hantu Gin Bisu,Tok Putih,or Raja Blaer. There are many more’.  

The types of food prestations named by the Orang Laut varied,as did the ways in which the prestations were made to the spirits. The crux of the issue that the appropriation of maritime products is possible only if skill is combined with humble and respectful attitude to the spirits governing the territory. An amicable relationship rested on an exchange of goods and observing proper rituals. In sum,spiritual matters and economic production are inseparable.

Intellectual and Material Technology  

The Orang Laut deploy  and outstanding wealth of material and intellectual technology to obtain their catch. The material technology of the Orang Laut is wide ranging. Their boat is an important example of their material technology that facilitates their mobile economy. It functions both as a vehicle for them to traverse the archipelago and as a house in which to live. The boat is thus their home and an important site of production.

A part from buying their boats,most of the other fishing gear such as their spears,lances and harpoons are self-constructed. Hence,the Orang Laut are able to own their own means of production. The Orang Laut obtain wood for the shafts of their spears,lances and harpoons from the forest or mangrove swamps. They need only buy the metal spearheads,prongs and nylon lines for their fishing gear. The Orang Laut find these thing affordable. They manifest great resourcefulness in constructing their own fishing devices. There are times when they do not even have to buy any material at all. Alone the shoreline they look for washed-up materials such as tyres or broken umbrellas to construct their fishing gear.

The Orang Laut also piara or care for things that are of  importance to them. These things include their fishing equipment. The word piara is also used when the Orang Laut refer to the adaption of persons. Therefore in ways similar to adopting a person,the Orang Laut explain that to adopt things and spirits entails taking care of,feeding,protecting,raising,maintaining and guarding the things or spirits. The adopt things and spirits also entails binding them with a spell. The Orang Laut explain that when they cast spells over their material technology for fishing, it endows their fishing gear with supernatural power. In the example given below, Meen, an Orang Laut from Teluk Nipah, explains why he must adopt his boat:

I adopt my boat because I would not have enough to eat if I were to catch only Rp.1,000 worth of fish per day. Therefore,in order to travel further away safely and to catch as much as say,Rp.40,000 worth of fish. I need to adopt my boat properly. I must feed and spellbind it to attain a good catch. To adopt my boat, or as the Chinese would say,to kong(spellbind)it,I have to feed it with glutinous rice and nuts by placing them in front and at the back of the boat’.

It is clear that the Orang Laut’s intellectual technology is intertwined with their material technology for their fishing activities. The Orang Laut adhere to the belief that to reap plentifully from their possessions,such as their fishing equipment,they have to adopt their things well. More importantly,by adopting a thing,a bond is established between the owner and the thing. This is because the owner,through adoption,has decided to merge his and the thing’s identity that in essence is their soul.

The material technological of the Orang Laut is ever increasing. Those who have moved ashore are also adding the net-fishing method to their range of material technology. However, most of these nets are expensive and they to be acquired  from Chinese middlemen. Initiative is also exercised by the Orang Laut to expand their fishing methods. During the course of my second field trip,I observed how the Orang Laut in Teluk Nipah had started to construct their own fish farms next to their coastal homes. They were breeding the fry that they had caught to reach sizes that would fetch  them  a good market price. They also explained that live fish were in high demand by sea food restaurant and could thus be sold for higher prices.

Above the constsllation of their material technology,the Orang Laut never failed to emphasize their possession of ilmu as a necessary aspect of their technology for fishing. The word ilmu is an Arabic-derived term which means ‘knowledge’ or ‘science’. Wilkilson lists the different kinds of ‘knowledge’ that the word ilmu refers to as, ‘learning,science,magic,any branch of knowledge or magic’. The word encompasses similar meaning of ‘magic’, ‘knowledge’ and ‘science’ for the Orang Laut and Malays in Riau.

For the Orang Laut,the word ilmu is intertwined with menings of magic,knowledge and science. I aim at showing the applicability of looking at ilmu as the Orang Laut’s intellectual-cum material technology inaccessing and appropriating their maritime resources.

The Malays often talk of the Orang Laut  as possessing the most powerful and extensive ilmu. By this,Malays usually mean ilmu hitam(black magic),since they regard the Orang Laut’s use of ilmu hitam as resulting from the latter’s ‘lack of religion’. Consequently,the Orang Laut are seen as jahat(evil) and dangerously beholden to spirits that control the maritime world.

The Orang Laut dispute this accusation. They talk of their good ilmu to help the general well-being of a person. The Orang Laut explain that they have ‘not received any school education’, but learn by ‘retaining everything in their memory’. An Orang Laut likened their acquirement of ilmu to ‘people who attend school’.

From a young age through observing and participating in their parents’ fishing activities,the Orang Laut acquire the extensive ilmu necessary to be adept fisher-people. Their ilmu comprises learning how to construct their fishing gear and how to spellbind them into effective and powerful tools. Their ilmu also includes learning how to understanding and control the winds,currents and tides that govern the sea,to be knowledgeable about rice fishing grounds,mangrove swamps,danger zones in contrast to areas for refuge,how to navigate their way through the archipelago by studying the position of the sun,the moon and the stars.

Through their ilmu,the Orang Laut also establish a spiritual link  with the spirits that control the maritime world. This link is mediated by deciding to piara spirits. Consequently,the Orang Laut enmesh themselves in a net-work of exchange and obligations to reciprocate with the spirits conceerned. Suri,an Orang Laut from Pulau Nanga,explained the concept of adopting spirit:

We piara the spirit. It means like feeding a child-to give it food. They will not harm us if we cast spells. This is why to be friend the spirit-so we become friends with spirit. We place food on the rock. We ask the spirit to place fish in front of our boat so that we would be able to spear the fish. Sometimes we can not  see the spirit. But we still cast spells and ask, “Please spirit!give me fish. I face difficulties. If you want eat,I will give (something) later,perhaps glutinous rice or cigarettes”. It is not the spirit who ask,but we will utter this request to the spirit to place fish in front of our boat. The spirit will give and we will spear. After we have earned some money,we may also adopt our boat(by) giving glutinous rice and cigarettes. We give because we minta’.  

The excerpt above clearly emphasized once again that the Orang Laut intertwine spiritual matters and economic concerns to increase their production.

When discussing the Orang Laut’s technology in accessing their maritime products,it is important to stress the importance of the working partnerships of the Orang Laut requires them to work in pairs. Men and women from regular partnerships when using the spear,harpoon and lance fishing method. The success of the Orang Laut’s ilmu and jampi rests,among other factors,on whether the fisher-couple cocok. The powers in a couple’s ilmu and their fishing abilities are further heightened when in a partnership with one anoher. The partnership is so significant that the couple’s productivity as a fisher-couple indicates if the coule is compatiable. The success of a marriage is thus measured in this manner. 

Sharing and Heling:Strategies in production

The Orang Laut’s system of sharing and helping is yet another atrategy etrenched in their mode of socioeconomic organization to access resources for the production of food. This system is configurated within networks of social obligations in intra-Orang Laut community exchanges.

Elsewhere,I have elaborated on how there is reality little or no actual sense of solidarity between the Orang Laut themselves. Yet the Orang Laut feel that they ought to have or at least to display a sense of group unity through their net work of exchanges. It is the self-interest by calculating individuals that is the important motivating factor in fulfilling their social obligations to share and help.

Embedded in the obligations of sharing and helping are the knowledge and unsigned contact by both the giver and the recipient that the latter is obliged to reciprocate some time in the future. The delay in fulfulling obligations and reciprocate establishes a bond of trust between the transactors and aims at waiting without forgetting. This networkof social obligations is in essence the willful regulation of events by the Orang Laut. They are investing in an idea of the future for their own condition. Production is hence embedded in a set of social relations.

For instance,Halus, a young Pulau Nanga Orang Laut boy,was left behind by his father to fend for himself and his two younger brothers. His mother had died some years before. Halus had a boat which he described as saya punya (I own). The boat is in fact something that his cousin,Jais had given Halus to bantu(help) the latter. However,it was an unspoken obligation on Halus’s part that he would share part of his fish earning with jais. Likewise,it was a quiet understanding that jais would be entitled to a share of Halus’s catch procured with the boat that he had helped him with. Also,Halus was obliged to be Jais’s fishing partner if the latter’s wife was unable to join him. However,should Halus partner with Jais,there was also an unspoken undedstanding that part of the fish earning would be share with the former. Hence,the cyclical network of sharing and helping to increase the production level of each.

It yet another example,Pui’s family in the Pulau Nanga Orang Laut cmmunity caught a huge turtle. News of her family’s catch apread around the community immediately. Afer Pui had cut a sizable portion of the turtle for her own family’s consumption, the rest was soon given to some of the other members of the community. These were either given by Pui herself or to those in the community who had come to ask for a portion of the turtle. While there was still enough turtle to be shared,none of those who had come to ask Pui for a portion of the turtle meat was refused. Pui was obliged to share and not to turn down anyone with a request.

The distinction between ‘share’ and ‘sharing’ is crucial. The divition of certain catches such as a huge turtle into ‘shares’ was expected. The members of the community with whom Pui had to distribute the shares to was not determined. Pui could decide upon those with whom she would share that meat. She was only obliged to share the extra meat with those who approached her with a request. Although Pui had the freedom to decide with whom she would share her extra food,she was also under great preasure to share it with her extended family members.

Yet,it individual in this network also tries to gain as much as possible for himself. It was not uncommon for the Orang Laut to exercise calculated attempts not to share their suplus. These attempts are covered up to prevent accusations of lokek(selfishness),and becoming edged out of the community’s network of  sharing and helping that would profit them. Thus,it was not unusual to hear of complains that there were members in the community who would fake illness to obtain shares simply because they were either too lazy to go out and fish or were greedy for more It is anther unsspoken understanding that pregnant women and the infirm are entitled to shares without having to reciprocate.

The idle objective of the system of sharing and helping however remain in its intention to space out small portions of delicacies and other resouces for the person and the rest of the community over the same length of time. Everyone profits by this network of social obligations. This network of social obligations in sharing of resources involves economic ties make the Orang Laut group more stable than they might otherwise be. The co-residence of kin is thus to some extent a function of the sharing of food and help. A person can rely on the other members of the communiy to share their resources with him because their sharing ultimately benefits themselves. Thus,the crux of the network of social obligations is that relations between the Orang Laut are both social and material.

Conclusion

Issues discussed in this paper have focused on the necessity of clarifying concepts of appropriation and production. It has been argued that oversights in conceptual clarity have led to perceptions of the Orang Laut as roving hunters and foragers engaged in an extractive  economy. Defined as such,the Orang Laut are deemed not have the slightest concern for the production and reproduction of resources. I have argued against these unwarranted perceptions by possing the challenge to rethink the concepts of appropriation and production. The implications are that they are inextricably tied to other issues.

First,we need to acknowledge the Orang Laut’s claim for tenure of territoriality. Second,we need to be aware that the Orang Laut are keen partners in the production of resources. 

Sama And Badjao people

(Philippines) 

Who are the Sama?

Identity and Location: The Sama peoples are composed of many different dialectical and geographical groupings. This is due to their being scattered among the many islands located between the Sulu Archipelago and Palawan in the southeast corner of the Philippines. Many of the Sama groups are identified according to the name of the primary islands that  they inhabit or from which they originate. The Sama people are isolated from the rest of Philippino life because of the remoteness of their home. As a result, even though they reside near a Tausog area they have maintained their own indigenous roots and separate language.  

Customs ans Religion: For most of the Sama groups, Islam is well established, but oftentimes it coexist with many indigenous interpretations and practicesthat continue on from the 18th century when many of the diferent Sama were “converted”. Thus, many of these Sama groups will call themselves “Muslim” but in reality they are animistic in their basic worldview.  

Who are the Badjao?

Customs ans Religion: The Badjao are a Filipino Muslim ethnic group of sea gypsies: small groups of boat –dwelling people. They are one of the largest Sama people groups. Their ethnic neighbours, the Tausog and the samal, often called Samal –luwaan (outcasts) or Samal –laud (people of the ocean). They are the poorest ethnic group in Sulu. They depend mainly on fishing for their survival. Badjao communities fall under the category of government DDU areas: depressed, deprived, and underdeveloped. Those that move to urban areas often become beggars.  

Customs and Religions: Badjao families have been age –old boat dwellers but recently they have started to live on floating houses built on stilts above their boats and fishing paraphernalia. As a sea –oriented people, they are experts in fishing and pearl diving. Their life revolves largely around the fishing industry. Several Badjao ritualshaving religious significance combine animistic and Islamic beliefs. In general, however, the Badjao are not very pious. Most badjao are so busy just trying to survive that religion often does not play a major role in their lives.

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