List Group 10

Kora (Korâ, Kórâ, Khairâ, Khoyrâ) - Korachas - Koraga - Koragas - Korava

Kora.: -Korâ, Kórâ, Khairâ, Khoyrâ,[1] a Dravidian caste of earth-workers and cultivators in Chota Nagpur, Western and Central Bengal, probably an offshoot from the Mundâ tribe. The Korâs or Khayrâs of Manbhum and Bankura have well-marked totemistic sections of the same type as the Mundas, and the latter admit that some sort of affinity may at one time have been recognised.

Tradition of origin.

The Korâs of the Santâl Parganas on the other hand claim to have come from Nagpur. The Bârdâ section of the Korâs have a curious legend concerning their totem. They say that one of their ancestors went out hunting with his two brothers in the jungle, but found no game. While they were wandering about, they noticed a bundle wrapped in sâl leaves hanging from the branch of a bârâ or pithâli tree. The bundle contained meat, which, being very hungry, they cooked and ate without further inquiry. Afterwards they found out that they had eaten was a human placenta, and expressed their horror by making the fruit of the bârdâ tree taboo for themselves and their descendants. The Álu section, on the other hand, believe that their first ancestor was born under a Phal-âlu tree, and for this reason they will not eat the bulb-like fruit of this tree, or any bulbs, such as potatoes, which bear a resemblance to it. Both stories seem to be attempts to find a rational explanation for a prohibition which seemed unreasonable to men who had got beyond the stage of believing in their actual descent from trees. Further east these characteristic section-names have been dropped, but the caste is divided into four sub-caste, bearing the names Dhalo, Molo, Sikhariâ, and Bâdâmia, of which the first three still preserve the memory of their original settlements. Thus the Dhalo sub-caste say that they came from Dhalbhum, the eastern pargana of Singbhum; the Molo from Manbhum; and the Sikhariâ from the tract of country between the Dâmodar and Barâkar rivers bounded on the east by Samet Sikhar or Pârasnâth Hill. In Bankura, again, besides the Sikhariâ we find three other groups-Sonârekhâ, Jhetiâ, and Guri-Bâwâ, of which the first is associated with the Sonârekhâ or Subarnarekhâ river, which rises in the Mundâri country; while the second bears the same name as one of the sub-caste of the Bâgdis. In Bankura all four sub-caste are Sikhariâs and may intermarry. In Manbhum no sub-castes appear to have been formed, and the caste is still more or less in the tribal stage. The Hinduised Khairâs of Central Bengal have developed a legend of the common mythological type, to the effect that they were generated by the bellowing of the miraculous cow Kâmadhenu when Viswâmitra came to take her away from the sage Vasishtha, and that they with other soldiers born from the cow drove off the intruding Kshatriya. Another tradition current in the Santâl Parganas says that the Khairâs came from the west, and that their special function is to prepare catechu (khair) for use in conjunction with betel. There is nothing to show that the Korâs ever followed this particular occupation, and the statement is referred to here merely as an instance of the striving after a meaning which meets us so frequently in the popular derivations of caste names. Where the exogamous groups have been preserved, the rule is that a man may not marry a woman of the same totem as himself; but on the mother's side the totem is not taken into account, and the rule of exogamy is supplemented by the standard formula mamerâ, chacherâ, etc., calculated to three generations in the descending line.

[1] See Risley

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Marriage.

The Korâs of Western Bengal marry their daughters both as infants and as adults, and in Chota Nagpur sexual intercourse before marriage is regarded as a venial offence. This measure of toleration, so characteristic of the aboriginal races, is no longer recognised in Bankura, where sexual indiscretions are visited with severe social penalties, although adult-marriage still maintains its ground. In Bongal Proper the caste has fully adopted the more fashionable custom of infant-marriage. The marriage ceremony of the Bankura Korâs corresponds precisely with that described at length in the article on the Bâgdis, with the curious difference that vermilion is applied to the bride's forehead with the handle of the cutter (chimta) used for slicing areca nut. In Manbhum the bride and bridegroom are made to stand one behind the other on a bundle or straw laid on the top of a bullock-yoke (jorân), and the bridegroom, whose place is in the rear, treading on the heels of the bride, reaches forward and smears vermilion three times on the bride's forehead. This, which is deemed to be the binding portion of the ritual, has clearly survived or been borrowed from the marriage ceremony of the Mundâs. The Eastern Korâs follow the regular Hindu ritual. Polygamy is everywhere permitted, and in theory there is no limit to the number of wives a man may have. Custom, however, and the standard of living imposed by the comparative poverty of the caste, combine in actual life to bring about the result that hardly any one has more than two wives, and most men content themselves with one.

Among the Korâs of Manbhum and the Santâl Parganas a widow is allowed to marry again, and her choice of a second husband is unfettered, save that she must observe the prohibited degrees, and that she may not marry her deceased husband's elder brother. She may marry his younger brother, but she is under no special obligation to do so, though such marriages are deemed both respectable and convenient, and very commonly take place. The ceremony (sangâ) is much the same as that described in the article on the Koiris. In the Korâ ritual, however, the bridegroom does not himself apply the vermilion to the bride's forehead. He merely touches the powder, which is then smeared on the parting of the bride's hair by the widows who are present. In Bankura and the districts further east the example of the rest of the population has induced the Korâs to abandon widow-marriage. The working of the same influence may be observed in the matter of divorce, which is prohibited in the eastern districts, while in Chota Nagpur and the Santâl Parganas aboriginal usage still holds its ground and divorce is granted by the caste council on the application of either husband or wife. Persons so divorced, whether men or women, are allowed to marry again. Like the Bauris and Bâgdis, Korâs admit into their community members of any caste ranking above their own in social standing. The occasions on which this privilege is sought are doubtless rare, and usually occur only when the outsider has been turned out of his own caste for carrying on an intrigue with a Korâ woman and eating food which she has prepared. A case of this kind, which has been reported to me from one of the districts of Central Bengal, throws a curious light upon the working of the caste system at the present day. A man of the highly respectable Águri caste fell in love with a Korâ girl, and after keeping the intrigue secret for some time was ejected from his caste and turned out of his household. He then went to live with his mistress, and at first thought of turning Vaishnava. Finally, however, at the girl's suggestion the decided to join the headmen (mandals) of the caste. These worthies the convert propitiated with a liberal feast, and was thereupon formally admitted to be a member of the Korâ caste.

Like most of the lower castes, the Korâs settle the bulk of their civil disputes through the agency of their own panchâyats, and very seldom resort to the regular courts. In fact the value of the property in question is usually too small to bear the costs of a regular suit. In matters of inheritance and succession they affect to be governed by the standard codes recognised in the locality, by the Dâyabhâga in Bengal districts and by the Mitâksharâ in Chota Nagpur. Their customs, however, imperfectly as it has been possible to ascertain them, show some curious deviations from the ordinary Hindu rules of law.

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In Bankura the custom of giving the eldest son an extra share (jeth-angs) is in full force, and even in the eastern districts traces of this practice still survive. The Korâs of Munbhum, on the other hand, divide a man's property equally among his sons, but where he leaves sons by more than one wife, they follow the custom known in the Panjab as chundâvand, under which the sons, however many, of one wife get no more than the sons, however few, of another wife.

Religion.

In matters of religion Korâs affect to be orthodox Hindus, worshipping the regular gods and calling themselves Sâktas or Vaishnavas, according as they incline to the cult of Kâli, Durgâ, and Manasâ, or to that of Râdhâ and Krishna. Manasa, the heavenly patroness of snakes, and Bhâdu, the virgin daughter of the Pachete house, whose worship has been described in the article on the Bâgdis, are their favourite deities. Their village and household deities are Bhairab Thâkur, Grâm-Deoti, and Kudra, to whom goats, fowls, pigeons, rice, sugar, and plantains are offered on fixed dates, and are divided between the worshippers and the Deoghariâ Brahmans, who serve them as priests and keep the shrines in order (Kudrasthân and Bhairabsthân) of the village gods. In Manbhum the Korâs do not employ Brahmans, but a member of the caste, styled the Lâyâ or Nâyâ acts as priest, and is sometimes remunerated by a grant of rent-free land held on the tenure known as lâyâli. Further east they are served by Barna Brahmans, who are looked down upon by other members of the sacred order, and occupy about the same position as the Brahmans who look after the spiritual welfare of the Bauris and Bâgdis. Like the Bauris, the Korâs of Chota Nagpur admit both burial and cremation as modes of disposing of the dead; and when burial is resorted to, the corpse is laid in the grave face downwards and with the head pointing north. In Bankura and further east the rule is to burn, burial being confined to the case of those who have died of cholera, small-pox, or any disease supposed to be infectious. Here also the fashion of placing the body face downwards is observed, the idea being apparently that this affords some security against the spirit of the dead man 'walking' and giving trouble to the living-- a danger which is always supposed to be greater in the case of those who have died by a comparatively sudden or violent death. A meagre imitation of the orthodox srâddh is performed on the eleventh day after death, and annual offerings of rice, ghi, and gur are made to decease ancestors in the months of Kârtik and Chait.

Social status.

The social position of Korâs is very low, and they are usually classed with Bâgdis, Bauris, Bunas, and other dwellers on the confines of Hinduism. Their own practice in the matter of diet varies in different parts of the country. In Chota Nagpur they eat beef, pork, and fowls, and all manner of fish, whether scaly or scaleless, but refrain from eating field-rats, snakes, lizards, and animals which have died a natural death. Further east they are more particular. No Korâ will touch beef, and some members of the caste abstain from fowls and from strong drink, in the belief that by doing so they acquire some sort of social distinction. These comparatively ascetic Korâs have not as yet formed themselves into a sub-caste, but there is no reason why this should not hereafter take place. In Bankura Korâs will eat sweetmeats, etc., with members of the Bâgdi caste, but will not take water from their hands or smoke in the same hookah. Boiled rice they will take only from members of the Nabasâkha group.

Occupation. The caste believe tank-digging, road-making, and earthwork generally to be their characteristic profession, and it may be surmised that their adoption of a comparatively degraded occupation, necessarily involving a more or less wandering manner of life, may have been the cause which led to their separation from the Mundâs, who are above all things settled agriculturists, conspicuous for their attachment to their original villages. As earth-workers they rank next to the Beldârs, but, unlike these, they carry earth in a pair of triangular baskets slung on a shoulder-yoke (bahangi), and will on no account carry it on their head., Beldârs, on the other hand, always use single baskets, borne on the head, and refuse to touch a bahangi, deeming it an indignity to carry anything on their shoulders. Within the last generation many Korâs have taken to cultivation, holding land as occupancy or non-occupancy raiyats, and working as agricultural labourers.

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In Bankura, however, and in other districts of Western Bengal, their connexion with the land must be of very ancient date, for we find a certain number of them at the present day in possession of substantial ghatuâli tenures-- a fact which indicates that they were among the earliest settlers in that part of the country.

Korachas.: -A vagrant tribe of Karnataka. Nowadays they move from village to village making ropes with either natural fibre or plastic fibre recycled from plastic bags.

Koraga.: -The Koragas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report of 1901 as being a wild tribe of basket-makers and labourers, chiefly found in Mudbidri, and in Puttîr in the Uppinangadi tâluk of South Canara . [1] They are, Mr. M.T. Walhouse writes,[2] "a very quiet and inoffensive race; small and slight, the men seldom exceeding five feet six inches; black-skinned, liked most Indian aborigines, thick-lipped, noses broad and flat, and hair rough and bushy. Their principal occupation is basket-making, and they must labour for their masters. They live on the outskirts of villages, and may not dwell in houses of clay or mud, but in huts of leaves, called koppus. Like many of the wild tribes of India, they are distinguished by unswerving truthfulness. The word of a Koragar is proverbial."

The Koragas rank below the Holeyas. In some towns, they are employed by the sanitary department as scavengers. They remove the hide, horns, and bones of cattle and buffaloes which die in the villages, and sell them mainly to M`âppilla merchants. They accept food which is left over after feasts held by various castes. Some are skilful in the manufacture of cradles, baskets, cylinders to hold paddy, winnowing and sowing baskets, scale-pans, boxes, rice-water strainers, ring-stands for supporting pots, coir (cocoanut fibre) rope, brushes for washing cattle, etc. They also manufacture various domestic utensils from soapstone, which they sell at a very cheap rate to shopkeepers in the bazar.

"Numerous slave-castes," Mr. Walhouse continues, "exist throughout India, not of course recognised by law-- indeed formally emancipated by an Act of Government in 1843 but still, though improved in condition, virtually slaves, Their origin and status are thus described. After the four principal classes, who sprang from Brahma, came six Anuloma castes, which arose from the intercourse of Brâhmans and Kshatriyas with women of the classes below them respectively. The term Anuloma denotes straight and regular hair, which in India characterises the Aryan stock. After these came six Pratilóma castes, originated in reverse order from Brahman and Kshatriya women by fathers of the inferior classes. The third among these was the Chandâla, the offspring of Shudra fathers by Brahman women. The Chandâlas, or slaves, were sub-divided into fifteen classes, none of which might intermarry, a rule still strictly observed. The two last, and lowest of the fifteen classes, are the Kapata or rag-wearing, and the Soppu or leaf-wearing Koragas. Such is the account given by Brahman chroniclers; but the probability is that these lowest slave-castes are the descendants of that primitive population which the Aryan invaders from the north found occupying the soil, and after a struggle of ages, gradually dispossessed, driving some to the hills and jungles, and reducing others to the condition of slaves. All these races are regarded by their Hindu masters with boundless contempt, and held unspeakably unclean. This feeling seems the result and witness of times when the despised races were powerful, and were approached as lords by their now haughty masters, and was probably intensified by struggles and uprisings, and the memory of humiliations inflicted on the ultimately successful conquerors.

[1] See Thurston.

[2] Journ, Anthrop. Inst., IV., 1875.

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Evidences for this may be inferred form many curious rights and privileges, which the despised castes possess and tenaciously retain. Moreover, the contempt and loathing in which they are ordinarily held are curiously tinctured with superstitious fear, for they are believed to possess secret powers of magic and witchcraft, and influence with the old malignant deities of the soil, who can direct good or evil fortune. As an instance, if a Brahman mother's children die off when young, she calls a Koragar woman, gives her some oil, rice, and copper money, and places the curviving child in her arms. The out-caste woman, who may not at other times be touched, gives the child suck, puts on it her iron bracelets, and, if a boy, names it Koragar, if a girl, Korâpulu. She then returns it to the mother. This is believed to give a new lease of life. Again, when a man is dangerously ill, or perhaps unfortunate, he pours oil into an earthen vessel, worships it in the same way as the family god, looks at his face reflected in the oil, and puts into it a hair from his head and a nail paring from his toe. The oil is then presented to the Koragars, and the hostile gods or stars are believed to be propitiated."

It is noted in the Manual of the South Canara district, that "all traditions unite in attributing the introduction of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day to Mayîr Varma (of the Kadamba dynasty), but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. One account says that Habâshika, chief of the Koragas, drove out Mayîr Varma, but was in turn expelled by Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lókâditya of Gókarnam, who brought Brahmins from Ahi-kshétra, and settled them in thirty-two villages." Concerning the power, and eventual degradation of the Koragas, the following version of the tradition is cited by Mr. Walhouse. "When Lokadirâya, whose date is fixed by Wilke about 1450 B.C., was king of Bhanvarshe in North Canara (a place noted by Ptolemy), an invader by name Habâshika brought an army from above the ghauts, consisting of all the present Chandâla or slave-castes, overwhelmed that part of the country, and marched southward to Mangalore, the present capital of South Canara. The invading host was scourged with small-pox, and greatly annoyed by ants, so Habâshika moved on to Manjeshwar, a place of ancient repute, twelve miles to the south, subdued the local ruler Angarawarma, son of Virawarma, and reigned there in conjunction with his nephew; but after twelve years both died; one legend says through enchantments devised by Angarawarma, another states that a neighbouring ruler treacherously proposed a marriage between his sister and Habâshika, and, on the bridegroom and his caste-men attending for the nuptials, a wholesale massacre of them all was effected. Angarawarma, then returning, drove the invading army into the jungles, where they were reduced to such extremity that they consented to become slaves, and were apportioned amongst the Brahmans and original landholders. Some were set to watch the crops and cattle, some to cultivate, others, to various drudgeries, which are still allotted to the existing slave-castes, but the Koragars, who had been raised by Habâshika to the highest posts under his government, were stripped and driven towards the sea-shore, there to be hanged, but, being ashamed of their naked condition, they gathered the leaves of the nicki bush (Vitex Negundo), which grows abundantly in waste places, and made small coverings for themselves in front. On this the executioners took pity on them and let them go, but condemned them to be the lowest of the low, and wear no other covering but leaves. The Koragas are now the lowest of the slave divisions, and regarded with such intense loathing and hatred that up to quite recent times one section of them, called Andé or pot Koragars, continually wore a pot suspended from their necks, into which they were compelled to spit, being so utterly unclean as to prohibited from even spitting on the highway; and to his day their women continue to show in their leafy aprons a memorial of the abject degradation to which their whole race was doomed." It is said in pre-British days an Andé Koraga had to take out a licence to come into the town and villages by day. At night mere approach thereto was forbidden, as his presence would cause terrible calamity. The Koragas of those days could cook their food only in broken vessels. The name Vastra, by which one class of Koragas is called, has reference to their wearing vastra, or clothes, such as were used to shroud a dead body, and given to them in the shape of charity, the use of a new cloth being prohibited.

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According to another account the three divisions of the Koragas are (1) Tippi, who wear ornaments made of the cocoanut shell, and (3) Vanti, who wear a peculiar kind of large ear-ring. These three clans may eat together, but not intermarry. Each clan is divided into exogamous septs called balis, and it may be noted that some of the Koraga balis, such as Haledennaya and Kumérdennaya, are also found among the Mâri and Mundala Holeyas.

Clothing and ornaments

On the subject of Koraga dress, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao informs us that "while the males gird a piece of cloth round their loins, the females cover their waist with leaves of the forest woven together. Various reasons are assigned for this custom. According to a tradition, at the time when the Koragars had reigned, now far distant, one of these "blacklegged' (this is usually the expression by which they are referred to during the night) demanded a girl of high birth in marriage. Being enraged at this, the upper class withheld, after the overthrow of the Koragas, every kind of dress from Koraga women, who, to protect themselves from disgrace, have since had recourse to the leaves of the forest, conceiving in the meantime that god had decreed this kind of covering." Mr, Walhouse writes [1] further that the Koragas wear an "apron of twigs and leaves over the buttocks. Once this was the only covering allowed them, and a mark of their deep degradation. But now, when no longer compulsory, and of no use, as it is worn over the clothes, the women still retain it, believing its disuse would be unlucky." "The Koragas," Mr. H.A. Stuart tell us, [2] "cover the lower part of their body with a black cloth and the upper part with a white one, and their head-dress is a cap made of the areca-nut spathe, like that worn by the Holeyas.

Their ornaments consist of brass ear-rings, an iron bracelet, and beads of bone strung on a thread and tied around their waist." The waist-belt of Koraga, whom I saw at Udipi, was made of owl bones.

"It may," Mr Walhouse states, [3] "be noted that, according to the traditional accounts, when the invading hosts under Habâshiks were in their turn overthrown and subjected, they accepted slavery under certain conditions that preserved to them some shadow of right. Whilst it was declared that they should be for ever in a state of servitude, and be allowed a meal daily, but never the means of providing for the next day's meal. Each slave was ascripted to his master under the following forms, which have come down to our days and were observed in the purchase or transfer of slavers within living memory. The slave having washed, anointed himself with oil, and put on a new cloth, his future owner took a metal plate, filled it with water, and dropped in a gold coin, which the slave appropriated after drinking up the water. The slave then took some earth from his future master's estate, and threw it on the spot he chose for his hut, which was given over to him with all the trees thereon. When land was transferred, the slaves went with it, and might also be sold separately. Occasionally they were presented to a temple for the service of the deity. This was done publicly by the master approaching the temple, putting some earth from before its entrance into the slave's mouth, and declaring that he abjured his rights, and transferred them to the deity within. Rules were laid down, with the Hindu passion for regulating small matters, not only detailing what work the slaves should do, but what allowances of food they should receive, and what presents on certain festival occasions they should obtain from, or make to the master. On marriages among themselves, they prostrated themselves before the master and obtained his consent, which was accompanied with a small present of money and rice. The marriage over, they again came before the master, who gave them betel nuts, and poured some oil on the bride's head. On the master's death, his head slave immediately shaved his hair and moustache. There was also a list of offences for which masters might punish slaves, amongst which the employment of witchcraft, or sending out evil spirits against others, expressly figures; and the punishments with which each offence might be visited are specified, the worst of which are branding and flogging with switches.

[1] Ind. Ant. X, 1881.

[2] Manual of the south Canara district.

[3] Journ. Anthrop. Inst. IV, 1875.

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There was no power of life and death, and in cases of withholding the usual allowance, or of punishments severer than prescribed, slaves might complain to the authorities."

On the subject of Koraga slavery, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao writes that "although these slaves are in a degraded condition, yet they by no means appear to be dejected or unhappy. A male slave gets three hanis of paddy (unhusked rice) or a hani and a half of rice daily, besides a small quantity of salt. The female slave gets two hanis of paddy, and if they be man and wife, they can easily sell a portion of the rice to procure other necessaries of life. They are also allowed one cloth each every year, and, besides, when transferred from one master to another, they get a cocoanut, a jack tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), and a piece of land where they can sow ten or twenty seers of rice. The greater number of slaves belong to the Alia Santânam castes (inheritance in the female line), and among these people a male slave is sold for three pagodas (fourteen rupees) and a female slave for five pagodas; whereas the few slaves who belong to the Makkala Santânam castes (inheritance in the male line) fetch five pagodas for the man slave, and three pagodas for the female. This is because the children of the latter go to the husband's master, who has the benefit of the husband's services also. He has, however, to pay the expenses of their marriage, which amount to a pagoda and a half; and, in like manner, the master of the Makkala Santâna slave pays two pagodas for his marriage, and gets possession of the female slave and her children. The master has the power of hiring out his slave, for whose services he receives annually about a mura of rice, or forty seers. They are also mortagaged for three or four pagodas."

For the marriages of the Koragas, Mr. Walhouse informs us that "Sunday is an auspicious day, though Monday is for the other slave castes. The bridegroom and bride, after bathing in cold water, sit on a mat in the former's house, with a handful of rice placed before them. An old man presides, takes a few grains of rice and sprinkles on their heads, as do the others present, first the males and then the females. The bridegroom then presents two silver coins to his wife, and must afterwards give six feasts to the community." At these feasts every Koraga is said to vie with his neighbour in eating and drinking. "Though amongst the other slave castes divorce is allowed by consent of the community, often simply on grounds of disagreement, and the women may marry again, with the Koragars marriage is indissoluble, but a widow is entitled to re-marriage, and a man may have a second, and even third wife, all living with him."

Concerning the ceremonies observed on the birth of a child, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao writes that "after a child is born, the mother (as among Hindus) is unholy, and cannot be touched or approached. The family take leave of the koppu for five nights, and depend on the hospitality of their friends, placing the mother under the sole charge of a nurse or midwife. On the sixth night the master of the koppu calls his neighbours, who can hardly refuse to oblige him with their presence. The mother and the child are then given a tepid bath, and this makes them holy. Members of each house bring with them a seer of rice, half a seer of cocoanut oil, and a cocoanut. The woman with the baby is seated on a mat with her neighbour's presents before her in a flat basket. The oldest man present consults with his comrades as to what name will best suit the child. A black string is then tied round the waist of the baby. The rice, which comes in heaps from the neighbours, is used for dinner on the occasion, and the cocoanuts are split into two pieces, the lower half being given to the mother of the child, and the upper half to the owner. This is the custom followed when the baby is a male one; in case of a female child, the owner receives the upper half, leaving the lower half for the mother. Koragars were originally worshippers of the sun, and they are still called after the names of the days of the week as Aita (a corruption of Aditya, or the sun); Toma (Sóma, or the moon); Angara (Mangala); Gurva (Jupiter); Tanya (Shani, or Saturn); Tukra (Shukra, or Venus). They have no separate temples for their God, but a place beneath a kâsaracana tree (Strychnos Nux-vomica) is consecrated for the worship of the deity which is exclusively their own, and is called Kata.

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Worship in honour of this deity is usually performed in the months of May, July, or October. Two plantain leaves are placed on the spot, with a heap of boiled rice mixed with turmeric. As is usual in every ceremony observed by a Koragar, the senior in age takes the lead, and prays to the deity to accept the offering and be satisfied. But now they have, by following the example of Bants and Sudras, exchanged their original object of worship for that of Bhutas (demons).

On the subject of the religion of the Koragas, Mr. Walhouse states that "like all the slave castes and lower races, the Koragars worship Mari Amma, the goddess presiding over small-pox, the most dreadful form of Parvati, the wife of Siva. She is the most popular deity in Canara, represented under the most frightful form and worshipped with bloody rites. Goats, buffaloes, pigs, fowls, etc., are slaughtered at a single blow by an Asâdi, one of the slave tribes from above the ghauts. Although the Koragars, in common with all slaves, are looked upon as excommunicated and unfit to approach any Brahminical temple or deity, they have adopted the popular Hindu festivals of the Gokalastami or Krishna's birthday, and the Chowti. In the latter, the preliminaries and prayers must be performed by a virgin." Concerning these festivals, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao gives the following details. "The Koragars have no fixed feasts exclusively of their own, but for a long time they have been observing those of the Hindus. Of these two are important. One is Gókula Ashtami, or the birthday of Krishna, and the other is the Chowti or Pooliyar feast. The latter is of greater importance than the former. The former is a holy day of abstinence and temperance, while the latter is associated with feasting and merry-making, and looks more like a gala-day set apart for anything but religious performance. On the Ashtami some cakes of black gram are made in addition to the usual dainties. The services of Bacchus are called in aid, and the master of the koppu invites his relatives and friends. A regular feasting commences, when the master takes the lead, and enjoys the company of his guests by seating himself in their midst. They are made to sit on the floor crosswise with a little space intervening between every guest, who pays strict regard to all the rules of decency and rank. To keep up the distinction of sexes, females are seated in an opposite row. The host calls upon some of his intimates or friends to serve on the occasion. The first dish is curry, the second rice; and cakes and dainties come in next. The butler Koragar serves out to the company the food for the banquet, while the guests eat it heartily. If one of them lets so much as a grain of rice fall on his neighbour's plate, the whole company ceases eating. The offender is at once brought before the guests, and charged with having spoiled the dinner. He is tried there and then, and sentenced to pay a fine that will cover the expenses of another banquet. It case of resistance to the authority of the tribunal, he is excommunicated and abandoned by his wife, children and relatives, No one dare touch or speak to him, plea of poverty of course receives a kind consideration. The offender is made to pay a small sum as a fine, which is paid for him by a well-to do Koragar. To crown the feast, a large quantity of toddy finds its way into the midst of the company. A small piece of dry areca leaf sewed together covers the head of a Koragar, and forms for him his hat. This hat he uses as a cup, which contains a pretty large quantity of liquid. A sufficient quantity is poured into their cup, and if, in pouring, a drop finds its way to the ground, the butler is sure to undergo the same penalty that attaches itself to any irregularity in the dinner as described above. After the banquet, some male members of the group join in a dance to the pipe and drum, while others are stimulated by the intoxicating drink into frisking and jumping about. To turn to the other festival. The inmates of the house are required to fast the previous night, and on the previous day flesh or drink is not allowed. The next morning before sunrise, a virgin bathes, and smears cowdung over a part to the house. The place having been consecrated, a new basket, specially made for the occasion, is placed on that spot. It contains a handful of beaten rice, two plantains, and two pieces of sugar-cane. The basket is then said to contain the god of the day, whom the sugarcane represents, an the spot is too holy to be approached by man or woman. A common belief which they hold is that the prayers made by a virgin are duly responded to on account of her virgin purity, and does not admit of the worship being conducted by any one else.

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The girl adorns the basket with flowers of the forest, and prays for the choicest blessings on the inmates of the house all the year round.

A Koraga woman, when found guilty of adultery, is said to be treated in the following extraordinary way. If her paramour is of low caste similar to herself, he has to marry her. But, in order to purify her for the ceremony, he has to build a hut, and put the woman inside. It is then set on fire, and the woman escapes as best she can to another place where the same performance is gone through, and so on until she has been burnt out seven times. She is then considered once more and honest woman, and fit to be again married. According to Mr. Walhouse, "a row of seven small huts is built on a river-bank, set fire to, and the offender made to run over the burning sticks and ashes as a penance." A similar form of ordeal has been described as occurring among the Bâkutas of south Canara by Mr. Stuart. "When a man is excommunicated, he must perform a ceremony called yélu halli sudodu, which means burning seven villages, in order to re-enter the caste. For this ceremony, seven small booths are built, and bundles of grass are piled against them. The excommunicated man has then to pass through these one after the other, and, as he does so, the headman sets fire to the grass" (cf. Koyi). It is suggested by Mr. R. E. Enthoven that the idea seems to be "a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcast regaining his status after seven generations have passed without further transgression. The parallel suggested is the law of Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the law of endogamous marriage."

Death rites

Of death ceremonies Mr. Walhouse tells us that "on death the bodies of all the slave castes used to be burnt, except in cases of death from small-pox. This may have been to obviate the pollution of the soil by their carcasses when their degradation was deepest, but now, and from long past, burial is universal. The master's permission is still asked, and after burial, four balls of cooked rice are placed on the grave, possibly a trace of the ancient notion of supplying food to the ghost of the deceased." A handful is said [1] to be "removed from the grave on the sixteenth day after burial, and buried in a pit. A stone is erected over it, on which some rice and toddy are placed as a last offering to the departed soul which is then asked to join its ancestors."

"It may," Mr. Walhouse writes, "be noted that the Koragars alone of all the slave or other castes eat the flesh of alligators (crocodiles), and they share with one or two other divisions of the slaves a curious scruple or prejudice against carrying any four-legged animal, dead or alive. This extends to anything with four legs, such as chairs, tables, cots, etc. which they cannot be prevailed upon to lift unless one leg be removed. As they work as coolies, this sometimes produces inconvenience. A somewhat similar scruple obtains among the Bygas of Central India, whose women are not allowed to sit or lie on any four-legged bed or stool." Like the Koragas, the Bâkudas of South canara "will not carry a bedstead unless the legs are first taken off, and it is said that this objection rests upon a supposed resemblance between the four-legged cot and the four-legged ox." [2]

Of the language spoken by the Koragars, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao states that "it is a common belief that the Koragar has a peculiar dialect generally spoken by him at his koppu. He may be induced to give an account of his feasts, his gods, his family, but a word about his dialect will frighten him out of his wits. Generally polite and well-behaved, he becomes impolite and unmannerly when questioned about his dialect." "All the Hindus," Mr. Walhouse writes, "believe that the Koragars have a language of their own understood only by themselves, but it seems doubtful whether this is anything more that an idiom, or slang." A vocabulary or the Koraga dialect is contained in the South Canara Manual (1895).

[1] Manual of the South Canara district.

[2] Manual of the South Canara district.

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Koragas.: They are nomadic group. In the past in order to enter a market they had to ask for special permission and they were not allowed to spend the night in the village. They are mainly from South India.

Korava.: -Members of this nomad tribe [1], which permeates the length of the Indian peninsula through countries where many languages and dialects are spoken. They are likely to be known by different names in different localities, and this is certainly the case. They are known as Korava from the extreme south to the north of the North Arcot district, where they are called Koracha or Korcha, and in the Ceded Districts they become Yerakala or Yerakala. In Calcutta they have been traced practising as quack doctors, and assuming Marâtha names, or adding terminations to their own, which suggest that they belong to a caste in the south higher in the social scale than they really do. Some Koravas pass for Vellâlas, calling themselves Agambadiar Vellâlas with the title Palli. Others call themselves Palli, Kavarai, Idaiyan, Reddi, etc. [2]

Theiving and burglary

As railways spread over the country, they readily adapted themselves to travelling by them, and the opportunities afforded for going quickly far from the scene of a recently committed crime, or for stealing from sleeping passengers, were soon availed of. In 1899, the Superintendent of Government Railways reported that "the large organization of thieves, commonly called Kepmari Koravas (though they never call themselves so), use the railway to travel far. Some of them are now settled at Cuttack, where they have set up as native doctors, whose speciality is curing piles. Some are at Midnapîr, and are going on to Calcutta, and there were some at Puri some time ago. It is said that a gang of them has gone recently to Tinnevelly, and taken up their abode near Sermadévi, calling themselves Servaikars. One morning, in Tinnevelly, while the butler in a missionary's house was attending to his duties, an individual turned up with a fine fowl for sale. The butler, finding that he could purchase it for about half the real price, bought it, and showed it to his wife with no small pride in his ability in making a bargain. But he was distinctly crestfallen when his wife pointed out that it was his own bird, which had been lost on the previous night. The seller was a Korava." In 1903, a gang of Koravas, travelling, in the guise of pîjâris, was arrested at Puri. The Police discovered that a warrant remained unexecuted against one of them, who had been concerned in a dacoity case in North Arcot many years previously. The report of the case states that "cognate with the Kepmaries is a class of Korava pîjâris (as they call themselves in their own village), who, emanating from one small hamlet in the Tanjore district, are spread more or less all over India. There are, or were until the other day, and probably some are still in Cuttack, Balasore, Midnapîr, Ahmedabad, Patna, Bombay, Secunderabad, and other places. One of them attained a high position in Bombay. Their ostensible profession is that of curing piles and fistulas, but it is noticeable that, sooner or later after their taking up their abode at any place, the Kepmaries are to be found somewhere near, and the impression, which is not quite a certainty but very nearly so, is that they play the convenient role of receivers of property stolen by the Kepmaries." Képmari is regarded as a very strong term of abuse, indicating, as it does, a rouge of the worst character. In the southern districts, the Kâsukkar Chettis and Shânâns are said to be very much trusted by the Koravas in the disposal of property.

[1] See Thurston.

[2] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves.

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Koravas and Yerukalas

It is noted by Mr. H.A. Stuart [1] that the Koravas or Yerukalas are a vagrant tribe found throughout the Presidency, and in many parts of India. In the Telugu country they are called Yerukalavândlu or Korachavândlu, but they always speak of themselves as Kurru, and there is not the slightest room for the doubt that has been expressed regarding the identity of the Koravas and Yerukalas. Several derivations of Yerukala have been proposed by Wilson and others. It has been suggested, for example, that yeru is connected with erra, meaning red. In Telugu Yerukalavândlu would mean fortune-tellers, and Dr. Oppert suggests that this is the origin of the name Yerukala. He says [2] that "It is highly probable that the name and the occupation of the fortune-telling Kuruvândlu or Kulubândlu induced the Telugu people to call this tribe Yerukulavândlu. Dr. Oppert further connects Kurru with the root ku, a mountain; and, in a Tamil work of the ninth century, [3] Kurru or Kura (Kuramagal) is given as the name of a hill tribe." A strong argument in favour of the caste name being connected with the profession of fortune-telling is afforded by the fact that women go about the streets, calling out "Yeruko, amma, yeruku," i.e., prophecies, mother, prophecies. The Kuravas are, Mr. Francis writes, [4] "a gypsy tribe found all over the Tamil country, but chiefly in Kurnool, Salem, Coimbatore and South Arcot. Kuravas have usually been treated as being the same as the Yerukalas. Both castes are wandering gypsies, both live by basket-making and fortune-telling, both speak a corrupt Tamil, and both may have sprung from one original stock. It is noteworthy in this connections that the Yerukalas are said to call one another Kurru or Kura. But their names are not used as interchangeable in the districts where each is found, and there seem to be no real difference between the two bodies. They do not intermarry, or eat together. The Kuravas are said to tie a piece of thread soaked in turmeric water round the bride's neck at weddings, while Yerukalas use a necklace of black beads. The Yerukalas have a tradition that those who went to fetch the tâli and pipe never returned, and they consequently use black beads as a substitute for the tâli, and a bell for the pipe. The Kuravas worship Subramanya, the son of Siva, while the Yerukalas worship Vishnu in the form in Venkateswara and wife Lakshmi. It may be noted that, in a very early Sanskrit drama, the Brâhman thief mocks Subramanya as being the patron saint of thieves. The Kuravas treat the gentler sex in a very casual manner, mortgaging or selling their wives without compunction, but the Yerukalas are particular about the reputation of their womankind, and consider it a serious matter if any of them return home without an escort after sunset. The statistics of this year accordingly show Yerukalas separately from Koravas. The reports from the various districts, however, give such discrepant accounts of both castes, that the matter is clearly is need of further enquiry." There is no district in the Madras Presidency or elsewhere, where both Koravas and Yerukalas live, unless it be the smallest possible corner of the Coimbatore district bordering on the south-east of Mysore, for the name Korcha intervenes; and, for a wide strip of country including the north of the North Arcot district and south of the Cuddapah district, the Korava is known as a Korcha, and the Census Superintendent, in common with other authorities, has admitted these names to be synonymous. It is in the north of the Cuddapah district that the Yerukalas first appear in co-existence with the Korcha. The Korcha being admitted on all sides to be the same as the Korava, our doubt regarding the identity of the Korava with the Yerukala will be disposed of if we can establish the fact that 5 the Korcha and the Yerukala are the same. The Rev. J. Cain, writing [5] about the Yerukalas of the Godâvari district, states that "among themselves they call each other Kuluvâru, but the Telugu people call them Erakavâru or Erakalavâru. and this name has been derived from the Telugu word eruka, which means knowledge or acquaintance, as they are great fortunetellers."

[1] Madras census Report, 1891.

[2] Madras Journ, Lit: and Science,1888-89.

[3] Tirumurukairuppadai.

[4] Madras Census report. 1901.

[5] Indian Antiquity, IX, 1880.

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According to Balfour, [1] the Koravas, or a certain section of them, i.e, the Kunchi Koravas, were known as Yerkal Koravas, and they called the language they spoke Yerkal. The same authority, writing of the Yerkawadu, alludes to them as Kurshiwanloo, and goes on to say that they style themselves Yerkal, and give the same appellation to the language in which they hold communication. The word Yerkal here undoubtedly stands for Yerukala, and Kurshi for Korcha. It is evident from this, supported by authorities such as Wilson, Campbell, Brown and Shortt, that the doubt mentioned by the Census Superintendent in regard to the identity of the Yerukala and Korava had not arisen when the Cyclopaedia of India was published, and it is the subsequent reports of later investigators that are responsible for it. The divergencies of practices reported must be reckoned with and accounted for. They may be due to local customs existing in widely separated areas. It is contended that the Koravas and Yerukalas do not intermarry or eat together. A Korava, who has made a permanent home in a village in the south, if asked whether he would marry a Yerukala, would most certainly answer in the negative, probably having never heard of such a person. A circular letter, submitted to a number of Police. Inspectors in several districts, produced the same sort of discrepant information complained of by the Census Superintendent. But one Inspector extracted from his notes the information that, in 1895, marriages took place between the southern Koravas of a gang from the Madura district and the Yerukalas of the Cuddapah district; and, further, that the son of one of a gang of Yerukalas in the Anantapur district married a Korcha girl from a gang belonging to the Mysore State. The consensus of opinion also goes to prove that they will eat together. Yerukalas undoubtedly place a string of black beads as a tâli round the bride's neck on marriage occasions, and the same is used by the Koravas. Information concerning the use of a turmeric-dyed string came from only one source, namely, Hosîr in the Salem district, and it was necessary even here for the string to be furnished with a round bottu, which might be a bead. A plain turmeric-soaked thread appears to be more the exception that the rule. Yerukalas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and a god worshipped by any one gang cannot be taken as a representative god for the whole class. Yerukalas may treat their womankind better that the southern Koravas, but this is only a matter of degree, as the morals of both are slack. The Yerukalas, occupying, as they do, the parched centre of the peninsula, more frequently devastated by famine that the localities occupied by the Koravas, may have learnt in a hard school the necessity of taking care of their wives; for, if they allowed them to pass to another man, and a drought ruined his crop and killed the cattle, he would find it hard to procure another, the probability being that the price of wives rises in a common ratio with other commodities in a time of scarcity.

Mythical origins

From the accounts given by them, it appears that the Koravas claim to have originated in mythological ages. The account varies slightly according to the locality, but the general outlines agree more or less with the story related in the Bhâgavâtham. The puróhits, or priests, are the safest guides, and it was one of them who told the following story, culled, as he admitted, from the Sâstras and the Râmâyana. When the great Vénudu, son of Agneswathu, who was directly descended from Brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne, and when he died, his body was preserved. The seven ruling planets sat in solemn conclave, and consulted as to what they should do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the right thigh of the deceased Vénudu, and they accordingly fashioned and gave life to Nishudu. Their work was not deformed in body, but repulsively ugly in face. It was agreed at another meeting of the planets that he was not a fit person to be placed upon the throne, and decided to make a being from the right shoulder of Vénudu, and their second effect was crowned with success. They called the second creation Proothu Chakravarthi, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the throne. This supersession naturally caused the first-born Nishudu to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place, in which he communed with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him if he was not to rule.

[1] Cyclopaedia of India.

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The gods explained that he could not now be placed on the throne, as Chakravarthi had already been installed, but that he should be a ruler over forests. In this capacity Nishudu begat the Bóyas, Chenchus, Yânâdis, and Koravas. The Bóyas were his legitimate children, but the others were all illegitimate. It is because Nishudu watched in solemn silence to know his creator that some of his offspring called themselves Yerukalas (yeruka, to know). Another story explains the name Korava. When the princes Dharmarâja and Duryodana were at variance, the former, to avoid strife, went into voluntary exile. A woman who loved him set out in search of him, but, through fear of being identified, disguised herself as a fortune-teller. In this manner she found him, and their offspring became known as Koravas, from kuru, fortune-telling. The appellation Koracha or Korcha appears to be of later date than Korava, and is said to be derived from the Hindustani kori (sly), korri nigga (sly look) becoming corrupted into Korcha. Whenever this name was applied to them, they had evidently learnt their calling thoroughly, and the whole family, in whatever direction its branches spread, established a reputation for cunning in snaring animals or birds, or purloining other people's goods, until to-day their names are used for the purpose of insulting abuse in the course of a quarrel. Thus a belligerant might call the other a thieving Yerukala, or ask, in tones other than polite, if he belongs to a gang of Korchas. In the Tamil country, a man is said to kurakenju, or cringe like a Korava, and another allusion to their dishonesty is kurapasângu, to cheat like a Korava. The proverb "Kuruvan's justice is the ruin of the family" refers to the endless nature of their quarrels, the decision of which will often occupy the headmen for weeks together.

Language

In communicating among themselves, the Koravas and Yerukalas speak a corrupt polyglot, in which the words derived from several languages bear little resemblance to the original. Their words appear to be taken chiefly from Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese. A short vocabulary of the Yerukala language has been published by the Rev. J. Cain. [1] The Yerukalas call this language Oodra, which seems to stand for gibberish or thieves' slang, or, as they explain, something very hard to understand. Oriya or Oodra is the language of the districts of Ganjam and Orissa. The word Oriya means north, and the fact that the Yerukalas call their language Oodra would seem to confirm their belief that they are a northern tribe. The wanderers always know more than one language colloquially, and are able to make themselves understood by the people of the country through which they may be passing. Those who have settled in villages invariably speak the language of the locality. When talking among themselves, they call a Brâhman Thanniko Korava, or the bathing Korava. They consider the Brâhmans to be more cunning than themselves, and, as they are fond of bathing to remove pollution, they have given them this nickname. A detailed account of the Korava slang and patois has been published by Mr. F. Fawcett, Deputy Inspector-General of Police, [2] from whose notes thereon the following examples are taken:

Constable Erthalakayadu. Red-headed man.

Head constable. Kederarilu. The man who rides on an ass.

Taking bribe Kalithindrathu. Eating râgi food.

Today Uggu Perumalu ollaithanni. White water, or good water.

Fowls Rendukal Naidu. The Naidu of tow legs.

Mussalamans Arthupottavungo. those who have cut (circumcised).

Parish Utharalu keenjalu. The man that pipes.

Butcher's knife Elamayarathe bottarathu. That for striking those that graze leaves.

Rupees Pâlakanna. Milk eyes.

Ollakelluka. White pebbeles.

[1] Loc. cit.

[2] Note of Koravas, 1908.

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Korava society is purely patriarchal, and, in whatever division or sept of the caste a Korava may be born, he has to subordinate himself to the will of his elders or the leaders of his particular gang. The head of a gang is called the Peru Manusan or Beriya Manasan or Beriya Manasan (big man). He is selected principally because of is age, intelligence, and the influence he commands amongst the members of the gang. It is a post which carries with it no consultations, and is given the position of honour at all social functions. Concerning the caste government, Mr. Fawcett writes that "the kulam or caste assembly adjudicates claims, inflicts penalties, ejects individuals from the caste, or readmits them thereto. Free drinking of toddy at the expense of one of the parties accompanies every caste assembly of the kulam. The disputants join hands. thereby indicating to the kulam that their dispute should be decided by them. Each pays one rupee. The kulam may decide the dispute at once, or adjourn for further consideration at any time. The next meeting is called the second joining of hands, when each pays one rupee, as before, to be spent in toddy. A man who fails to attend when the kulam has been convened loses his caste absolutely. If there is a third adjournment, that is a third joining of hands, each side pays Rs. 3,5: for toddy, to keep the kulam in good spirits. As this is always the final adjournment, the decision is sometimes arrived at by means of an ordeal. An equal quantity of rice is placed in two pots of equal weight having a quantity of water, and there is an equal quantity of firewood. The judges satisfy themselves most carefully as to quantity, weights, and so on. The water is boiled, and the man whose rice boils is to recoups from the loser all his expenses. It sometimes happens that both pots boil at the same time; then a coin is to be picked out of a pot containing boiling oil. There is yet another method of settling disputes about money. The amount claimed is brought by one party, and placed beside an idol. The claimant is then asked to take it, and, should nothing unpleasant happen to him or to his claim, it is agreed that the claimant is in the right. The kulam has nothing whatever to do with planning the execution of offences, but is sometimes called upon to decide about the division of plunder, as, for instance, when any member of a criminal expedition improperly secretes something for himself. But they engage vakils (pleaders) for defending members of the gang who are charged with a criminal offence, whether they have been concerned in it or not."

Classes and sub-divisions

There are a great many classes of Koravas, most of them obtaining their names from the particular occupations they have followed as an ostensible means of livelihood for many generations. But, whatever they may call themselves, they all, according to Mr, Mainwaring, fall within three divisions, viz.:

1. Sakai, Sampathi, Sâthupadi.

2. Kâvadi or Gujjula.

3. Dévarakonda, Mendrakutti, or Menapadi.

The members of the first two divisions are pure Koravas, the legitimate descendants of Koravas who have never married outside the caste, where the third division represents and includes the mixed marriage, and the offspring thereof. The Koravas receive into their ranks members of castes other than Paraiyans (including Mâlas and Mâdigas), Yânâdis, Mangalas, and Tsâkalas. The ceremony of introduction into the Korava community consists in burning the tongue with a piece of gold. The Koravas have a strong objection to taking food touched by Médaras, because, in their professional occupation of doing wicker-work, they use an awl which resembles the tool used by Mâdigas in shoe-making. The Koravas are said to be divided into two large families, which they call Póthu and Pénti, meaning male and female. All the families included in the first division noted above are Póthu, and those in the second Pénti. The families in the third division, being the product of mixed marriage, and the position of females being a lowly one, they are also considered to be Pénti.

The Póthu section is said to have arisen from men going in search of brides for themselves, and the Péntis from men going in search of husbands for their daughters.

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When a Korava, male or female, wishes to marry, a partner must be sought in a division other than their own. For example, a Korava of the first division is bound to marry a female belonging to the second or third division, who, after marriage, belongs to her husband's division. This may be a little hard on the women of the first division, because they are bound to descend in the social scale. However, their daughters can rise by marrying ceremonies, each division has fixed duties. The members of The first division have the right of decorating the god, and dressing him in his festival attire. Those of the second division carry the god and the regalia in procession, and burn incense, and those of the third drag the temple litter, and sing and shout during its progress. For this reason, it is said, they are sometimes called Bandi (cart). "The major divisions," Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu writes, "are four in number, and according to their gradation they are Sâthepâti, Kâvadi, Mânapâti, Mendragutti. They are all corrupted Tamil words.

"1. Sâthepâti is a corruption of Sâthupâdi, which means adorning a Hindu deity with flowers, jewels and vestments.

"2. Kâvadi, meaning a pole carried on the shoulders with two baskets pendant from its ends, in which are contained offerings for a deity or temple.

"3. Mânapâti is a corruption of Mânpadi, which means singing in praise of god, when He is worshipped in a temple.

"4. Mendragutti is a corruption of Menrikutti, which means stitching a pair of shoes, and presenting them to the temple-- a custom still prevalent at Tirupati and other important shrines.

"Of these four divisions, the first two are, or rather were, considered superior to the other two, a Kâvadi man being styled Póthuvâdu (man), and a Sâthepâti man Penti (female)." A still further classification of divisions and subdivisions is given by Mr. F.S. Mullaly. [1] I am informed by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao that, in the Vizagapatam district, the Yerukalas are divided into Pattapu or Oddé, and Thurpu (eastern). Of these, the former, when they are prosperous, live in tiled houses, while the latter live in huts. Pattapu women wear brass bangles on both wrists, and Thurpu women brass bangles on the right wrist, and glass bangles on the left. The former throw the end of their cloth over the left shoulder, and the latter over the right. It is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district, that "the Kuravans are divided into a number of endogamous sections, of which the Ïna Kuravans and the Kâvalkâran Kuravans are the most criminal, especially the latter. The latter are also called the Marasa, Mondu, and Kâdukutti Kuravans. In dress and appearance the Nâmakkal Kuravans are said to be superior to those of Karîr, and to look like well-dressed Vellâlans or Pallis. They are peculiar in wearing long ear-rings. They are also to be much better thieves than the others, and to dislike having a karîr Kuravan when breaking into a house, for fear he might wake the household by his clumsiness." As examples of intipéru, or exogamous septs, the following, which were given by Uppu Yerukalas, may be cited:

Dâsari, Vaishnavite mendicant. Mogili (Pandanus fascicularis),

Uyyâla, swing.

Sukka, star. Râgala, râgi grain.

Kampa, bush of thorns. Pîla, flowers.

Ávula, cows. Katâri, dagger.

Thoka, tail. Ambojala, lotus.

Kânaga (Pongamia glabra). Samudrâla, sea.

Bandi, cart. Venkatagiri, a town.

Gajjala, small bell.

[1] Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.

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"A knowledge," Mr. Fawcett writes, "of these house or sept names may be useful in order to establish a man's identity, as a Koravar, who is generally untruthful as to his own name, is seldom if ever so as regards his house or sept name, and his father's name. He considers it shameful to lie about his parentage, "to be born to one, and yet to give out the name of another." Totemism of some king evidently exists, but it is rather odd that it has not always any apparent connection with the sept or house name. Thus, the totem of persons of the Konéti sept is horse-gram (kollu in Tamil), which they hold in veneration, and will not touch, eat, or use in any way. The totem of the Samudrâla sept is the conch shell, which likewise will not be used by those of the sept in any manner. It may be noted that persons of the Raméswari sept will not eat tortoises, while those of the Konéti sept are in some manner obliged to do so on certain occasions."

Other occupations

As regards names for specific occupations among the Koravas, the Bídar or nomad Koravas originally carried merchandise in the form of salt, tamarinds, jaggery (crude sugar or molasses), leaves of the curry leaf plant (Murraya Kaenigii) from place to place on pack-bullocks or donkeys. The leaves were in great demand, and those who brought them round for sale were called in Tamil Karuvaipillai, and in Telugu Karepâku, after the commodity which they carried. This is a common custom in India, and when driving through the bazâr, one may hear, for example, an old woman carrying a bundle of wood addressed as firewood. "Kâvadi" will be screamed at a man carrying a pole (kâvadi) with baskets, etc., suspended from it, who got in the way of another. The section of Koravas who carried salt inland from the coast became known as Uppu (salt) Koravas. Another large class are the Thubba, Dhubbai, or Dhabbai (split bamboo) Koravas, who restrict their wanderings to the foot of hill ranges, where bamboos are obtainable. With these they make baskets for the storage of grain, for carrying manure at the bottom of carts, and various fancy articles. In the Kurnool district, the Yerukalas will only carry bamboos at the time of the new moon, as they are there supposed to be free from attacks by boring weevils, and they do certain pîja (worship) to the goddess Malalamma, who presides over the bamboos. In the Nallamalai forests, the Yerukalas do not split the bamboo into pieces and remove the whole, but take off only a very thin strip consisting of the outer rind. The strips are made up into long bundles, which can be removed by donkeys. There is extreme danger of fire, because the inner portions of the bamboos, left all over the forest, are most flammable. [1] Instead of splitting the bamboos in the forest, and leaving behind a lot of combustible material, the Yerukalas now have to purchase whole bamboos, and take them outside the forest to split them. The members of gang of these Yerukalas, who came before me at Nandyâl, were each carrying a long split bamboo wand as an occupational insigne. A further important section is that of the Kunchu or Kunchil Koravas, who gather roots in the jungle, and make them into long brushes which are used by weavers. The Koravas have a monopoly in their manufacture, and take pride in making good brushes.

These Kunchu Koravas are excellent hunters, and catch duck, quail, and other game with great skill. For the purpose of getting sufficiently close to their target, they use a kind of shield made of dried twigs ragged at the edges, which looks like an enormous wind-blown bundle of grass. When they come in sight of a antelopes, they rest one edge of the shield on the ground, and, sitting on their heels behind it, move it slowly forward towards the herd until they get sufficiently close to dash at the young ones, or shoot the grown-up animals. The antelopes are supposed to mistake the shield for a bush, and to fail to notice its gradual approach. They capture duck and teal largely at night, and go to the rice fields below a tank (pond or lake), in which the crop is young, and the ground consequently not entirely obscured. This would be a likely feeding-ground, or traces of duck having fed there on the previous night might be noticed. They peg a creeper from one bund (mud inches above the water in the field).

[1] Forest Inspection Report, 1896.

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From this they suspend a number of running loops made of sinews drawn from the legs of sheep or goats or from the hind-legs of hares, the lower ends of the loops touching the mud under water. If the duck or teal come to feed, they are sure to be caught, and fall victims to the slip noose. "The Kuntsu (Kunchu) Korachas," Mr, Francis tells us, [1] "catch small birds by liming twigs or an arrangement of bits of bamboo with a worm hung inside it, or by setting horse-hair nooses round the nests. Quails they capture by freely snaring a piece of ground, and then putting a quail in a cage in the middle of it, to lure the birds towards the snare. They also catch them, and partridges too, by driving the bevy towards a collapsible net. To do this, they cover themselves with a dark blanket, conceal their heads in a kind of big hat made of hair, feathers and grass, and stalk the birds from a bullock trained to the work, very gradually driving them into the net. They also occasionally capture black-buck (antelope) by sending a tame buck with nooses on his horns to fight with wild one. The latter speedily gets his horns entangled in the nooses, and is easily secured." Sometimes the Kunchu Korava begs in villages, dragging about with him a monkey, while the females earn a livelihood by tattooing, which occupation, known as pricking with green, has gained for them the name of Pacchai (green) Kutti. The patterns used in tattooing by a Korava woman, whom I interviewed, were drawn in a note-book, and consisted of fishes, scorpions, a fortress, five-storeyed house, conventional designs, etc. The patterns were drawn on the skin, with great dexterity and skill in freehand drawing, by means of a blunt stick dipped in a mixture of a lamp-oil, and turmeric contained in a half cocoanut shell. The pattern is pricked in a with a bundle of four or five needles tied together. The needles and drawing-stick were kept in a hollow bamboo, and the tattooing mixture in the scooped out fruits of the bael (AEgle Marmelos) and palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer). For tattooing an entire upper extremity, at several sittings, the Korava woman would be paid from eight to twelve annas, or receive food-grains in lieu of money. The hot weather is said to be more favourable for the operation that the cold season, as the swelling after it is less. To check this, lamp-oil, turmeric, and leaves of the avarai (Dolichos Lablab) are applied. Concerning the Pacchaikuttis, or, as they are also called, Gadde (soothsayers), Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu writes that "the women start with a basket and a winnowing basket or tray into a village, proclaiming their ostensible profession of tattooing and soothsaying, which they do for grain or money. When unfortunate village women, who always lose children or who often fall ill, see these Gadde women moving about, they call them into their houses, make them sit, and, pouring some grain into their baskets ask them about their past misery and future lot. These women, who are sufficiently trained to speak in suitable language, are clever enough to give out some yarns in equivocal terms, so that the anxious women, who hope for better futurity, understand them in the light uppermost in their own minds. The Korava women will be rewarded duly, and doubly too, for they never fail to study the nature of the house all the time, to see if it offers a fair field for booty to their men." At Srungavarapukóta in the Vizagapatam district "the local goddes, Yerakamma, is a deification of a woman who committed sati. Ballads are sung about her, which say that she was the child of Dâsari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman (whence her name) who prophesied that she would have the gift of second sight. She eventually married, and one day she begged her husband not to his field, as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. Her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot where her shrine still stands. [2] The Œr or village Korava have given up their nomadic life, and settled in villages of their own, or together with other communities. Many of them have attended schools, and can read and write to some extent. Some of them are employed in the police and salt departments, as jail warders, etc. The Œr Korava is fast losing his individuality, and assimilating, in dress, manners and customs, to the ryots among whom he dwells. In the Salem district there is a village called Koravîr, which is inhabited entirely by Koravas, who say that they were originally Uppu Koravas, but now cultivate their own lands, or work as agricultural labourers for the landowners. They say further that they pay an occasional visit to Madras for the purpose of replenishing their stock of coral and beads, which they sell at local shandis (markets).

[1] Gazetteer of the Bellary district.

[2] Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.

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Some Koravas said to buy gilded beads at Madura, and cheat unsuspecting villagers by selling them as gold. Though the Œr Koravas are becoming civilised, they have not yet lost their desire for other men's goods, and are reported to be the curse of the Anantapur, Cuddapah, and Bellary districts, where they commit robbery, house-breaking, and theft, especially of sheep and cattle. A particularly bold sheep theft by them a few years ago is worthy of mention. The village of Singanamalla in the Anantapur district lies a few miles off the railway. It is bordered on two sides by Government forest reserves, into which the villagers regularly drove their sheep and goats to graze in the charge of small boys, due to the frequent absences of the forest watcher, or when the watcher was well disposed towards them. An arrangement was made between the Koravas and a meat-supplier at Bangalore to deliver on his behalf a large number of sheep at a wayside station near Dharmâvaram, to receive which trucks had to be ready, and the transaction was purely cash. One morning, when more than a hundred sheep and been driven far into the reserve by their youthful charges, who kept more or less close together for the sake of company, a number of Koravas turned up, and represented themselves as forest watchers, captured the small boys, gagged them and tied them to trees, and drove off all the available sheep. The boys were not discovered till late at night, and the police did not get to work till the following morning, by which time the sheep were safely entrained for Bangalore. It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1905-1906, that "a large number of members of the notorious Rudrapâd Koracha gangs have recently been released from his Highness the Nizam's prisons, and their return will add appreciably to the difficulties of the Bellary Police." A small class of Koravas is named Pâmula (snake), as they follow the calling of snake-charmers. In the Census Report, 1901, Pîsalavâdu (seller of glass beads) and Utlavâdu (makers of utlams) are given as sub-castes of Yerukala. An utlam is a hanging receptacle for pots, etc., made of palmyra fibre. In the same report, Kâdukuttukiravar (those who bore a hole in the ear) and Valli Ammai Kîttam (followers of the goddess Valli Ammai) are returned as synonyms of Koravas. They claim that Valli Ammai, the wife of the god Subrahmanya, was a Korava woman. Old Tamil books refer to the Koravas as fortune-tellers to kings and queens, and priests to Subrahmanya. Some Koravas have, at times of census, returned themselves as Kîdaikatti (basket-making) Vanniyans. Balfour refers to Walaja Koravas, and states that they are musicians. They are probably identical with the Wooyaloo Koravas, [1] whose duty it is to swing incense, and sing before the god during a religious celebration. The same writer speaks of Bajantri or Sonai Kolawaru and Kolla and Soli Korawars, and states that they inhabit the Southern Marâtha country. These names, like Thógamallai for Koravas who come from the village of that name in the Trichinopoly district, are probably purely local. Further, the Abbé Dubois states that "the third species of Kuravers is generally known under the name of Kalla Bantru, or robbers. The last Muhammadan prince who reigned over Mysore is said to have employed a regular battalion of these men in time of war, not for the purpose of fighting, but to infest the enemy's camp in the night, stealing away the horses and other necessaries of the officers, and acting as spies. They were awarded in proportion to the dexterity they displayed in these achievements, and, in time of peace, they were despatched into the various States of neighbouring princes, to rob for the benefit of their masters." It is possible that the Kaikadis, of the Central Provinces are identical with Koravas, who have migrated thither. A section of Koravas called Koot (dancing) or Kóthee (monkey) Kaikaries, is referred to by Mr, Paupa Rao Naidu as "obtaining their living by prostitution. The also kidnap or sell children for this purpose. Some of the women of this class are thriving well in the Madras Presidency as experts in dancing. They are kept by rich people, and are called in the Telugu country Erukala Bógomvaru, in Tamil Korava Thevidia. They also train monkeys and show them to the public."

[1] F.S. Mullaly, Op, cit.

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Religion

The household god of the Korava, which is as a rule very rudely carved, may be a representation of either Vishnu or Siva. As already noted, it is stated in the Census, Report, 1901, that the Koravas worship Subrahmanya, the son of Siva, while the Verukalas worship Vishnu in the form of Venkatéswara and his wife Lakshmi. They worship Subrahmanya, the son of Siva, while the Yerukalas worship Vishnu in the form of Venkatéswara and his wife Lakshmi. They worship, in addition to these, Kolâpuriamma, Perumâlaswâmi, and other appropriate deities, prior to proceeding on a depredatory expedition. Kolâpuriamma is the goddess of Kolhapîr, the chief town of the Native State of that name in the Bombay Presidency, who is famous in Southern India. Perumâlswâmi, or Venkatéswara, is the god of Tirupati, the great place of pilgrimage in the North Arcot district. The signs of a recent performance of worship by Koravas may prove an indication to the Police that they have been concerned in a dacoity, and act as a clue to detection thereof. They sacrifice sheep or goats once a year to their particular god on a Sunday or Tuesday, while those who worship Venkatéswara honour him on a Saturday, and break cocoanuts as an offering. All offerings presented to the gods are divided among those present after the ceremonies have been completed. Venkatéswara is said to be sometimes represented, for the purpose of worship, by a brass vessel (kalasam) decorated with flowers, and bearing on it the Vaishnavite nâmam (sect marks). Its mouth is closed by a cocoanut, beneath which mango or betel leaves are placed. On the day appointed for the religious service, everything within the hut is thrown outside, and the floor is purified with cow-dung, and devices are drawn thereon. The brass vessel is set up, and offerings of large quantities of food are made to it. Some of this dedicated food (prasâdam) must be given to all the inhabitants of the settlement. A lump of clay, squeezed into a conical shape, with a tuft of margosa (Melia Azadirachta ) leaves does duty for Póléramma. In front thereof, stones are placed. Póléramma may be worshipped close to, but not within, the hut. To her offering of boiled rice (pongal) are made by fasting women. The manner in which the boiling food bubbles over from the cooking-pot is eagerly watched, and accepted as an omen for good or evil. In at mote on the Coorroo, Balfour states [1]that "they told me that, when they pray, they construct a small pyramid of clay, which they term Mâriamma, and worship it. The women had small gold and silver ornaments suspended from cords round their necks, which they said had been supplied to them by a goldsmith, from whom they had ordered figures of Mâriamma. The form represented is that of the goddess Kâli. They mentioned that they had been told by their forefathers that, when a good man dies, his spirit enters they body of some of the better animals, as that of a horse or cow, and that a bad man's spirit gives life to the form of a dog or jackal, but they did not seem to believe in it. They believe firmly, however, in the existence and constant presence of a principle of evil, who, they say, frequently appears, my informant having himself often seen it in the dusk of the evening assuming various forms, at times a cat, anon a goat, and then a dog, taking these shapes that it might approach to injure him." The domestic god of the Koravas, in the southern districts, is said to be Sathavu, for whom a day of worship is set apart once in three or sour years. The Koravas assemble, and, in an open place to the west of the village, an mud platform is erected, on which small bricks are spread. In front of the platform are placed a sickle, sticks, and arrack (liquor). Cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and rice are offered, and sheep sacrificed. Sandal and turmeric are poured over the bricks, and camphor is burnt. The proceedings terminate with a feast. The presiding goddess of the criminal profession of the Koravas is stated by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu [2] to be Moothévi, the goddess of sleep, whom they dread and worship more than any other god or goddess of the Hindu Pantheon. The object of this worship is twofold, one being to keep themselves vigilant, and the other to throw their victims off their guard. Moothévi is invoked in their prayers to keep them sleepless while on their nefarious purpose bent, but withal to make their victims sufficiently sleepy over their property.

[1] Madras Journ, Lit. Science, XVII, 1853.

[2] History of Railway Thieves, Madras, 1904.

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This goddess is worshipped especially by females, who perform strange orgies periodically, to propitiate her. A secluded spot is preferred for performing these orgies, at which animal sacrifices are made, and there is distribution of liquor in honour of the goddess. The Edayapatti gang worship in addition the deity Ratnasabhapathy at Ayyamala. When prosecuted for a crime, the Koravan invokes his favourite deity to let him off with a whipping in the words 'If the punishment of whipping be inflicted I shall adore the goddess.' The following account of a peculiar form of human sacrifice by the Koravas in former days was given to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao by an old inhabitant of the village of Ásîr near Walajabad in the Chingleput district. A big gang settled at the meeting point of the three villages of Ásîr, Mélputtîr, and Avalîr, on an elevated spot commanding the surrounding country. They had with them their pack-bullocks, each headman of the gang owning about two hundred head. The cow-dung which accumulated daily attracted a good many of the villages, on one of whom the headmen fixed as their intended victim. They made themselves intimate with him, andplied him with drink and tobacco. The Koravas then fixed a day for the sacrifice. They invited the victim to visit them at dusk, and witness a great festival in honour of their caste goddess. At the appointed hour, the man went to the settlement, and was induced to drink freely. Meanwhile, a pit, large enough for a man to stand upright in it, had been prepared. At about midnight, the victim was seized, and forced to stand in the pit, which was filled in up to his neck. This done, the women and children of the gang made off with their belongings. As soon as the last of them had quitted the settlement, the headmen brought a large quantity of fresh cow-dung, and placed a ball of it the head of the victim. The ball served as a support for an earthen lamp, which was lighted. The man was by this time nearly dead, and the cattle were made to pass over his head. The headmen then made off, and by daybreak, the whole gang had disappeared. The murdered man was found by the villagers, who have, since that time, scrupulously avoided the Koravas. The victim is said to have turned into a Munisvara, and for a long time troubled those who happened to go near the spot at noon or midnight. The Koravas said to have performed the sacrifice so as to insure their cattle against death from disease. The ground, on which they encamped, and on which they offered the human sacrifice, is stated to have been barren prior thereto, and, as the result thereof, to have become very fertile. It is said that Korava women invoke the village goddesses when they are telling fortunes. They use a winnowing fan and grains of rice in doing this, and prophesy good or evil, according to the number of grains found on the fan. [1]They carry a basket, winnow, stick, and a wicker tray in which cowry shells are imbedded in a mixture of cow-dung and turmeric. The basket represents Kolâpuriamma, and the cowries Póléramma. When telling fortunes, the Korava woman places on the basket the winnow, rice, betel leaves and areca nuts, and the wicker tray. Holding her client's hand over the winnow, and moving it about, she commences to chant, and name all sorts of deities. From time to time she touches the hand of the person whose fortune is being told with the stick. The Korava women are very clever in extracting information concerning the affairs of a client before they proceed to tell her fortune. Brâhmans fix the auspicious hour for marriage, and Chettis are invited to act as priests at the purification ceremony for re-admission into caste of a man or woman who has cohabited with a Paraiyan or Muhammadan, or been beaten with a shoe, etc. For the purpose of re-admission, a panchâyat (council) assembles, at which the headman presides. Enquiries are made into the conduct of the accused, and a fine of two rupees levied. Of this sum the Chetti receives eight annas, with some betel and tobacco. The balance is spent in liquor for those who are assembled. After the Chetti has received his fee, he smears the foreheads of the guilty person and the company with sacred ashes. The impure person goes to a stream or well, and bathes. He then again comes, marking his forehead. The proceedings wind up with a feast. In former days, at a trial before a council, the legs of the complainant and accused were tied together. In 1907, a Koracha was excommunicated for having illicit intercourse with a widow. The ceremony of excommunication usually consists of shaving the head and moustache of the guilty person, and making him ride a donkey, wearing a necklace of bones.

[1] Madras Census Report, 1901.

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In the case under reference, a donkey could not be procured, so a temporary shed was made of sajja (Setaria italica) stalks, which were set on fire after the man had passed through it. He was to be re-admitted into the caste by standing a feast to all the members of five gangs of Korachas.

It is said [1] that "a curious custom of the Kuravans prohibits them from committing crime on new-moon or full-moon days. Once started on an expedition, they are very determined and persistent. There is a case on record where one of a band of Kuravans out on an expedition was drowned in crossing the Cauvery. Nothing daunted by the loss or the omen, they attempted a burglary, and failed. They then tried another house, where they also failed; and it was not till they had met with these three mishaps that their determination weakened, and they went home."

The Koravas are extremely superstitious, and take careful notice of good or bad omens before they start on a criminal expedition. They hold a feast, at which the assistance of the goddess Kolâpuriamma or Perumâl is sought. A young goat, with coloured thread attached to its horns, and a garland of margosa leaves with a piece of turmeric round its neck, is taken to an out-of-the-way shrine. Here it is placed before the deity, and cocoanuts are broken. The god is asked whether the expedition will be successful. If the body of the animal quivers, it is regarded as an answer in the affirmative; if it does not, the expedition will be abandoned. If in addition to quivering, the animal urinates, no better sign could be hoped for. The Koravas make it a point of honour to pay for the goat used for this religious purpose. It was information of this ceremony having been performed which led to the detection of a torchlight dacoity in the Cuddapah district in 1896. The expedition was in the first instance successful, for the Koravas broke into a Kómati's house in the middle of a village, and carried off a quantity of jewels. The house were badly burnt by lighted torches thrust against their faces and bodies. Among other methods of consulting the omens is to sacrifice a fowl at a shrine, and sit in front thereof listening for the direction whence the chirping of lizards issues. If the omens are auspicious, the members of the expedition start off, armed as a rule with lâtis (sticks) and axes. If they attack a cart, they commence by throwing stones at it, to ascertain if the occupant has fire-arms with him. Houses are generally broken into by means of a hole made in the wall near the door-latch. In the Ceded Districts, where the houses are as a rule substantially built of rough stone, and have flat roofs of salt earth, an opening is frequently effected through the roof. The Koravas are often extremely cruel in the methods which they adopt to extort information from inhabitants of houses as to where their valuables are concealed. In common with other Hindus, they avoid the shadow of the thandra tree (Terminalia belerica), in which the spirit of Sanéswaradu is believed to reside. In this connection the following legend is recited.[2] In the city of Bímanapuram there ruled a king named Bímarâju, who had a beautiful daughter named Damayanti, with whom the gods, including Nalamahârâju, fell in love. Damayanti had never seen Nalamahârâju, but loved him on account of the stories which reached her of the justice with which he governed his kingdom, and his chastity. To avoid being charged with partiality in disposing of his daughter's hand, Bímarâju determined to invite all the gods to his house, and the one to whom Damayanti should throw a garland of flowers should claim her as his wife. The day fixed on arrived, and all the gods assembled, except Sanéswaradu, who appears to have been unavoidably detained. The gods were seated in a circle, and a fly guided Damayanti to Nalamahârâju, on whose neck she threw the garland. Nalamahârâju at once claimed her as his wife, and started off with her to his kingdom. On the way they met Sanéswaradu, who demanded an explanation to their being in each other's company. He was told, and was very angry because the matter had been settled in his absence, and swore a mighty oath that they should be separated. To this end, he caused all sorts of difficulties to come in their way. Under his spell, Nalamahârâju took to gambling, and lived in poverty for years. The spell of Sanéswaradu could, however, only last for a certain number of years, and, when the time expired, Nalamahârâju set out for Bímanapuram, to find Damayanti who had returned to her father's house.

[1] Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.

[2] This story based on well-known episode of Nalacharitra in the Aranya Parva of the Mahabharatha.

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On the way, under a thandra tree, he met Sanéswaradu, who confessed that he was the cause of all the troubles that had befallen him, and begged that he would look leniently on his fault. Nalamahârâju would not forgive him, but, after cursing him, ordained that he should live for ever in the thandra tree, so that the area over which he could do wrong should be limited. It is for this reason that all wandering tribes avoid pitching a camp within the shadow of this tree. A tree (Terminalia Catappa) belonging to the same genus as the thandra is regarded as a lucky one to camp beneath, as it was under one of these trees that Râma made a bower when he lived with Síta and Lakshmana after his banishment to the forest of Dandaka. In connection with omens and superstitions, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "Koravas, being highly superstitious, are constantly on the look-out for omens, especially before starting out on an excursion when the objective is dacoity or housebreaking. The household deity, represented by a brick picked up at random, is worshipped, and a sheep or fowl is sacrificed. Water is first poured over the animal, and, if it shakes its body, the omen is good, while, if it stands perfectly still, there is misfortune ahead. It is unfortunate, when starting, to see widows, pots of milk, dogs urinating, a man leading a bull, or a bull bellowing. On the other hand, it is downright lucky when a bull bellows at the scene of the criminal operation. To see a man goading a bull is a good omen when starting, and a bad one at the scene. Sprinkling urine over doors and walls of a house facilitates breaking into it. The failure of an expedition is generally attributed to the evil eye, or the evil tongue, whose bad effects are evinced in many ways. If the excursion has been for housebreaking, the housebreaking implement is often soldered at its sharp end with panchalokam (five metals), to counteract the effect of the evil eye. The evil tongue is a frequent cause of failure. It consists of talking evil of others, or harping on probable misfortunes. There are various ways of removing its unhappy effects. A mud figure of a man is made on the ground, and thorns are placed over the mouth. This is the man with the evil toungue, and the clansmen begin crying out and beating their mouth; the greater the noise, the better the effect. Cutting the neck of a fowl half through and allowing it to flutter about or inserting a red hot splinter in its anus to madden it with pain, are considered to be effective, while, if a cock should crow after its neck has been cut, calamities are averted. The fowl is a sort of adjunct to the Koravar's life. In early childhood, the first experiments in his career consists in stealing fowls; in manhood he feasts on them when he is well off, and he uses them, as we have seen, with abominable cruelty for divination or averting misfortune. The number seven is considered ominous, and a expedition never consists of seven men. The word for the number seven in Telugu resembles the word for weeping and is considered to be unlucky. A man who has returned from jail, or who has been newly married, is not as a rule taken on an expedition. In the case of the former, the rule may be set aside by bringing a lamb from a neighbouring flock. A man who forgets to bring his stick, or to equip or arm himself properly, is always left behind. As in the case of dacoities, seven is an unlucky number to start out for housebreaking, but, should it be unavoidable, a fiction is indulged in of making the housebreaking implement the eighth member of the gang. When there are dogs about a house, they are soon kept quite with powdered gajjakai or ganja leaves mixed with cooked rice, which they eat greedily. Detached parties in the jungle or elsewhere are able to unite by making sounds like the howling of jackals or hooting of owls. The direction taken on a road, or in the forest, is indicated by throwing the leaves of the tangédu (Cassia auriculata) along the road. At cross-roads, the taken route is indicated by the thick end of a twig of the tangédu placed under a stone. Rows of stones, one piled over the other, are also used to point out the route taken when crossing hills. When their husbands are long absent, it arouses apprehension of danger among the womenfolk left behind. A long piece of straw is pulled out of a broom, and to one end of it are tied several small pieces dipped in oil. If the stick floats in water, all is well; but, should it sink, two of the women start out at once to find the men. They generally know as a matter of pre-arrangement whereabouts to find the gang, and proceed thither, pretending to sell karipak (curry leaves). The eighteenth day of the Tamil month Avani is the luckiest day of all for committing crimes. A successful criminal exploit on this day ensures good luck throughout the year. Sundays, which are auspicious for weddings, are inauspicious for crimes.

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Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays are unlucky until noon for starting out form home. So, too, is the day after new moon. Fridays are unsuitable for breaking into the houses of Brâhmans or Kómatis, as they may be engaged in worshipping Ankalamma, to whom the day is sacred." Many Koravas examined by Mr. Mainwaring were injured in one way or another. One man had his left nostril split, and explained that it was the result of a bite by another Korava in the course of a drunken brawl at a toddy-shop. Another had lost some of his teeth in a similar quarrel, and a third was minus the lobe of his right ear. A characteristic of the Koravas, which is well marked, is their hairlessness. They have plenty of straight hair on the head, but their bodies are particularly smooth. Even the pubic hairs are scanty, and the abdominal hairs are abundant only in a few instances. The Korava is not, in appearance, the typical criminal of one's imagination, of the Bill Sykes type. That even the innocent looking individuals are criminal by nature, the following figures establish. In 1902, there were 739 Koravas, or Korchas as they are called in the Anantapur district, on the police registers as members of wandering gangs or ordinary suspects. Of these, no less than 215, or 29 percent, had at least one conviction recorded against them. In the Nellore district, in 1903, there were 54 adult males on the register, of whom no less than 24, or 44 percent, and convictions against them. In the Salem district, in the same year, there were 118 adult male Koravas registered, against 38, or 32.2 percent of who convictions stood. There are, of course, hundreds who escape active surveillance by assuming an ostensible means of livelihood, and allowances must be made for the possibility of numbers escaping conviction for offences they may have committed. The women are equally criminal with the men, but are less frequently caught. They have no hesitation in concealing small articles by passing them into the vagina. The best way of ascertaining whether this has been done is said to be to make them jump. In this way, at a certain feast, a gold jewel was recovered from a woman, and she was convicted. [1] This expedient is, however, not always effectual. A case came under notice, in 1901, at the Kolar gold fields, in which a woman had a small packet of stolen gold amalgam passed to her by her suspect husband, during the search of the house. She begged permission to leave the house to urinate. The request was granted, and a constable who went with her reported her conduct as suspicious. A female searcher was procured, and the parcel found jammed transversely in the vagina, and required manipulation to dislodge it. Small jewels, which the Koravas manage to steal, are at once concealed in the mouth, and even swallowed. When swallowed, the jewel is next day recovered with the help of a purgative. In this way a half sovereign was recovered at few years ago. [2] Male Koravas sometimes conceal stolen articles in the rectum. In the Tanjore district a Korava Képmari, who was suspected to having resorted to this dodge, was examined by a medical officer, and two thin gold chains, each about 14 inches long, were extracted. The females take an important part in resisting an attempt to arrest the males. I am informed that, "when a raid is made on an encampment, the males make off, while the females, stripping themselves, dance in a state of nudity, hoping thereby to attract the constables to them, while the males get clear away. Should, however, these manoeuvres fail to attain their object, the females proceed to lacerate the pudenda, from which blood flows profusely. They then lie down as if dead. If it comes to searching Korava huts, the females take a leading part in attacking the intruders, and will not hesitate to stone them, or break chatties (earthen pots) on their heads." It is recorded, in the Cuddapah Manual, that "a Yerukala came to a village, and, under the pretence of begging, ascertained which women wore jewels, and whether the husbands of any such were employed at night in the fields. In the night he returned, and, going to the house he had previously marked, suddenly snatched up the sleeping woman by the massive kamma (gold ear-ring) she wore, sometimes with such violence as to lift up the woman, and always in such a way as to wrench off the lobe of the ear. This trick he repeated in three different hamlets of the same village on one night, and in one house on two women.

[1] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. Op. cit.

[2] ibid

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In one case, the woman had been lifted so high that, when the ear gave way, she fell to the ground, and severely injured her head." A new form of house robbery is said to have been started by the Koravas in recent years. They mark down the residence of a woman, whose jewels are worth stealing, and lurk outside the house before dawn. Then, when the woman comes out, as is the custom, before the men are stirring, they snatch her ear-rings and other ornaments, and are gone before an alarm can be raised. [1] Another favourite method of securing jewelry is for the Korava to beg for rice, from door to door, on a dark night, crying "Sandi bichcham, Amma, Sandi bichcham" (night alms, mother, night alms). Arrived at the house of his victim, he cries out, and the lady of the house brings out a handful of rice, and puts it in his pot. As she does so, he makes a grab at her tâli or other neck ornament, and makes off with the spoil. "Stolen property", Mr. Mullaly writes,[2] "is disposed of as soon as they can get a suitable remuneration. The general bargain is Re. 1 for a rupee's weight of gold. They do not, however, as a rule, lose much over their transactions. Undisposed of property, which had been buried, is brought to the encampment at nightfall, and taken back and re-buried before dawn. The ground round the pegs, to which their asses are tethered, in heaps of ashes or filth, are favourite places for burying plunder."

The Koravas disguise themselves as Képmaris, Alagiri, or Pîjâris. The terms Képmari, Alagiri Kathirivândlu, etc., are applied to certain persons who adopt particular methods in committing crime, all of which are adopted by the Koravas. The Tamil equivalent of Képmari is Talapa Mathi, or one who changes his head-dress. Alagiris are thieves who worship at the temple of Kalla Alagar near Madura, and vow that a percentage of their ill-gotten gains will be given as an offering to his temple. Kathirivândlu (scissors people) are those who operate with knives or scissors, snipping off chains, cutting the strings of purses, and ripping open bags or pockets. The Koravas are not nice as regards the selection of some of their food. Cats, fowls, fish, pigs, the blackfaced monkey known in Telugu as kondamuchu, jackals, field rats, deer, antelope, goats and sheep served as articles of dietary. There is a Tamil proverb "Give an elephant to a pandit, and a cat to a Kuravan." They will not eat cattle or buffaloes, nor will they eat with barbers, washermen, carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, Paraiyans or Chakkiliyans. The Bóyas seem to be the lowest class with whom they will eat. They drink heavily when funds are available, or at social gatherings, when free drinks are forthcoming. At council meetings liquor must be supplied by the disputants, and there is a proverb, "With dry mouths nothing can be uttered." Most Koravas possess knives, and a kind of billhook, called koduvâl, which is a cross between a sword and a sickle. The back of the blade is heavy, and renders it capable of dealing a very severe blow. With this implement animals are slaughtered, murders committed, and bamboos split. For the purpose of committing burglaries, the Koravas are said by Mr. Mullaly to use an iron instrument pointed at either end, called gâdi kólu or sillu kólu, which is offered, before a gang sets out, to Perumâl, whose aid in the success of the undertaking is invoked. The Koravas as a class are industrious, and generally occupied in doing something. One may see the men on the march twisting threads into stout cord. Others will be making fine nets for fishing, or coarse ones, in which to suspend household pots or utensils; straw pads, on which the round-bottomed chatties invariably stand; or a design with red thread and shells, wherewith to decorate the head of a bull or a money-bag. It is when hawking these articles from door to door that the Koravas are said to gain information as to property which may be worth robbing.

[1] Police Report, 1902.

[2] Op. cit.

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The following is a free translation of a song representing Koracha characteristics, in a play by Mr. D. Krishnamacharlu, a well-known amateur dramatist of Bellary:

Hurrah! Our Koracha caste is a very fine caste,

The best of castes, Hurrah!

When a temple feast is proceeding,

We beg, and commit thefts surprising.

Don't we? Care we for aught?

Don't we ship off uncaught? (Chorus.)

Cutting trinkets off,

from the necks of babes in their mother's arms.

Who could suspect us? Cannot we hoodwink them all?

Cannot we get away? (Chorus.)

When those eternal watchmen catch us,

After endless search take life out of us.

Do we blurt out? Do we confess?

Don't we inquire what is our offence? (Chorus.)

In the south, the Koravas are frequently employed by villagers as watchmen (kâvalgars) on the principle of setting a thief to keep other thieves off. They are paid in grain. The villagers are more than half afraid of them, and, if the remuneration stipulated upon is not promptly paid to the watchmen, a house-breaking will certainly occur in the village. If a crime happens to take place in a village where a Korava has been appointed watchman, he frequently manages to get back the stolen property if the theft is the work of another Korava, but only on condition that the police are not called in to investigate the offence. The dwellings in which the Koravas live are made with low mud walls and thatched. The wanderers erect a temporary hut called gudisé, with mats or cocoanut or palmyra palm leaves, not more than 4 feet high. It is constructed of crossed bamboos tied together, and connected by bamboo, which serves as a bridge, over which they fasten the mats.

Marriage

Marriages are arranged by the elders. The father of a youth who is of a marriageable age calls together some of the elders of his division, and proceeds in quest of a suitable bride. If the family visited consents to the match, the headman is sent for, and a move is made to the toddy-shop. Here the father of the future bridegroom fills a small earthen vessel, called in Telugu muntha, and offers it to the father of the bride-elect, asking him, Do you know why I give you this toddy? The recipient replies. It is because I have given you my daughter, and I drink to her health. The vessel is refilled and offered to the headman, who takes it, and enquires of the father of the girl why he is to drink. The reply is, Because I have given my daughter to so-and-so's son; drink to her health. The questions and answers are repeated while every one present, according to rank, has a drink. Those who have so drunk at this betrothal ceremony are looked upon as witnesses to the contract. After the drinking ceremony, an adjournment is made to the girl's house, where a feast is partaken of. At the conclusion thereof, the future bridegroom's people enquire if the girl has a maternal uncle, to whom the purchase money should be paid. The purchase money is 101 madas (a mada = two rupees), and is always the same for both well-to-do and poor. But, as a matter of fact, the whole of it is never paid. A few instalments are sometimes handed over, but generally the money is the cause of endless quarrels. When, however, the families are on good terms, and the husband enjoys the hospitality of his wife's maternal uncle, or vice versâ, it is a common thing for one two say to the other after a drink, See, brother-in-law, I have paid you two madas to-day, so deduct this from the vóli (purchase money). After the marriage has been arranged, and the maternal uncle has paid four annas as an earnest of the transaction, the party disperses until such time as the principals are in a position to perform the wedding. They might be infants, or the girl immature, or the intended husband be away. After the betrothal ceremony, the parents of the girl should on no account break off the match. If this were done, the party of the husband-elect would summon those who were present at the drinking ceremony to a meeting, and he who partook of the second drink (the headman)would demand from the father of the girl an explanation of the breach of contract.

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No explanation is likely to be satisfactory, and the father is fined three hundred varâhas . [1] This sum, like the purchase money, is seldom paid, but the award of it places the party from whom it is due in a somewhat inferior position to the party to whom it is payable. They occupy thenceforth the position of creditor to debtor. On the occasion of quarrels, no delicate sense of refinement restrains the former from alluding to the debt, and the position would be retained through several generations. There is a Tamil proverb that the quarrels of a Korava and an Idaiyan are not easily settled. If the contracting parties are ready to fulfil their engagement, the maternal uncle to the girl is paid five varâhas as the first instalment of the purchase money, and a Brâhman puróhit is asked to fix an auspicious time for the marriage ceremony. At the appointed time, the wedding party assembles at the home of the bride, and the first day is spent in eating and drinking, the bride and bridegroom being arrayed in new clothes purchased at the expense of the bride's father. On the following day, they again feast. The contracting couple are seated on a kambli (blanket), on which some grains of rice have been previously sprinkled. The guests form a circle round them, and, at the auspicious moment, the bridegroom ties a string of black beads round the bride's neck. When the string has been tied, the married women present, with hands crossed, throw rice over the heads of the pair. This rice has been previously prepared, and consists of five seers of rice with five pieces of turmeric, dried cocoanut, dried date fruit and jaggery (crude sugar), and five silver or copper coins. While the rice-throwing is proceeding, a monotonous song is crooned, of which the following is a free translation:-

Procure five white bulls.

Get five white goats.

Obtain a seer [2] of silver.

Get a seer of gold.

Always love your father.

And live happy for ever.

Look after your mother always.

Your father and mother-in-law.

Do not fear, God above will keep you happy.

Five sons and four daughters.

Shall compose your family.

A predominance of sons is always considered desirable, and, with five sons and four daughters, the mystic number nine is reached. No widows, women who have remarried, or girls dedicated as prostitutes, are allowed to join the wedding circle, as they would be of evil omen to the bride. Widows and remarried women must have lost a husband, and the prostitute never knows the God to whose service she is dedicated. On the third day, the rice-throwing ceremony is repeated, but on this occasion the bride and bridegroom pour some of the rice over each other's heads before the women officiate. This ends the marriage ceremony, but, as among some other class, consummation is prohibited for at least three months, as a very strong superstition exists that three heads should not enter a door within one year. The bride and bridegroom are the first two heads to enter the new home, and the birth of a child within the year and would constitute the third. This undesirable event is rendered less likely by a postponement of consummation. After the prescribed time has lapsed, the bride, with feigned reluctance, is escorted by her female relations to her husband's hut. On the way obscene pleasantries, which evoke much merriment are indulged in. The bride's pretended reluctance necessitates a certain amount of compulsion, and she is given an occasional shove. Finally, she is thrust into the door of the hut, and the attendant women take their departure.

The following details in another form of the marriage rites may be noted. The bridegroom proceeds on a Saturday to the settlement of the bride, where a hut has been set up for him close to that of the bride. Both the huts should face the east.

[1] A varâha or pagoda was worth Rs. 3-8-0.

[2] A seer is an Indian measure of weight, varying in different parts of the country.

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On the following day, the headman, or an elder, brings a tray containing betel, flowers and kankanams (wrist-threads). He ties the threads round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, and also round a pestle and mortar and a crowbar. A distribution of rice to all present, including infants, follows, and pork and mutton are also distributed. Towards evening, married women go, with music produced by beating on a brass tray, to a well or tank, with filled pots beneath a canopy (ulladam). The pots are filled while the bride takes her seat on a plank, and the bridegroom is carried on the shoulders of his brother-in-law, and conducted to another plank. Three married women, and some old men, them pour rice over the heads of the pair, while the following formula is repeated: "Try to secure four pairs of donkeys, a few pigs and cattle; live well and amicably; feed your guests well; grow wise and live." The couple are then taken to the bride's hut, the entrance to which is guarded by several married women, who will not allow them to enter till the bridegroom has given out the name of the bride. Within the hut, the pair exchange food three times, and what remains after they have eaten is finished off by some married men and women. That night the pair sleep in the bride's hut, together with the best man and bridesmaid. On the following day, a feast is held, at which every house must be represented by at least one married woman. Towards evening, the bridegroom takes the bride to his hut, and, just before they start, her mother ties up some rice in her cloth. At the entrance to the hut, a basket, called Kolâpuriamma's basket, is placed. Depositing a winnowing tray thereon, the bride pours the rice which has been given to her on it. The rice is then transferred by the bridegroom to the mortar, and he and the bride pound it with the pestle and crowbar. The tâli is then tied by the bridegroom round the bride's neck. In connection with marriage, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "A girl's mother's son has the right to have her to wife, and, if his right is abrogated by giving her to another, he (or his father?) receives a penalty from the man to whom she is given. The girl's maternal uncle disposes of the girl. In the Coimbatore district, however, it is the father who is said to do so; indeed it is said that the father can even take a girl away from her husband, and give her to another for a higher bride-price. Prior to marriage proper, there is the betrothal, accompanied by presentation of betel leaves and draughts of toddy, when the maternal uncle or father repeats a regular formula which is answered word for word by the girl's party, in which he agrees to hand over the girl for such a price, at the same time requiring that she shall receive no bodily injury or have her hair cut, and, if she is returned physically damaged, payment shall be made according to a fixed rate. It should be said that the betrothal sometimes takes place at a tavern, the favourite haunt of the Koravas, where the bridegroom's party offers a pail of toddy to the father of the girl and his party. The emptying of this pail seals the marriage contract, and involves the father of the bridegroom in an agreement to pay the bride-price as a fine, together with a fine of Rs. 2 for every male child, and Rs. 4 for every female child that may be born. This penalty, which is known as ranku, is not, as a rule, insisted upon at once, but only after some children have been born. The day of marriage, generally a Sunday, is fixed by a Brâhman, who receives betel nuts, cocoanuts, one rupee, or even less. He selects an auspicious day and hour for the event. The hour selected is rather early in the evening, so that the marriage may be consummated the same night. A few days before the appointed day, two unmarried lads cut a branch of the nâval tree (Eugenia Jambolana), and throw it into a tank (pond) or river, where it is left until the wedding day, when the same two lads bring it back, and plant it in the ground near a pot of water (brought from the tank or river where the branch had been left to soak) carried thither by two married women under a canopy. The mouth of each pot is closed by placing on top an earthen vessel on which is a lamp. The bride and bridegroom sit on donkey saddles spread on the ground, and undergo the nalugu ceremony, in which their hands and feet are rubbed nine times with saffron (turmeric) coloured red with chunam (lime). The elders bless the couple, throwing rice over their heads with crossed hands, and all the while the women chant monotonously a song such as this:

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Galianame Baipokame Sobaname,

Oh, Marriage giver of happiness and prosperity!

The best oil of Madanapalle is this nalugu;

The best soap seed of Silakat is for this nalugu;

Stain your cloth, Oh brother, with the best of dyes;

Bring, Oh brother, the greenest of snakes;

Adorn with it our Basavayya's neck;

Bring, Oh brother, the flowers without leaves;

Adorn with them the hair of the bride.

Then bridegroom ties the bride's tâli, a string coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric), or a string of small black beads. Every married woman must wear a necklet of black beads, and glass bangles on her wrists; when she becomes a widow, she must remove them. A feature of the ceremony not to be overlooked is the wedding meal (pendlikudu). After undergoing the nalugu, the bridegroom marks with a crowbar the spot where this meal, consisting of rice, milk, green gram, and jaggery (sugar), is to be cooked in a pot called bhîpalakunda. A trench is dug at the spot, and over it the cooking is done. When the food is ready, the bride and bridegroom take of it each three handfuls, and then the boys and girls snatch the pot away from them. After this the couple proceed to the bridegroom's hut, where they find a light burning. The elders sprinkle them with water coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric)as they enter."

For the following note on marriage among the Yerukalas of the Vizagapatam district, I am man indebted to Mr. Hayavadana Rao. A man may marry the daughter of his paternal aunt or maternal uncle. The father of the would-be husband of a girl goes with ten rupees, called sullaponnu, to her home, and pays the money to one of several elders who are brought together. Towards evening, the ground in front of the girl's hut is swept, and a wooden plank and stone are set side by side. The bridegroom sits on the former, and the bride on the latter. Two pots of water are placed before them, and connected together by a thread tied round their necks. The pots are lifted up, and the water is poured over them. Contrary to the custom prevailing among many castes, new cloths are not given to them after this bath. Resuming their seats, the couple sprinkle each other with rice. An intelligent member of the caste then personates a Brâhman priest, mutters sundry mantrams (prayers), and shows a string (karugu) with a piece of turmeric tied to it to those assembled. It is touched by them in token of a blessing, and tied by the bridegroom on the neck of the bride. A feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held, the expenses of which are met from the ten rupees already referred to. The younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and vice versâ. The marriage string is tied round her neck, but without the ceremonial observed at the marriage of a maid. If a husband wishes to secure a divorce, he asks his wife to break a twig in two before a caste council. If a woman wishes for a divorce, she elopes with a man, who pays a small fine, called ponnu, to the husband, and asks him to break a twig.

The following story is current among the Koravas, to account for the tâli or bottu being replaced by a string: A bridegroom was once told to bring the tâli, and he was sent off to procure the necessary piece of gold from a goldsmith. The parties waited and waited, but the young man did not return. Since then, the string of beads has been used as a marriage badge. According to another story, the tâli was prepared, and kept on the bank of a river, but disappeared when it was going to be picked up. A man was sent to procure another, but did not come back.

A custom is stated by Dr. Shortt to prevail among the Yerukalas, by which the first two daughters of a family may be claimed by the maternal uncle as wives for his sons. "The value of a wife is fixed at twenty pagodas. The maternal uncle's to the first two daughters is valued at eight out of twenty pagodas, and is carried out thus. If he urges his preferential claim, and marries his own sons to his nieces, he pays for each only twelve pagodas; and similarly if he, from not having sons, or any other cause, foregoes his claim, he receives eight pagodas of the twenty paid to the girl's parents by anybody else who may marry them." The price of a wife apparently differs in different localities. For example, it is noted, in the Census report of 1901, that, among the Kongu sub-division of the Koravas, a man can marry his sister's daughter, and when he gives his sister in marriage, he expects her to produce a bride for him.

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His sister's husband accordingly pays Rs. 7-10 out of the Rs. 60 of which the bride price consists, at the wedding itself, and Rs. 2-8 more each year until the woman bears a daughter. Sometimes their children are said to be espoused even before they are born. Two men, who wish their children to marry, say to one another: "If your wife should have a girl and mine a boy (or vice versâ), they must marry." And, to bind themselves to this, they exchange tobacco, and the potential bridegroom's father stands a drink to the future bride's relations. But if, after the children are grown up, a Brâhman should pronounce the omens unpropitious, the marriage does not take place, and the bride's father backs the cost of the liquor consumed at the betrothal. If the marriage is arranged, a pot of water is placed before the couple, and a grass (Cynodon Dactylon) put into the water. This is equal to a binding oath between them. [1] Of this grass it is said in the Atharwana Véda: "May this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years." It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain [2] that "at the birth of a daughter, the father of an unmarried little boy often brings a rupee, and ties it in the cloth of the father of the newly born girl. When the girl is grown up, he can claim her for his son. For twenty-five rupees he can claim her much earlier."

In North Arcot, the Koravas are said [3] to "mortgage their unmarried daughters, who become the absolute property of the mortgagee till the debt is discharged. The same practice exists in Chingleput and Tanjore. In Madras, the Koravas sell their wives outright when they want money, for a sum equal to fifty rupees. In Nellore and other districts, they all purchase their wives, the price varying from thirty to seventy rupees, but money rarely passes on such occasions, the consideration being paid in asses or cattle." In a recent case in the Madras High Court, a Korava stated that he had sold one of his wives for twenty-one rupees.[4] It is stated by Dr. Pope that the Koravas do not "scruple to pawn their wives for debt. If the wife who is in pledge dies a natural death, the debt is discharged. If she should die from hard usage, the creditor must not only cancel the debt, but must defray the expenses of a second marriage for his debtor. If the woman lives till the debt is discharged, and if she has children by the creditor, the boys remain with him, the girls go back with her to her husband." The conditions of the country suggest a reason for the pawning of wives. A wife would be pawned in times of stress, and redeemed after seasons of plenty. The man who can afford to accept her in pledge in a time of famine would, in periods of plenty, require men for agricultural purposes. He, therefore, retains the male issue, who in time will be useful to him. Some years ago, some Koravas were convicted of stealing the despatch-box of the Collector of a certain district from his tent. It came out, in the course of the trial, that the head of the gang had taken the money contained therein as his share, and with it acquired a wife. The Collector humorously claimed that the woman, having been obtained with his money, was, according to a section of the Criminal Procedure Code, his property.

A woman who marries seven men successively one after the other, either after the death of her husbands or after divorce, is said by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu to be considered to be a respectable lady, and is called Pedda Bóyisâni. She takes the lead in marriage and other religious ceremonies. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that "if a man is sent to jail, his wife will form a connection with some other man of the gang, but on the release of her husband, she will return to him any children born to her in the interval. The Korava women are accustomed to honour their lords and husbands with the dignified title of cocks." On one occasion, a Korava got into trouble in company with a friend, and was sentenced to three years imprisonment, while his friend got two years.

[1] J. F. kearns, kalyâna Shatanku, 1868.

[2] Ind, Ant., III., 1874.

[3] Madras Census report, 1871.

[4] Madras Census Report, 1901.

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The latter, at the termination of his period of enforced seclusion, proceeded to live with the wife of the former, settling down in his friend's abode. The former escaped from jail, and, turning up at his home, claimed his wife. His friend journeyed to the place where the jail was located, and reported to the authorities his ability to find the escaped convict, who was recaptured, while his friend regained possession of his wife, and pocketed twenty-five rupees for giving the information which led to his rearrest.

The remarriage of widows is permitted. The man who wishes to marry a purchases new cloths for himself and his bride. He invites a number of friends, and, in their presence, presents his bride with the cloths. The simple ceremony is known as Chírakattu-kóradam, or desiring the cloth-tying ceremony.

As a general rule, the Korava wife is faithful to her husband, but, in the event of incompatibility, man and wife will announce their intention of separation to their gang. This is considered equivalent to a divorce and the husband can demand back the four annas, which were paid as earnest money to his wife's maternal uncle. This is said to be done, whether the separation is due to the fault either of the husband or the wife. Among other castes, the woman has to return the money only if she is divorced owing to her own fault. Divorce is said to be rare, and even after it has taken place, the divorced parties may make up their differences, and continue to keep house together. In cases of abduction, the father of the girl summons a council meeting, at which the offender is fined. A girl who has been abducted cannot be married as a spinster, even if she was recovered before sexual connection had taken place. The man who carried her off should marry her, and the ceremony of widow marriage is performed. In the event of his refusing to marry her, he is fined in the same amount as the parents of a girl who fail to keep the same tract to marry her to a particular person. The fact of a man who abducts a girl having a wife already would be no bar to his marrying her, as polygamy is freely permitted. In former days, an adulterer who was unable to pay the fine imposed was tied to a tree, and shaved by a barber, who used the urine of the guilty woman in lieu of water.

Birth rites

In connection with birth ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "Difficulty in parturition is thought to be due to an ungratified desire of the woman before she is confined. This is generally something to eat, but it is sometimes ungratified lust. In cases of the latter kind, the Koravar midwife induces the woman to mention her paramour's name, and, as the name is mentioned, the midwife puts a pinch of earth into the woman's mouth with the idea of accelerating delivery. The woman is confined in an outlying hut, where she is taboo to all, with the exception of the midwife, for about ten days. As soon as the child is born, incense is burnt in front of this hut, and there is an offering of jaggery (crude sugar) to the spirits of the departed elders, who are invoked in the following words in the Korava dialect: "Ye spirits of our elders! Descend on us, give us help, and increase our cattle and wealth. Save us from the Sircar (Government), and shut the mouth of the police. We shall worship you forever." The jaggery is then distributed to all present, and the new-born infant is cleaned with cow-dung and washed. A Brahman is sometimes consulted, but it is the maternal uncle upon whom the responsibility falls of naming the child. This he does on the ninth day after confinement, when the mother and child are bathed. Having named the child, he ties a string of thread or cotton round its waist. This string signifies the entry of the child into the Koravar community, and it, or its substitute, is worn until the termination of married life. The name given on this occasion is not usually the name by which an individual is known by his fellows, as persons are generally called after some physical trait or characteristic thus: Nallavâdu, black man; Pottigâdu. short man; Nettakalâdu, long-legged man; Kuntâdu, lame man; Boggagâdu, fat man; Juttuvâdu, man with a large tuft of hair; Gunadu, hunch-backed man; Mugadu, dumb man; and so on. In a few cases, children are genuinely named after the household deities. Those so named are called Râmudu, Lachigâdu, Venkatigâdu, Gengadu, Chengadu, Subbadu, Ankaligâdu, and so on. An old custom was to brand the children on the shoulders with a piece of red-hot iron.

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Marks of such branding are called the cattle mark, for it seems that children should be branded on the shoulders before undertaking the 'sacred duty' of tending cattle. They explain the custom by saying that Krishna, the God of the shepherds, allowed boys of his own caste, and of no other, to perform the sacred duty, after the boy dedicated thereto had undergone the branding ceremony. This ceremony is seldom observed nowadays, as it leads to identification. Birth of a child on a new-moon night, when the weather is strong, is believed to augur a notorious thieving future for the infant. Such children are commonly named Venkatigâdu after the God at Tirupati. The birth of a child having the umbilical cord twisted round its neck portends the death of the father or maternal uncle. This unpleasant effect is warded off by the uncle or the father killing a fowl, and wearing its entrails round his neck, and afterwards burying them along with the umbilical cord."

The practice of couvade

The practice of the couvade, or custom in accordance with which the father takes to bed, and is doctored when a baby is born, is referred to by Alberuni [1] (about A. D. 1030), who says that, when a child is born, people show particular attention to the man, not to the woman. There is a Tamil proverb that, if a Korati is brought to bed, her husband takes the prescribed stimulant. Writing about the Yerukalas, [2] the Rev. J. Cain tells us that "as soon as the woman feels the birth paints, she informs her husband, who immediately takes some of her clothes, retires into a dark room where there is only a very dim lamp, and lies down on the bed, covering himself up with a long cloth. When the child is born, it is washed, and placed on the cot beside the father. Asafoetida, jaggery, and other articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the father. He is not allowed to leave his bed, but has everything needful brought to him." Among the Kuravars, or basket-makers of Malabar, "as soon as the pains of delivery come upon a pregnant woman, she is taken to an outlying shed, and left alone to live or die as the event may turn out. No help is given her for twenty-eight days. Even medicines are thrown to her from a distance; and the only assistance rendered is to place a jar of warm water close by her just before the child is born. Pollution from birth is held as worse than that from death. At the end of the twenty-eight days, the hut in which she was confined is burnt down. The father, too, is polluted for fourteen days, and, at the end of that time, he is purified, not like other castes by the barber, but by holy water obtained from Brâhmans at temples or elsewhere." To Mr. G. Krishna Rao, Superintendent of Police in the Shimoga district of Mysore, I am indebted for the following note on the couvade as practiced among the Koramas. "Mr. Rice, in the Mysore Gazetteer, says that among the Koravars it is said that, when a woman is confined, her husband takes medicine for her. At the instance of the British Resident I made enquiries, and learned that the Kukke (basket-making) Koramas, living at Gópâla village near Shimoga, had this custom among them. The husband learns from his wife the probable time of her confinement, and keeps at home awaiting the delivery. As soon as she is confined, he goes to bed for three days, and takes medicine consisting of chicken and mutton broth spiced with ginger, pepper, onions, garlic, etc. He drinks arrack, and eats as good food as he can afford, while his wife is given boiled rice with a very small quantity of salt, for fear that a larger quantity may induce thirst. There is generally a Korama midwife to help the wife, and the husband does nothing but eat, drink, and sleep. The clothes of the husband, the wife, and the midwife are given to a washerman to be washed on the fourth day, and the persons themselves have a wash. After this purification, the family gives a dinner to the caste people. One of the men examined by me explained that the man's life was more valuable than that of the woman, and that the husband, being a more important factor in the birth than the wife, deserve to be better looked after."

The following legend is current among the Koramas, to explain the practice of the couvade among them. One day a donkey, belonging to a Koram camp, pitched outside a village, wandered into a Brâhman's field, and did considerable damage to the crop.

[1] India. Trîbner. Oriental Series.

[2] Ind. Ant., III, 1874.

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The Brâhman was naturally angry, and ordered his coolies to pull down the hut of the owner of the donkey. The Korama, casting himself at the feet of the Brâhman, for want of a better excuse, said that he was not aware of what his animal was doing, as the time he was taking medicine for his wife, and could not look after it. According to another version of the story, the Brâhman ordered his coolies to remove the hut from his land or beat the Korava, so that Koravas have since that time taken to bed and shared the pollution of their wives, to escape being beaten. In connection with the couvade, Mr. Fawcett writes that "it has been observed in the bird-catching Koravars, and the custom has been admitted by others. Directly a woman is brought to bed, she is given asafoetida rolled in betel leaf. She is then given a stimulant composed of asafoetida and other drugs. The husband partakes of a potion of this before it is given to the woman. This custom is one of those which the Koravar is generally at pains to conceal, denying its existence absolutely. The proverb "When the Koravar woman is confined, the Koravar man takes asafoetida" is, however, well known. Very soon after a woman is confined, attention is paid exclusively to her husband, who wraps himself in his wife's cloth, and lies down in his wife's beside the new-born infant. He stays there for at least some minutes, and then makes room for his wife. The writer of this note was informed by Koravars that any one who refused to go through this ceremony would undergo the severest penalties, indeed, he would be turned out of the community. Nothing annoys a Koravar so much as to mention the word asafoetida in his presence, for he takes it to be an insulting reference to the couvade. The worst insult to a Koravar woman lies in the words "Will you give asafoetida?", which are understood by her to mean an improper overture." Some Koravas are said to believe that the pangs of labour are largely allayed by drinking small doses of a mixture of the dung of a male donkey and water. A few years ago, when a camp of Koravas was visited in the Salem district by the Superintendent of Police, two men of the gang, who had petitioned for the removal of the constables who were escorting the gang, dragged a woman in the throes of childbirth by the armpits from the hut. This was done to show that they could not move their camp, with a woman in such a condition. Nevertheless, long before daylight on the following day, the camp had been moved, and they were found at a spot fifteen miles distant. When they were asked about the woman, a hut slightly apart from the rest was pointed out, in front of which she was suckling the newly-born infant. She had done the journey immediately after delivery, partly on foot, and partly on a donkey. The Korava child's technical education commences early. From infancy, the Koravas teach their children to answer "I do not know" to questions put to them. They are taught the different methods of stealing, and the easiest way of getting into various kinds of houses. One must be entered through the roof, another by a hole in the wall, a third by making a hole near the bolt of he door. Before letting himself down from a roof, the Korava must make sure that he does not alight on brass vessels or crockery. He generally sprinkles fine sand in small quantities, so that the noise made thereby may give him an idea of the situation. The methods to be adopted during the day, when hawking wares, must be learnt. When a child is caught red-handed, he will never reveal his identity by giving the name of his parents, or of gang to which he belongs. A girl about twelve or thirteen years old was captured a few years ago in the Mysore State at the Oregam weekly market, and, on being searched, was found to have a small knife in her cheek. She declared that the was an orphan with neither friends nor relations, but was identified by the police. The Koravas are adepts at assuming aliases. But the system of finger-print records, which has been introduced in recent years, renders the concealment of their identity more difficult that it used to be. "Both men and women." Mr. Paupa Rao writes, "have tattoo marks on their foreheads and forearms. When they are once convicted, they enlarge or alter in some way the tattoo marks on their forearms, so that they might differ from the previous descriptive marks of identification entered by the police in their search books and other records. During festivals, they put red stuff (kunkuma) over the tattoo marks on their foreheads." Their conduct is regulated by certain well-defined rules. They should not enter a house by the front door, unless this is unavoidable, and, if they must so enter it, they must not leave by the same way. If they enter by the back door, they depart by the front door, which they leave open.

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They should not commit robbery in a house, in which they have partaken of rice and curds, Curds always require salt, and eating salt is equivalent to taking the oath of fealty according to their code of honour. They ease themselves in the house in which they have committed a theft, in order, it is said, to render the pursuit of them unsuccessful. In a note on the initiation of Yerukala girls into the profession of fortune-telling in Vizagapatam, Mr. Hayavadana Rao writes that it is carried out on a Sunday succeeding the first puberty ceremony. A caste feast, with plenty of strong drink, is held, but the girl herself fasts. The feast over, she is taken to a spot at a little distance from the settlement called Yerukonda. This is said to be the name of a place on the trunk road between Vizianagram and Chicacole, to which girls were taken in former times to be initiated. The girl is blindfolded with a cloth. Boiled rice and green gram are mixed with the blood of a black fowl, black pig, and black goat, which are killed. Of this mixture she must take at least three morsels, and, if she does not vomit, it is taken as a sign that she will become a good Yeruka or fortune-teller. Vomiting would indicate that she would be a false prophetess.

When a wandering Korava dies, he is buried as quickly as possible, with head to the north, and feet to the south. If possible, a new cloth is obtained to wrap the corpse in. The grave is covered with the last hut which the deceased occupied. The Koravas immediately leave a camp in which a death has occurred. The nomad Koravas are said by Dr. Pope to bury their dead at night, no one knows were. Thence originates the common saying in regard to anything which has vanished, leaving no trace behind, that it has gone to the dancing-room of the wandering actors. Another proverb runs to the effect that no one has seen a dead monkey, or the burning-ground of a Korava. In Vizagapatam, the Yerukala dead are stated by Mr. Hayavadana Rao to be burnt in a state of nudity. A tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum) is usually planted on the spot where the corpse was burnt. The relations cannot follow their regular occupation until a caste feast has been held, and some cooked thrown on the spot where cremation took place. In a note on the death rites of the Koravas of the southern districts, Mr. F.A. Hamilton writes that, when one of the community dies, the news of the death is conveyed by a Paraiyan or Chakkiliyan. At the burning-ground, whither the corpse is accompanied with music, it is laid on dried cow-dung, which has been spread on the ground. The son of the deceased goes thrice round the corpse, and breaks a new water-pot which he has brought with him near the head. He also hands over a piece of burning sandalwood for lighting the pyre, and goes straight home without the corpse again. On the third day, the son and other relations go to the burning-ground, heap up the ashes, plant either tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), pérandai (Vitis quadrangularis), or Kathalai (Agave Americana), and pour milk. On the sixteenth day, or at some later time, a ceremony called karumathi is performed. The relatives assemble at the burning-ground, and a stone is set up, and washed with water, honey, milk, etc. On the following day, all the relatives take an oil-bath, and new cloths are presented to the host. Sheep are killed, and a feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held. Till this ceremony is performed, the son remains in mourning. Concerning death ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "A Tamil proverb likens the death of a Koravar to that of a monkey, for no one ever sees the dead body of either. Just as the monkey is thought to be immortal, the other monkeys removing the carcass instantly, so the corpse of the Koravar is made away with little wailing, and preparations are made at once. If the deceased was married, the bier on which he is carried is practically a ladder; if unmarried, it is a single bamboo with pieces of stick placed transversely. The winding-sheet is always a piece of new cloth, in one corner of which is tied a half anna-piece (which is afterwards taken by one of the corpse-bearers). Only two of these are under pollution, which lasts the whole of the day, during which they must remain in their huts. Next day, after bathing, they give the crows food and milk. A line is drawn on the body from head to foot with milk, the thick end of a piece of grass being used as a brush; then they bathe. Pollution of the chief mourner lasts for five days. Half-yearly and annual ceremonies to the deceased are compulsory. A figure of the deceased is drawn with charcoal on a piece of new cloth spread on the floor of the hut. On either side of the figure is placed cooked rice and vegetables served on castor leaves.

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After some time, the food is placed on a new winnow, which is hung suspended from the roof of the hut the whole night. Next morning, the relations assemble, and partake of the food." From a note on the Yerukalas of the Nellore district. I gather that, as a rule, the dead are buried, though respected elders of the community are cremated. Married individuals are carried to the grave on a bier, those who die unmarried are wrapped in a mat. On the second day some cooked food and a fowl are placed near the grave to be eaten by crows. A pot of water is carried thrice round the grave, and then thrown down. On the ninth day, food is once more offered for the crows. The final death ceremonies are generally performed after two or three months. Cooked food, onions, brinjals (fruits of Solanum Melongena), Phaseolus pulse, squash, ground (Cucurbita maxima), pork, and mutton are placed on a number of castors (Ricinus) leaves spread on the floor, and offered to the soul of the deceased, which is represented by a human figure on a new cloth. At the conclusion of the worship, the food is placed on new winnowing trays provided for the purpose, and given to the relations, who place the winnows on the roof of the house till the following day, when the food is eaten.

By some Koravas, a ceremony in honour of the departed ancestors is performed at the time of the November new moon. A well-polished brass vessel, with red and white marks on it, is placed in the corner of a room, which has previously been swept and purified with cow-dung. In front of the pot is placed a leaf plate, on which cooked rice and other edibles are set. Incense is burned, and the eldest son of the house partakes of the food in the hope that he, in due course, will be honoured by his offspring. The Koramas of Mysore are said to experience considerable difficulty in finding men to undertake the work of carrying the corpse to the grave. Should the dead Korama be a man who has left a young widow, it is customary for some one to propose to marry her the same day, and, by so doing, to engage to carry out the principal part of the work connected with the burial. A shallow grave, barely two feet deep, is dug, and the corpse laid therein. When the soil has been loosely piled in, a pot of fire, carried by the chief mourner in a split bamboo, is taken, and a pot of water placed on the raised mound. Should the spot be visited during the night by a pack of jackals, and the water drunk by them to slake their thirst after feasting on the dead Korama, the omen is accepted as proof that the liberated spirit has fled away to the realms of the dead, and will never trouble man, woman, child, or cattle. On the sixth day, the chief mourner must kill a fowl, and mix its blood with rice. This he places, with some betel leaves and nuts, near the grave. If it is carried off by crows, everything is considered to have been settled satisfactorily.

Dress

As regards the dress of hte Koravas, Mr. Mullaly writes as follows. "The women wear necklaces of shells and cowries interspersed with beads of all colours in several rows, hanging low down on the bosom; brass bangles from the wrist to the elbow; brass, lead, and silver rings, very roughly made, on all their fingers except the middle one. The cloth peculiar to Koravar women is a coarse black one; but they are, as a rule, not particular as to this, and wear stolen cloths after removing the borders and all marks of identification. They also wear the chola, which is fastened across the bosom, and not, like the Lambâdis, at the back. The men are dirty, unkempt-looking objects, wear their hair long, and usually tied in a knot on the top of the head, and indulge in little finery. A joochi (gochi), or cloth round the loins, and a bag called vadi sanchi, made of striped cloth, complete their toilet."

"In 1884, Mr, Stevenson, who was then the District superintendent of Police, North Arcot, devised a scheme for the regeneration of the Koravas of that district. He obtained for the tribe a tract of Government land near Gudiyattam, free of assessment for ten years, and also a grant of Rs. 200 for sinking wells. Licenses were also issued to the settlers to cut firewood at specially favourable rates. He also prevailed upon the Zemindar of Karvetnegar to grant twenty-five cawnies of land in Tiruttani for ten years for another settlement, as well as some building materials. Unfortunately the impecunious condition of the Zemindar precluded the Tiruttani settlement from driving any further privileges which were necessary to keep the colony going, and its existence was, therefore, cut short.

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The Gudiyattam colony, on the other hand, exhibited some vitality for two or three years, but, in 1887, it, too, went the way of the Tiruttani colony." [1] I gather, from the Police Administration Report, 1906, that a scheme is being worked out, the object of which is to give a well-known wandering criminal gang some cultivable land, and so enable the members of it to settle down to an honest livelihood. At the census, 1891, Korava was returned as a sub division of Paraiyans, and the name is also applied to Jógis employed as scavengers.[2] The following note on the Koravas of the west coast is interesting as showing that Malabar is one of the homes of the now popular game of Diavolo, which has become epidemic in some European countries. "In Malabar, there is a class of people called Koravas, who have, from time immemorial, played this game almost in the same manner as its Western devotees do at the present time. These people are met with mostly in the southern parts of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore, and they speak the Malayâlam language with a sing-song accent, which easily distinguishes them from other people. They are of wandering habits. The men are clever acrobats and rope-dancers, but those of more settled habit are engaged in agriculture and other industries. The beautiful grass mats, known as Palghat mats, are woven by these people. Their women are fortune-tellers and ballad singers. Their services are also in demand for boring the ears of girls. The rope-dancers perform many wonderful feats while balancing themselves on the rope, among them being the playing of diabolo while walking to and fro on a night rope. The Korava acrobat spins the wooden spool on a string attached to the ends of two bamboo sticks, and throws it up to the height of a cocoanut tree, and, when it comes down, he receives it on the string, to be again thrown up. There are experts among them who can receive the spool on the string, without even looking at it. There is no noteworthy difference in the structure and shape of the spool used by the Koravas, and those of Europe, except that the Malabar apparatus is a solid wooden thing a little larger and heavier than the Western toy. It has not yet emerged from the crude stage of the village carpenter's skill, and cannot boast of rubber tyres and other embellishments which adorn the imported article; but it is heavy enough to cause a nasty injury should it hit the performer while falling. The Koravas are a very primitive people, but as acrobats and ropedancers they have continued their profession for generations past, and there is no doubt that they have been expert diabolo players for many years." [3] It may be noted that Lieutenant Cameron, when journeying from Zanzibar to Benguela, was detained near Lake Tanganyika by a native chief. He relates as follows. "Sometimes a slave of Djonmah would amuse us by his dexterity. With two sticks about a foot long connected by a string of a certain length, he spun a piece of wood cut in the shape of an hour-glass, throwing it before and behind him, pitching it up into the air like a cricket-ball, and catching it again, while it continued to spin."

[1] Madras Mail, 1907.

[2] For this account of the Koravas, I am largely indebted to a report by Mr. N. E. Q. Mainwaring, Superintendent of Police.

[3] Madras Mail, 1908

Follows on list group 11