Dr. John Dease at Johnson Hall

Dr. Dease arrived in New York City in September 1771, a young unmarried man of twenty-seven years. He carried with him a letter of introduction from his uncle Captain Warren Johnson in Ireland to Hugh Wallace, a friend in New York with whom the young doctor visited while in the city.

Dease’s first of many mentions in the William Johnson Papers, was a letter sent by Wallace to Sir William by way of Dr. Dease, “I received yours of the 9th Inst & am verry (sic) happy in answering it by your Nephew Dr. Dease, who brought me a Letter from my old Friend Capt Warren Johnson....” (p.263) The trip up the Hudson and Mohawk was a rough introduction to America for John. Augustine Prevost wrote later to Sir William on November 6, 1771, “I beg leave to offer my Compliments to my fellow travellers in particular Mr. Dease, hope he has got better of his bruises and muskito byts.”²

The Death of Sir William Johnson

Sir William held his last conference of the Six Nations on July 11, 1774. After delivering an impassioned speech encouraging their loyalty to the British Government, Sir William fell ill and retired into the Hall with the help of his nephew and collapsed and died.The statesman left his nephew Dr. John Dease several legacies, one of which was a 2,000 acre estate at the southern tip of Lake Champlain.

“I devise & Bequeath to my much esteemed Nephew Doctor John Dease the sum of Five hundred pounds Curt. Money of New York to be paid to him within six months after my decease by my Executors out of such monies as I may have in this Country at that time, or by my son Sir John.... I also devise & Bequeath unto my said Nephew John Dease, Esqr. Two thousand Acres of Land lying near to South Bay on Lake Champlain, which tract was purchased by me of Lt. Prevost, and which was formerly the Location of Ensign or Lt. Gorrel, with all the advantages thereunto belonging. Or should he my said Nephew prefer, or rather chuse to have the value of it in money, in that case it is my will & desire that my Executors dispose of said Land to the best advantage, and pay the amount of it to my said Nephew.”

Dr. Dease was appointed one of the Executors of the estate and a guardian of Sir William’s eight younger children by Molly Brant. Dease was also given money to purchase a ring as a memento of Sir William. Dease chose the land rather than the money, but did not remain there long, his responsibilities in the Indian Department taking him back to Johnson Hall. He lost possession of the land in the war which followed.

Johnson’s Successors

With characteristic forethought, Sir William settled his affairs before he died. He was succeeded in his Baronetcy, the Hall, and the lands at Johnstown, New York by his oldest son Sir John Johnson. During his last year, Sir William recommended Colonel Guy Johnson to succeed him as Superintendant of Indian Affairs, and promised Dr. Dease the first vacancy in the post of Deputy Superintendant. Sir William’s death created a natural succession, Sir John to Johnson Hall, Colonel Guy to the Superintendacy by commission dated July 11, 1774, and Dr. John to the Deputy position by commission dated April 16, 1775.

Soon after Colonel Johnson’s appointment, Dease reminded Guy Johnson of Sir William’s instructions, who then recommended Dease to General Gage, the Commander-in-Chief in New York, who authorized the promotion. Dease received a warrant for his commission on April 16, 1775. Dease’s jurisdiction was “the middle of the northern district”, essentially the area around the eastern end of Lake Ontario, headquartered in Cataraqui (present Kingston).²¹

A further award went to John Butler who had been out of favour with Sir William and removed from his post of Interpreter, despite Colonel Johnson’s objections. Afterwards, he was able to re-appoint his friend as Interpreter to the Six Nations in his own right.

The American Revolution

Dr. Dease’s first years in America were a period of increasing unrest among the colonials. Just before his arrival, there had been the great controversy over the Stamp Act requiring a registration tax on legal documents, and the beginnings of the “taxation without representation” debate in which some colonials wished to have a say in the British Parliament regarding their affairs. England, strapped for cash after the Seven Years War, next passed the Townshend Act imposing duties on American imports of paint, tea, lead, and glass. After a storm of protest, these duties were repealed in 1770, with the exception of that on tea.

Two years after Dease’s arrival in New York, the famed “Boston Tea Party” occurred in Massachusetts on December 16, 1773. A group of Boston men raided and dumped an entire shipload of tea into the harbour. England gradually built up its military presence in Boston and finally closed the port in 1774.

The colonies sent representatives to the first Continental Congress in 1774 after which they issued a Declaration of Rights, casting down the gauntlet to the mother country which promptly rejected the petition. The opposition organized non-importation agreements and established local corps of militia, the “minute-men”, so named for their call at any minute.

The Johnson supporters expressed their views of these activities through a resolution of the Tryon Court of Quarter Sessions, signed by the judges, sheriff, clerk of the peace, magistrates, and grand jurors declaring that they:²²

“abhorred and do still abhor, all measures tending through partial representations to alienate the affections of the subjects from the Crown, or by wresting the intent and meaning of a particular act to draw in the inhabitants of a wide and extensive territory to a dangerous and rebellious opposition to the parent state, when exerting itself to preserve that obedience without which no state can exist. They do therefore resolve to bear faithful and true allegiance to their lawful sovereign, King George the Third, and that in the true and plain sense of the words, as they ought to be commonly understood, without prevarication, which has often accompanied the same expressions from his warmest opponents.”

The stage was set for outright rebellion and the first skirmish took place in Lexington, Massachusetts in April 1775. Then in May, Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold took Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain in a surprise attack. In the same month, a revolutionary committee was formed in the area of the Johnsons in Cherry Valley, New York. Although not named in the committee’s dispatch of May 18th to Albany, then mention of one family’s influence, indicated that the Johnsons were the revolutionaries’ chief opponents: ²²

“... this country has for a series of years been ruled by one family, the several branches of which are still strenuous in disuading the people from coming into Congressional measures, and have even last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk district, appeared with all their dependants armed, to oppose the people considering of their grievances; their number being so great, and the people unarmed, they struck terror into most of them and they dispersed.”

Dease convinced the delegates at Niagara that the purpose of the meeting was to only “Sound out the Dispositions of the Americans, as their Observations on the Conduct of the Americans at Fort Stanwix might in some Degree regulate their future proceedings With them.”The concerns of the Western Nations were well founded, and well understood by Dease. The Mohawk nation had been the “keepers of the door,” the confluence of the Mohawk and the Hudson Rivers. Behind them were the other Nations protected by their treaty with England. While that was in effect, the Western Nations had a buffer. It was anathema to them for their western brethren to drop their guard. Dr. Dease as the British authority at Fort Niagara was placed in the middle and sincerely sympathised:

“I told them I Approved of their Sentiments in not Demeaning themselves on Any Occasion, or in not acting a part in any Degree unworthy the representatives of a powerful Confederacy.”

All of Dease’s diplomatic acumen was needed on this occasion to convince the western representatives to adopt a wait and see attitude.

“I informed them that in proper time & place the Hatchett wou’d be Buried but in the interim thereto think they Act wisely in not neglecting it, the Various matters to be Adjusted in A General peace Require Much time & Deliberation & that Joyn’d to the tedious Navigation between Europe & America leaves us Yet uninformed.”

Brant and his delegation returned from Fort Stanwix and then Captain Aaron with a few of the Huron and Shawanese next went to meet with the Commissioners. Despite a shroud of careful secrecy cast by the negotiating commissioners, John Burch, Sutler for Butler’s Rangers met with Aaron at Stanwix and noted afterwards to Dease that the Indian delegates were virtually prisoners. Dease reported the proceedings at length to Major Fraser to be passed onto Brigadier General St. Leger on November 20th.

“Some time after Captain Brant’s return from Fort Stanwix, Captain Aaron and some others of less consequence, with a few of the Hurons, Shawanese, &c. set out to meet the Commissioners there- previous to his going away Aaron solemnly promised to acquaint me with every interesting particular that should happen at their Treaty. I was long without any account from that quarter.

At length, Mr. Burch, Sutler for the Rangers, arrived from New York Via Fort Stanwix where he saw Aaron, who anxiously sought an opportunity of speaking to him in private, which he with much difficulty found, as the Commissioners watched them so narrowly and were so jealous of their speaking to any but themselves, that it was dangerous to be seen in conversation with an Indian-however, Aaron told B. to inform me that he could not write to me, and (to use his own words) begged I should not think hard of whatever they should do, as they were obliged to comply with whatever the Commissioners dicated- that in short they were as Prisoners, and moreover that he with five others were to remain as Hostages, untill the Prisoners among the Indians should be delivered up. He proceeded thus far when one of the Commissioners took him away abruptly....”

The details of the treaty extracted from the delegates were all one sided in favour of the Americans who gained nearly the whole of the Seneca lands in western New York. Dease continued:

“... Since that time Delaware Aaron and others are come in from Fort Stanwix where they tell us the Treaty is finished; the few Indians there have signed Articles Ceding almost the whole Seneca Country to them. They gave them four miles in depth along the Water communication from Oswego to Kadaragaras, they made over to them the lands from Buffaloe Creek to Kadaragarus on Lake Erie in breadth and in Depth to the Pennsylvania line somewhere on the Ohio- in short they have made a fine piece of business of it.”

In the course of the meetings at Stanwix, the delegates were sounded on their stance in the event of renewed war between the United States and England in the following spring of 1785.

“In one of their conferences they desired to know from the Indians what they would propose to do, should a War between them and the King of England break out in the Spring and whether they would remain neuter.- to which the Indians answered with a good deal of firmness that they (Viz. Americans) could not be ignorant of their engagements to the King, that they could not think themselves obliged to declare their sentiments, and that they could make no promise that should bind them in future,- much altercation ensued and the Council broke up with displeasure on both sides. The next day the Indians were called in, and in a laughing manner were told, that what passed the day before, was only by way of discourse and in Joke- Since then I have letters from Chenussio, which mention that the Colonists have reported among the Indians that they intend to go to War with the King in the Spring.”

The Indians at Niagara felt themselves betrayed by the concessions given by their delegates, and the further idea of neutrality incensed them to the point of making threats against anyone who made the suggestion.

“You can’t imagine with what resentment the Indians received the particulars of the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, which were attempted to be kept secret and only wormed out of them piece Meal. They look on their Interests as betrayed and give some hints of suspecting some of their most confidential Chiefs- Aaron is gone to Albany and his Family sett off for Fort Stanwix. They have lately had frequent Councils at Chenussio, where some of their old Men proposed a Neutrality, which incensed the Warriors to such a degree that they threatened them with Death if they should urge it again, and declared that they would died on their Lands and faithfull Allies to the King.”

The subject of another American war was again raised at the Conference, this time by the Republican’s war-time ally, the Marquis de Lafayette who brought up the subject of the King of France entertaining ideas of recapturing the territory lost to Britain during the Seven Years War. The Marquis did not allow a single American into this meeting, this being a breach with their own designs on capturing the same territory for themselves.

“Two days ago two of the principal Mohawk Chiefs begged to speak with me in private; when they told me a Sachem just come from the Treaty, communicated to them (with the most earnest injunction to Secrecy) that after the Treaty was finished with the Commissioners, a great French General (probably the Marquis de La Fayette) called the Sachems of the different Nations together in the most private manner, not admitting a single American to be present; when he addressed them in the name of the French King his master, telling them that his business with them was not to require any of their Lands, nor to speak of Prisoners, but only to inform them that altho’ their Father has for some time past hung his Head, occasioned by his being unsuccessfull in War with the King of England, that now since matters had taken a favourable turn, he was in a condition to renew his former Engagements with them, and disposed to treat them with that kindness and friendship which in former times contributed so much to their happiness, and which he hoped they had not forgot. He therefore called them together in the name of the Great King of France to acquaint them that early in the Spring he proposed taking possession of all the places he formerly possessed, and were his property, but which were now in the hands of the English. He therefore with that Belt renewed their former friendship, and also with it sealed their Lips that nothing might transpire till proper time and place would Occur; then gave a large Belt of Wampum- Which they received and it remains with them.”

The Indians left the Conference entirely out of sorts with the high handed manner of the American delegates. Even the Governor of New York who was present for a part of the proceedings left in disgust.

“There was but little cordiality between the Governor of New York and the Commissioners who would not permit him to interfere, and he left them much displeased, as they carried matters with a high hand- the Shawanese &c., were much displeased, and I am afraid the proceedings at Fort Stanwix will weaken the chain of Friendship, and the Indians in general are little disposed to satisfy the agreements made with the Americans.”

The Americans did bring up a bone of contention which the Indians had with the British Government of not being mentioned in the articles of the treaty which ended the American Revolution. However, the Commissioners’ haughty attitude at Stanwix left them feeling that there would be no better treatment at the hands of the American government. The following excerpt from Dease’s report includes a statement of the Commissioners magnanimously giving the Indians a “present” of the lands which they felt they already possessed.

“Altho’ nothing was left undone to prejudice them against the King of England whom they represented as selfish in all his dealings with the Indians, making use of their services whilst the War continued, and then basely and ungratefully neglecting them in the Articles of Peace, not even so much as mentioning them- They then Contrasted their own Conduct with his, telling the Indians that tho’ by Treaty the Indians then lived on their lands given them by the Articles of Peace, they nevertheless made them a present of them, requiring only a small Tract and that for payment- for which three Boats loaded were arrived at Canawarahara and they promised as much more in the Spring.”

Dease diplomatically stated that he had no comment as to the articles of peace, revealing in his silence, his disapproval of there being no provision for the Indians.

Finding the opportunity for a private meeting was difficult “as the Commissioners watched them so narrowly and were so jealous of their speaking to any but themselves.” (Dease to Major Fraser 20 Nov 1784). Aaron asked Burch to advise Dease that he could not write to him on the subject of the negotiations.

The Indians, virtually prisoners at Stanwix were placed under pressure to comply with the dictates of the Commissioners who held them hostage for the prisoners among them, and the treaty was completed. The Indians were forced to cede almost the whole of the Seneca country in western New York, a four mile strip along the water route from Oswego to Kadaragaras on Lake Erie, and the lands from there to Buffalo Creek, including the territory south to the Pennsylvania line. There was little cordiality towards the Commissioners from the Governor of New York present for the first part of the meetings, who left displeased at their high handed tactics.

The Commissioners, contemplating the possibility of renewed war with Britain in the spring of 1785, asked the Indians whether they would remain neutral. They responded that they were not ignorant of their engagements to the King, and that they did not feel obliged to declare their sentiments, nor make any promises which would bind them in future. Two of the principal Mohawk chiefs met with Dease at Fort Niagara on November 18th to advise him that the treaty was concluded, followed by a private meeting with a great French General, surmised to be the Marquis de Lafayette. The General advised the delegates that with the favourable turn of events, the King of France was planning to renew his former engagements with them. In the early spring, he proposed taking possession of all the places he formerly possessed, now in the hands of the English. With a belt of friendship, he urged that nothing of this plan be revealed.

All the Indians present left the negotiations dissatisfied and with no intention of honouring the terms so forcefully extracted from them.

Despite the Commissioners attempts to keep the terms of the treaty secret, word of the negotiations was “wormed out of them piece Meal”. The reaction of their followers at Niagara felt themselves betrayed. The delegates proposed a neutrality which incensed the warriors to the point of death threats should they repeat the suggestions. The natives declared that “they would die on their Lands and faithfull Allies to the King.”

Developments on the Grand River

After the purchase of the lands at Niagara, the Mississauga complained to Dease that there was a geographical error in that the line drawn from Lake Ontario ran farther northwest than they had intended, indeed such a direction would not intersect with the River La Tranche, the intended destination. Dease also noted on September 18th that there was still “some Rum & Other Articles still Due to them...”

By September 16, 1795, Dease was able to report to Lieutenant Governor Hamilton that “The settlement on the Grand River is in a very promising state, my last returns from thence which I am sure are accurate make the Number settled there a thousand souls.” He noted that there could have been many more but he was unwilling to increase the expenditure of provisions.

The first request by a white man to settle on Indian lands had also come in:

“Captn. Nellus who had the commander in Chiefs permission to trade with the Messasagues on the Grand River where the Delawares are settled, has requested I should Mention to You that he will Esteem it a Great favor to be permitted to take up his Lands There. I hope his Losses & long Service will plead with You in his favor- he is certainly an honest man.”

By September 16, 1795, Dease was reporting an increasing presence of white settlement and trade at the Grand River, and he called for some regulation (Dease to Hamilton):

“The present state of the Indian trade requires regulation- a number of people belonging to the disbanded troops have settled themselves among the Indians on purpose to avoid the restraints of the Law; there unmolested they exercise every species of cheating & their continual Jealousies & quarrels give the Indians the most unfavourable impressions of us- formerly no person was permitted to trade without a written permission from the Superintendent of Indian Affairs: Now every idle fellow commences Indian Trader.

Further Dealings with the Americans

In May 1785, Dease travelled to the Department headquarters in Montreal to confer with Sir John Johnson, placing Nicholas Stevens in charge at Fort Niagara during his absence. After receiving his instructions, Dease returned to his charge. After the forced signing of the Stanwix Treaty, the Indians were vocal in their complaints to Dease, who called a conference of the nations at Fort Niagara in July.

The Indian representatives complained of being wronged by the Americans in taking so much of their territory. Dease advised them to send a message to Congress requesting that Major Philip Schuyler and Colonel James Monroe meet with them at Buffalo Creek. The deputy’s situation was a delicate one, being the King’s representative to the Indians at Niagara. He exercised considerable tact in advising the Indians on their dealings with the American government so as not to create a hostile incident (Dease to Lieut Gov Hamilton 16 Sep 1785)

The Uneasy Peace

In September, Dease was informed by Jacob Servos at Buffalo Creek of American troop movements approaching the Niagara frontier to take possession of the post. (Servos to Dease, 6 Sep 1785)

“Yesterday a Runner arrived at this place who left Tioga seven days ago, who gives the following Intelligence and that you may believe it to be certain truth, that the Rebel Army at least was incamped in Tyoga point and told this Runner as many others that they were on their way to Niagara in order to take possession of all these back Posts to convince the Indians that the King had [no] business with the Six Nation Country and if the King with the Indians will undertake to fight them once more they may try their hands, however they expect to take possession without fighting although take care to bring Soldiers enough to conquer Niagara whether they will of no- The Indians had no opportunity to county their tents as they were order’d off the Ground at the arrival of the Army as well as some time before the Army arrived.

“The Indians saw however several of their Boats that arrived before the Main Body were loaded with pick-Axes and Blacksmiths tools and articles of that kind, and ten Scows or flat bottom’d Boats very large continually for some time before the Army arrived [had] been on the Communication carrying Provisions for the use of the Army. This report has been told here sundry times by different Indians many days before this and never look’d upon for truth- but am apt to think will be too true.

“P.S. The Runner says that he had taken particular notice of their encampment it reaches from the mouth of Shimmong River over the long plain to the rising of the Ground.

“N.B. The Indians being order’d from that quarter the Cayuga Chief by the name of Johns has made it his business after he left Tioga Point which is ten days ago is gone through the different Villages in order to bring off the hunters with him to this place.”

Dease advised Hamilton on September 16th that the Americans were building forts near Tioga on the west branch of the Susquehanna. He sent Lieutenant Joseph Clement with a party of Indians to reconnoitre and watch their movements. The Senecas whose lands laid in the path from the Susquehanna to Fort Niagara, advised Dease that if the Americans took the British posts, they would remove to Long Point on the north side of Lake Erie opposite their former home.

In 1786, Dease was transferred to the charge of the King’s Storehouse at Lachine, Quebec and Butler returned to the command at Niagara. On October 1st, Dease was ordered back to Niagara with the Indian supplies destined for the various posts. During the winter he was to “act in conjunction with Lt. Col. Butler for the good of His Majesty’s Indian interest.”⁴³

Fort Michilimackinac

Clayton W. McCall, a descendant of Dr. John Dease, researched his period at Fort Michillimackinac and wrote an article, “The Peace of Michilimackinac published in Michigan History Magazine, Vol. 28, No. 3, July to September 1944.⁴⁴

The Fort was built on Mackinac Island near the confluence of Lakes Huron and Michigan by the British in 1780, to act as a defensive outpost during the American Revolution, replacing an older fort on the mainland with this more strategic location. By the Treaty of Paris which ended the war, the fort was to be given up to the Americans, but retained until 1796 to ensure that certain clauses of the treaty were met. The Fort controlled trade with the Indian nations as far south as the central Mississippi River, including all of Wisconsin and Minnesota, and the northern part of Michigan.

The major fur trading houses in Montreal established representatives in Michilimackinac to deal with the Indians, but found their business hampered by a century old war among the western nations. In a letter dated at Montreal on April 4, 1786, owners of eight firms and twenty individual traders complained to Johnson that their trade carried on under the protection of Fort Michilimackinac was suffering as the result of a native war. The scope of their activities affected was “nearly three-fifths of the whole of the Upper Country Trade, and is extended over a tract of Country reaching from the Latitude of 39 degrees S. on the Mississippi to the North and West of Hudson’s Bay in the Latitude of 60 degrees.” They noted:

“But lately the disputes of those nations have arose to a height above the power of the Traders, assisted by the officer commanding atMichilimackinac, to control or appease, in consequence whereof the trade has suffered greatly and unless some remedy is applied in time there is reason to fear the loss of considerable part of that valuable branch of commerce, in particular the whole of that carried on upon the Mississippi from the Illinois to its source.”

The Dakota-Ojibway war had been waxing and waning ever since 1650. On the one side were the Ojibway, also called the Chippewa, or Saulteaux a name given by the French traders, a people of Algonquin origin. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Chippewa succeeded in driving the Foxes, already reduced by a war with the French, from northern Wisconsin, compelling them to take refuge with the Sauk. The Chippewa then turned against the Sioux, driving them across the Mississippi and south to the Minnesota River. From 1756, the Chippewa continued their westward march across Minnesota and North Dakota until they occupied the head waters of the Red River and established their most westerly band in the Turtle Mountain district.⁴⁴

With them were the Ottawa (an offshoot of the Ojibway), erstwhile allies of the Hurons. They were driven out of present Ontario in 1649 and settled in northwestern Michigan and Wisconsin. (Ibid. p. 2-3) The third in this alliance were the Sauk, an Ojibway nation under strong Spanish influence, who operated without direct co-operation to the other two.

The Dakota side was led by Siouan Dakota nation which included eight tribes: the Mdewakanton, Wahpeton, Sisseton, Yankton, Teton, Wahpekute, Yanktonai, and Assiniboin, ranging from the west side of the Mississippi in present Minnisota as far north as Saskatchewan, the Yanktonai and Assiniboin being the most north-westerly. The Chief of the Sioux was Tatangamini (Walking Buffalo), the second of the Red Wing dynasty. Their allies were the Siouan Winnebago, and the Menominee and the Fox of the Algonquin nation.

The merchants estimated the number of men in the Dakota alliance to be 2,000 for the Sioux, 1,400 for the Fox, and under 1,000 for the Winnebago and Menominee. On the Ojibway side, the Chippewa and Ottawa were estimated at under 1,000 and the Sauk at 1,400.

The Chippewa territory was the area south of Lake Superior east of the upper reaches of the Mississippi and included unsurpassed fur trapping. Their neighbouring enemies, the Sioux on the St. Pierre and upper Mississippi Rivers disrupted the trade to the point where only one-quarter of the potential of the Chippewa trade was realized. The Sioux were for the most part buffalo hunters, but also provided some deer, beaver and otter skins from their area.

The letter urged a grand council to negotiate a peace with presents given to the parties as an inducement for successful conclusion. Among the suggested peace offerings was Rum, silver-work, some coats, hats, flags, and medals.

Sir John Johnson set in motion plans for a conference of the warring nations at Fort Michilimackinac to be convened in June 1787 and in the preceding fall sent Department Interpreter Joseph Ainsé to make the meeting known to the tribes and encourage a truce until that time. Johnson reported to the Colonial Office that he:

“... dispatched Mr. Joseph Ainsé, Interpreter for the Indian Department, a man of much influence among the Indians and great knowledge of Indian affairs, with a belt and speech inviting them to meet him at Michilimackinac in order to reconcile them to each other. Mr. Ainsé, being sent out in the month of August following, proceeding to the Scioux County where the war then actually existed....”

Johnson wrote to his cousin Deputy Agent John Dease at Lachine on October 1, 1786 reporting his preparations and appointing Dease to manage Indian Affairs at Michilimackinac, to prepare the Conference, and to act as his alternate in the event that he could not personally conduct the Conference.

“In consequence of an unfortunate war raging among some of the Western Nations, & at the request of the Merchants trading to that Country, I have taken steps to endevour to reconcile them to each other by sending a Messenger among them to desire that they would desist from all acts of hostility and assemble some of the Chiefs of each Nation next June at Michilimackinac, where I shall endevour to meet them and to establish a lasting peace, to facilitate which, I intend to take with me or order around by Detroit some of the Chiefs of the Six Nations- But should I from unforseen accident or business be prevented from putting my intentions into execution, you will take such steps as you will find necessary to accomplish this desirable business; in the interim you will continue to act in conjunction with Lt. Col. Butler for the good of His Majesty’s Indian interest.”

The letter of instruction ordered Dease to proceed to Michilimackinac in the spring to make preparations for the Conference. During the fall and winter months, Ainsé travelled deep into Siouan country, as far as the sources of the St. Pierre River, returning in June 1787, “with six deputies from each nation at war, consisting of their principal Village & War Chiefs in number one hundred and seventy-six besides a number of Inferior Indians men women and children.”

Johnson found he would be unable to conduct the Conference and gave the responsibility to Dease. The Dease party which included his wife Jane, and his young sons born at Niagara- Richard William, John Warren, and Francis Michael, arrived at the Fort on June 15th.

During late June and early July, preliminary interviews were conducted with the individual chiefs during which each agreed that the time had come for peace, on certain conditions which were acceded to in the discussions. Ainsé brought in with him 196 persons and sent over as many more by Lake Superior. The nights were taken up with much entertaining and regaling of the delegates, leading up to the Grand Council of July 11, 1787. The conference opened with considerable pomp and circumstance. Dease wrote:

“At 12 o’clock the deputies of the different nations who accompanied Mr. Ainsé to the other nations at this post, met in general Council at a place near the Council House fixed upon for that purpose; three cannon were fired on taking our seats to which we walked through Indians who sat on either side. The way was covered with Blankets of skins and Scarlet Cloth. On the latter was displayed large belts of Wampum, war Axes, &c.”

Representing the British were “Capt. Scott, 53rd Regt. Commandant; J. Dease, Esq., Dist. Superintenant; Lieuts. Houghton and Robertson; Ensign Ottley.” Also present were sundry traders of the post. Dease gave an impassioned speech full of rhetoric appropriate to the occasion, urging peace and reconciliation.

In the introduction to the treaty, each of the native parties were noted to have already, “made in their own manner a lasting peace with each other.” There were then four clauses governing relations with the British. The first was a statement of acceptance of and trust in the King of England “their Father” and in his representatives who managed their affairs. The next required honest dealings and assistance to the traders. The third article required that any killer or robber of a white man be turned over to the authorities for judgement, and also promised that satisfaction would be given in the case of a white man injuring a native. The last required the Indians to provide the British with any information concerning disturbances.

Dease pointed out that the articles were, “the only means of ensuring your future welfare & procuring you the protection of the Great King your father,” and that “they principally regard your conduct towards the King’s white children who visit or reside among you for the purpose of trade, by which your own wants and those of your families are supplied.” To assure a complete understanding, Dease advised them that Ainsé would “minutely explain what the writing contains.” Each of the Chiefs then responded, their words interpreted by Ainsé.

“Father. We acknowledge our inability; we want sense; we want words to express to you our thanks for the great trouble you have taken for us. You have made a new day for us; the black clouds are dispersed; a warm sun and blue sky enliven and chear our hearts. You have restored friendship and peace, security and happiness, to us. We shall esteem this day the happiest of our lives. Since our misfortunes vanish, peace and friendship succeed, as Spring does to the dreary Winter. We shall return to our homes with joyful hearts and proclaim to our people the happy proceedings of this day, and use out best endevours to make our Nations pay due obedience to the will of our father, whose kindness we shall never forget. We thankfully will receive our father’s indulgence (an issue of rum), and take care that our Soldiers shall prevent any abuse of it.”

In the final act of peace, “The Village Chiefs and War Chiefs... in the presence of the Great Spirit and before their Father at the King’s Council at Michilimackinac buried their War Hatchet.” The pact was ratified at the Great Council Fire on July 12th, the agreement of the chiefs being signified by their, “advancing and laying their hands on the Seals opposite their names.”

The authorities of the Colonial Office in England were impressed with the results, noting that Dease:

“... did happily conclude a peace with them in the most binding manner, burying their War Hatchets and with them all their animosities, encounting them with the belt of peace, the links of which they firmly promise to preserve from Rust as long as the Rivers flow and the Rocks endure, restoring friendship and that brotherly intercourse to which they had so long been strangers.”

The ramifications of the treaty were immediately recognized. “This paper to be deposited with the different belts given on an occasion deeply affecting the Intersts of humanity as well as those of commerce.”

The Indian Presents

One of the vital final acts of any British treaty was the distribution of gifts to the native signatories and their people. However, the merchants at Michilimackinac were concerned that the flood of goods appropriate to the occasion would lessen demand for their merchandise given in trade for furs. The merchants were further angered by Dease having refused to allow one of them, Charles Paterson, to speak at the Council.

On August 10th, eighteen merchants and traders at the post petitioned Captain Scott stating, “We believe that it is more advantageous for us that no goods be sent to the Indians by Government.” In a signal statement of ingratitude to the peacemakers, they were critical of the management of Indian stores by Dease and Ainsé. The former was alleged to have given some Department employees a part of their pay in articles from the store, and further that he made a loan of supplies to a former employee whose goods had not arrived from Detroit. Ainsé was accused of having made an unnecessary trip to the Indian country distributing gifts. Dease’s loan was one of compassion for a destitute man at the fort and the loan was repaid, but the act was a convenient excuse for halting his distribution of goods to the Indians. The complaint launched a long, dragged out series of events involving the powerful merchant interests and the equally powerful Johnson faction in Montreal.

Deputy Superintendant Dease, attempting to nip the dispute in the bud, immediately applied for a court of inquiry at the fort to vindicate himself. Instead, the merchants then withdrew their papers and forwarded them to the authorities in Quebec. The complaint dated August 14th was forwarded through Captain Scott to Sir Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester, Governor of Canada, whose secretary then sent them to Sir John Johnson.

On the same date, Dease wrote to Johnson that the treaty nations requested that Ainsé return among them to finish the business started among them and Dease complied. In an instruction that crossed in transit, Dease was advised on August 19, 1787, to “return among these Indians & use your best endevours to establish a lasting peace among them.” In order not to interfere with the commerce of the fur traders, the instruction carefully specified the tenor in which the gifts were to be presented, “In giving presents you will particularly distinguish such nations or bands as [are] most valuable to the traders, explaining to them distinctly that the presents are not by way of trade but merely from the King’s bounty.”

When the merchants’ complaint arrived in Johnson’s hands, he was alarmed and dispatched a belated missive, “forbidding Mr Ainsé’s return into the Indian County not only in consequence of the complaints preferred against them and the Injury the Traders were apprehensive they might suffer from Mr Ainsé’s going out again with goods into the Indian Country.”

The Board of Inquiry

The heads of the fur trading houses at Montreal wielded extensive power and influence in government circles and insisted on an investigation of the Indian Department appointees at Michilimackinac. Dorchester, who counted Sir John Johnson as a trusted friend and valued official, showed a distinct reluctance to bring the case to a head. Several months after the complaint was filed, on November 1st, Dorchester ordered Scott to form a Board of Inquiry. The court opened on June 24, 1788. During the two week hearing that ended on July 8th, a ream of documents and evidence were presented by both sides. However, no action was taken until the following year when Johnson wrote to Dease stating that the Governor thought it “advisable that Dease and Ainsé should come down to explain the reasons for their conduct.”

With time, the petty grievance grew into a cause celebre with Dease and Ainsé the chosen targets for the anti-Johnson faction. Dorchester moved reluctantly in acquiescing to the demands of the merchants, but pressed, he issued instructions dated December 24th, for a committee to hear the dispute. The tribunal was convened in the Council Chamber of the Bishop’s Palace in Quebec City the following April 20, 1790. Present were no less personages that the Attorney General and Solicitor General of Canada but no decision was reached. The officials granted both Dease and Ainsé leave to return to their duties on June 2nd, pending the decision of the officials. It would likely have been better for them to be assigned elsewhere allowing past differences to be forgotten.

In May 1790, the government of Great Britain created the province of Upper Canada, dividing Quebec along the Ottawa River and giving the “Upper” name to the new colony up the St. Lawrence River, including all of the territory west of the Ottawa and east of the Hudson’s Bay Company territory in present Manitoba. A committee was ordered to treat with the Americans on the fixing of the western Indian boundaries. On June 11th, Johnson recommended Dease to Major General Sir Alured Clarke to be a representative of the Canadian interests, his deputy being the leading authority on the Indian nations. Johnson wrote,

“I know no other person so sell qualified in point of abilities and address, as well as from a general knowledge of the dispositions, interests and inclinations of the Six Nations and Western Indians.”

Dorchester had an opinion on who he felt would be the best chief official and nominated Sir John Johnson in July, with the further recommendation that Dease replace him in the position of Superintendant of Indian Affairs. The Governor’s recommendation taking six weeks to cross the ocean arrived after the British Parliament appointed John Graves Simcoe to the post, much to Dorchester’s chagrin which he exhibited at every opportunity.

The Michilimackinac affair continued to hang over Dease’s head during the waning months of 1790. On October 11th, Johnson drafted a long report to Lord Dorchester (C.O. 676-678) outlining the chronology of events and opining that there was no deviation from his instructions issued prior to the complaint. The report was read by the committee on October 26th and decided two days later against Dease, referring the matter to Dorchester for final settlement.

Oddly, no record of Dorchester’s decision has ever been found. Historian Clayton McCall had a search of appropriate records conducted by the National Archives of Canada, and by the librarian of the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library. The subsequent researches of myself in the 1980’s also did not turn up an answer. It would seem that the verdict was either lost or not made public.

It seems more probable that there was a private reprimand that in no way altered Dorchester’s high regard for Johnson and Dease. Both continued in their positions.

Dease’s Retirement

In 1796, when Fort Michilimackinac was turned over to the Americans in accordance with Jay’s Treaty of 1794, Dease retired to Montreal on a pension of £100 per year. The Indian Department was under military control until December 15, 1796 when instructions were issued by the British Government making the Superintendant accountable to the Lieutenant Governors of their respective provinces.

The Will of John Dease

Dr. Dease wrote his will on January 4, 1801 (Montreal, 1801, No. 577) as follows:

4th January 1801

Last Will & Testament John Dease Esq^r

Before the subscribing Public Notaries for the province of Lower Canada residing in the City of Montreal. Personally Appeared. John Dease Esquire late Captain in the Indian Department in the late province of Quebec now sick and weak in body at his present Dwelling House in the suburbs of saint Mary near the said city of Montreal but sound of mind memory and understanding as appears to us the said Notaries by his words and actions who desiring to dispose of all his property by Will hath made dictated and named his last Will and Testament in manner following that is to say First the said John Dease doth give Devise and bequeath all and singular his whole estates both real and personal of every kind and nature whatsoever whether in the province or Lower Canada or elsewhere unto his loving Cousin sir John Johnson of the said City of Montreal Knight and Baronet and his worthy friend Robert Jones Esquire of the same place, surgeon to have and to hold to them and the survivor of them their Heirs & Assigns, in joint Tenancy subject Nevertheless to the special trusts uses and confidences herein after mentioned and limited and to no other trust or use or confidence whatever that is to say That his said Trustees or the survivor of them shall and will well and truly execute complete and carry into effect all and every agreement contract or engagement which he hath or may enter into bona fide with any person or persons whatever all which his said Trustees are hereby desired to carry into effect according to the tenor and true intent and meaning thereof: That his said Trustees or the survivor of them shall pay all his just and lawful Debts out of his said estates. That his said Trustees of the survivor of them shall and will as soon as conveniently may be sell and dispose of all his Real Estates in the said province of Lower Canada or else where (already undisposed of) also his personal Estate and upon such sale and conveyance to execute one or more Deeds of bargain and sale and conveyance as Counsel learned in the Law may reasonably advise devise or require. That his said Trustees or the survivor of them shall invest the proceeds of the said Real and personal Estates at interest upon good and sufficient security that out of said interest the said Trustees or the survivor of them shall and will well and truly pay or cause to be paid until his loving Wife Jane French the sum of Twenty pounds Current Money of the said province of Lower Canada per Annum for and during the term of her natural Life: That his said Trustees or the survivor of them shall and will well and truly pay or cause to be paid unto his loving Children William Dease, John Dease, Francis Dease, Peter Dease, Christopher Dease and Charles Dease by the said Jane French the whole amount of the proceeds of his said Real and personal Estates in equal proportions share and share alike that is to say as soon as they shall be emancipated by Marriage or attain the Age of twenty one Years, leaving sufficient of the Capital at interest for the payment of the said Annuity of Twenty pounds to the said Jane French for and during the term of her natural Life: and that until the said Children are emancipated by marriage or attaint the Age of twenty one Years the interest of the sum appertaining to each of the shall be appropriated in Defraying the expences of their education and maintenance provided always that in case it may be deemed necessary and for the advantage of the said Children to pay for their use and behoof or the use and behoof of either of them the sum or sums hereby bequeathed to them before emancipated by marriage or attain the Age of twenty one Years, that then and in such case his said Trustees or the survivor of them are authorized so to do provided that a competent meeting of the Relations and Friends of the said Children shall approve thereof and that their advice and opinion shall be taken before and homolgated by one or more of the Justices of His Majesty’s Court of King’s Bench or other competent Justice in the province aforesaid and for the execution of the present Testament the said Testator hath named constituted and appointed the said sir John Johnson and Robert Jones Esquire Executor thereof and Trustees to his said Estates and also Guardians and Tutors to the persons and Fortunes of the said Children hereby revoking all former Wills and Codicils by him heretofore made willing that these presents shall take place and be executed as being his intention and last Will and Testament For thus it hath been made dictated and named by the said Testator to the said Notaries which said Testator hath persisted therein at this present dwelling House above mentioned on this fourth Day of January in the Year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred & one in the Afternoon and signed by the said Testator and us the said Notaries in this presence and in the presence of each other after having been twice read to him according to Law.

John Dease

Tho^s Barron

N.P. J.A. Gray Not: pub.

The Irish Estate

The day after making out his will, John Dease returned to the Notaries with a deed of sale dated January 5, 1801 transferring his interest in the estate willed to him by his father in Ireland, to Sir John Johnson. The deed first of all established Dease’s parentage:

“John Dease of the said City of Montreal Esquire, son of Richard Dease, late of Lisseny in the County of Cavan in the Kingdom of Ireland, Esquire, deceased.”

The transaction included “All his estate, right, title and interest of in and to the lands of Lisseny aforesaid, and also of in and to the Lands of Cormodiduft with their subdominions situate, lying and being in the County of Cavan...” The property was bequeathed to Dease in the will of his father Richard Dease, dated February 8, 1782.

For his part, Johnson was to pay Dease £2,000. There was some doubt as to the property being unencumbered or devised to Dease in fee simple absolute, so the payment was to be deferred until Johnson obtained title to the property. In the case of entailment, Johnson was absolved of the obligation of payment.

Death and Burial

John Dease died on January 16, 1801 and buried three days later in Cimitiere St. Antoine in Montreal. A copy of the burial certificate from the Archives of Quebec is in my possession:

Le dix neuf Janvier mil huit cent un par moi prètre soussigné a été inhumé dans le cimetiere de Saint Antoine le corps de Jean Baptiste Dease, Equier, capitaine dans le départment Sauage décédé le seize de ce mois agé de cinquante Six ans ont été presents Laurent Baron et Jean Baptiste Rouçeau qui n’ont su singer

Jaorïen Pretre

Translation:

“The 19th January, by me priest, buried in the Cemetery of St. Antoine the body of John Dease, Esq., captain in the Indian Department, died the sixteenth of this month aged fifty-six years in the presence of Laurent Baron and Jean Rouceau. (Sgd.) Jaciien- Priest.”

The inventory of the estate was taken on January 21st, a copy of which is in my possession.

21 January 1801

Inventory of the Estate & Effects

of the Late John Dease

On the twenty first Day of January in the Year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one. Before the subscribing Public Notaries residing in the City of Montreal in the province of Lower Canada.- Personally Appeared sir John Johnson of the said City of Montreal Knight & Baronet and Robert Jones Esquire of the same place, surgeon, Executors Duly named and appointed in and by the Last Will and Testament of John Dease late of the saint Mary suburbs near to said Montreal, Esquire Deceased, and also Trustees to his Estates, passed before us Notaries and bearing Date the fourth Day of January instant. which said parties in their said qualities requested one of us the said Notaries to transport himself to the late Dwelling House of the said John Dease in the saint Mary suburbs, where the said John Dease Died on the sixteenth Day of January present Month in order to make an Inventory of his estate and effects according to Law.- Where upon Jonathan Abraham Gray one of us Notaries at the request aforeseaid being then and there proceeded to make an Inventory of the said estate and effects in manner and form herein after mentioned and contained. in presence of the said sir John Johnson and Robert Jones when the following Articles were produced. and wrote Down upon the present Inventory. For thus &c. Done and passed on the Day and Year first before written in the forenoon and signed by the said parties with us the said Notaries after having been Duly read.

John Johnson

Robert Jones

Tho^s Barron

N.P.

J. A. Gray Not: pub:

In a front Room

Two Cherry tree Card Tables; two Mahogany Dining Tables; one small square looking Glass; ten windsor Chairs; an old Carpet; one Double Carron stove twelve lengths pipe & one elbow; two China Tureens, two butter boats and plates; five blue edge Dishes; eighteen wine Glasses; three plain Tumblers; three quart Decanters; a parcel stone Jars & a Jug; half Gallon Decanters; one brass barrel blunderbuss & Bayonet; two patent pistols brass barrels & Bayonets.

In a back Room

A Mahogany bookcase glaz’d Doors; one field Bedstead & Callic Curtains; one feather Bed & Beding; one gold watch double case cap’d & Jewell’d gold chain & sea; one pair silver shoe buckles; two paris set knee buckles; one set stock buckle; one small sword silver mounted; one Hanger silver mounted; two Dirks- & one silver pipe; silver plate & plated ware; two silver pint mugs; four silver Coasters; one silver Cruet stand cut glasses w^th silver tops & handles; one pair silver salts & spoons; two silver mustard pots & spoons; one silver punch strainer; two large silver gravy spoons; two silver sauce spoons; one silver marrow spoon; six silver Desert spoons; twelve silver Table spoons; eleven silver Tea spoons; two pairs plated pillar Candlesticks; one plated toast rack; one pair silver sugar tongs; one Table Clock at the Mountain.

In a small front Room

A Couch & Mattrass; a small Chamber stove & pipe; one large single stove at the mountain; a Mahogany Camp Table; two old mahogany Knife Cases; eight China Dishes assorted; two China butter boats; twelve blue Custard Cups; Brittania metal ware; one Coffee Urn; one tea pot & stand; one sugar Dish; one milk B^wer; one tea Caddy; one small mahogany writing Desk; one Cherry writing Desk; one feather Bed & Beding; two small field Bedsteads & one set Callicoe Curtains; four Callicoe window Curtains; one large Cloath presee; one small space Case; one Mahogany liquor Case; one Mahogany medicine Chest; one long mah^y Medicine Chest; seven Fusils & one D^ble barrel Gun; two hundred & seventy two volumes of Books contained in three Chests.

Elsewhere

A small parcel Kitchen Uttensils & sundries in the Yeard; an oval looking Glass; two Toilet Glasses; two Horses & two milck Cows; Two Carrioles; one new Caleche; one brass Harness & a parcel of old Cart Harness; one side saddle; a parcel Garden Tools, saws, Axes & sundry other Articles in the Garret.

At three oClock in the afternoon of the Day and Year above written. Deferred further proceeding in the present Inventory until a future Day. nothing further being found to add thereto except the examination of the papers and other writing which appertain to the said Estate. Thus Done and signed the said parties and us the said Notaries, after being Duly read.

John Johnson

Robert Jones

Tho^s Barron

N.P.

J. A. Gray Not: pub:

Published Biography of John Dease

David A. Armour, in The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 5, p. 228-230

This is a summary of the major events in the life of John Dease, compiled from National Archives, and Historical Society manuscripts, as well as several published works.

Burial Record of Jane French Dease

Extrait des Registres des Baptemes, Mariages et Sepultures, fait dans la Paroisse de Montréal, sous le titre du S. Nom de Marie, dans l’Ille, Comté et Distict de Montréal, Province de Québec, pour l’année mil huit cent deux. [Century and year hand written]

Le vingt-un décembre mil-huit cent deux par moi prètre soussigné a été inhumé le corps de Jane French décédé d’avant hier agée d’environ quarante huit ans femme de feu John Dease équier capitaine dans le départment Sauvage, ont été présénts Pierre Duprey at Jean Baptiste Rousseau qui ont declaré ne Savoir Signer

Translation

Extract from the Registers of Baptisms, Marriages and Burials made in the Parish of Montréal, under the title of S. Nom de Marie, in the Island, County and District of Montréal, Province, for the year one thousand eighteen hundred two. [Century and year hand written]

The twenty-one december one thousand eight hundred two by me priest undersigned was buried in the body of Jane French deceased the day before yesterday aged of about forty eight years wife of fire John Dease esquire captain in the Indian department, were present Pierre Duprey and Jean Baptiste Rousseau who were declared not Known [how to] Sign.