When examining human societal groups, it is evident that the consumption of animals for their meat is prevalent throughout mankind’s history. The practice of consuming reptilian meat spans as far back as to early hunter-gatherer societies, and is difficult to pinpoint an exact timeline as to when the practice began, and subsequently gained traction around the world. Similarly, the practice of eating snakes and terrapins in China is one that has been maintained over many centuries, leading to a culturally rich history in the usage of these animals in contemporary societies. These animals play vital roles for consumers and suppliers alike- providing various populations with the necessary sustenance as well as creating a source of income for animal farmers. Snakes and turtles also have cultural and historical significance in Chinese societies- as practices such as traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) rely on the meat, skin, and shells of these animals to form the basis of their medicinal products. There is an innate cultural significance to consumption of these animal products with cultural identity, as these animals play valuable roles in traditional medicinal practices and food. Cultures carry on their culinary traditions and in the case of reptile consumption, it should be viewed as a necessity in Chinese society without animosity from outside perspectives. Reptile consumption- snakes and chelonians- in China serve cultural and economic motives while also providing populations with necessary nutrients; reptile consumption also stimulates the economy as the trade for animal products seems to be growing in the Asian continent, serving a key market in the food supply chain.
There is a rich history of chelonian consumption in China- primarily for their meat and medicinal values derived from their shells. Historically, softshell turtles were considered delicacies that were rewarded by the king to his army more than 2700 years ago (Zhou and Zhou, 1992). Consumption of hard-shelled turtles has become increasingly popular overtime, especially in the Southern regions of China such as Guangdong. Evidently, these patterns have carried cultural significance spanning into the 20th and 21st century, where these cultural products are still widely sought after by the Chinese market and beyond, which will be discussed in further detail.
Beginning with turtles and tortoises, both animals are widely consumed and used for their animal materials throughout the world. Consumption of turtles is practiced across many different urbanized and rural communities throughout the world, from the East to Western hemispheres. In Southeast Asia and China, turtle consumption is at its highest- resulting in a subsequent market to develop around the international trade of turtles. Demand for turtles and tortoises stem from five major demands: “food (turtle meat and eggs), Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), sometimes referred to as Traditional East Asian Medicine (TEAM), pets and herpetoculture, decoration and the curio market, and religious release” (Compton 2000, 24). Of these sectors, “greatest demand comes from the food markets and Traditional Chinese Medicine, inevitably applying great pressures on the wild turtle populations which generally exert the greatest pressure on wild turtle populations.” (Compton 2000, 24). The overall trade of turtles is non-species specific, resulting in harvesting of all types of turtles and tortoises in the East and Southeast Asian regions, putting pressures on all populations.
Breaking down the individual sectors of demand, it is evident that the food and medicinal markets account for the largest proportion of demand in the international turtle trade. As mentioned, food in the form of turtle meat and turtle eggs are desired by the turtle market in China and the rest of the Asian continent. Turtle meat is considered to be a culinary delicacy because of its perceived health and medicinal benefits, also influencing demand in the traditional Chinese medicine sector. Traditional Chinese Medicine products are oftentimes created utilizing dried softshell turtle heads, turtle shells (both hard-shelled and softshell species), and even turtle blood as the basis for these products. A common type of turtle that is famed and prized for its medicinal value is cuora trifasciata- more commonly known as the golden coin turtle or Chinese three-striped box turtle. This expensive species of turtle is “perceived for its cancer-curing effects,” with its shell usually being boiled into a form of herbal jelly (Van Dijk 2000, 17). Continuing on, turtles are also exploited to meet demand for pet and herpetoculture, as demand for these animals to be kept in captivity continues to rise. In autonomous regions of Hong Kong and the Republic of China (Taiwan), rare species of turtles being kept as pets is especially common. On the contrary, turtles are kept as pets in mainland China, however the commercialization of trade regarding turtles for the sole purpose of selling them as pets is uncommon and new. The trade of turtles for the purpose of captivity also extends to Western regions outside of Asia, as the Western world demands for pets will be met by the international Asian turtle trade. The demand for decor and curio market for turtles stem from desires to possess unusual and ‘fancy’ decor, done so through the decoration of turtle and tortoise shells. Lastly, turtles are also used for religious utilizations such as religious release- a practice especially common in Southeast Asian temple ponds.
Cuora trifasciata (golden coin turtle or Chinese three-striped box turtle) perceived for its medicinal effects in TCM.
Examining the turtle trade will provide great insight into understanding how the movement and flow of turtles and tortoises facilitates market activity in Asia- and more specially China. Countries such as China, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Taiwan are just a few examples of some countries that participate in the trade and consumption of turtles. An underlying point is that “all South and Southeast Asian countries participate in the turtle trade in some way” (Compton 2000, 25). China is a major consumer of freshwater turtles and tortoises in the world and a majority of these animals are now imported from other Asian countries. The vast and extensive trade network of turtles is hard to track because of the many different participants in the global international trade. Tracking and determining the place of origins for these animals is especially difficult because chelonians are imported directly from other Asian countries or trans-shipped from various ports involving different means of transportation. Coupled with this is the two trade status of these animals- either through legal or illegal methods of trade. Discussion of what constitutes legal versus illegal trade is complex, so it is simpler to provide a quick discussion on what makes trading of these animals legal, beginning with the international entity that regulates and restricts trade of specific animals- Appendices of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Fauna and Flora- also known as CITES. CITES is an international treaty responsible for protecting critically endangered species from overexploitation and threats of international trade. In China, a simple distinction between legal versus illegal trade is that imported species that are listed under CITES are illegal, whereas non-CITES species could be imported legally or illegally. As mentioned before, because so many Asian countries participate in the chelonian trade, demand and trade for these animals are extremely high creating incentives for sellers to work around these ‘regulations’ which are very laxed to begin with. Limitations are also placed on Asian states that are participants of CITES because of the underfunded, lack-of-training provided to border officials and enforcement staff, making regulations by CITES for this type of trade very difficult to enforce.
Moreover, only a relatively few amount of chelonians are listed under the CITES appendix, and “thus afforded some chance of legal protection from over-exploitation in international trade” (Compton 2000, 27). The animals that are listed under CITES protection can be found on Table 1, courtesy of An Overview of Asian Turtle Trade by James Compton.
Trade of turtles prior to the economic reforms in China during the late 1980s was predominantly made up of Chinese species of turtles for food. In the 21st century, there is since been an influx of Asian turtles being imported into China due to the country’s open borders coupled with “increasingly prosperous human population in southern China, the improved infrastructure and transport links with other Asian countries, and the northward spread of the habit of consuming wildlife” (Lau and Haitao 2000, 30). With this ever increasing demand for these luxurious animals- most of which are caught in the wild for breeding or trading- farmers in China have turned to turtle farms as a potential alternative source of mass producing chelonians available for commerce.
Turtle farming is a relatively new practice and entrepreneurship opportunity that emerged as a result of rising demand for turtle products. Increased demand allowed for turtles to be sold at higher prices, thus incentivizing investors to invest in turtle farms in China. Farms initially were developed for soft-shell turtles, which satiated demand, thus resulting in other farms to also appear for more rare, luxurious hard-shell turtles such as the golden coin turtle. What is known about turtle farms in China is not fully understood, as farmers usually keep their farming practices a secret to maintain their position in the turtle market, and are fearful of giving away commercial secrets that may disadvantage themselves against competitors. Thus, further research is still being conducted to fully understand the extent of turtle farms on the overall economic activities in China. Recent research showed that most native species of freshwater turtles and tortoises are bred in farms, however, when surveyed by researchers on what specific species were typically bred and raised in farms, it showed that farmers were unable to accurately identify all of the species being raised and maintained (Haitao et al. 2008). This is because of the many different chelonian species that exist either native to China, or were imported from other regions of the world- such as Southeast Asia or even from the Western hemisphere. The figure shown is a graphical representation showcasing the 11 most commonly bred turtle species in over 684 farms in China out of the over 1,100 registered farms. It is important to note that these figures may be inaccurate because of the previously mentioned secrecy aspect tied to the practice of turtle farming and inability to identify accurate species. In addition, there are also illegally held chelonians in captivity that do not contribute to the numbers recorded, making the true representation of turtle and tortoise farms in China relatively unknown.
11 most commonly reared and easily identifiable turtle species as surveyed from over 684 farms in China
The history of snake consumption follows similar patterns to that of chelonians, dating back over thousands of years with an especially popular dish- snake soup- that has persisted over many centuries. Before 1981, habits of snake consumption were primarily contained to southern regions of China- Guangdong and Guanxi- before its spread to other parts of the country, extending to the far west regions of Urumchi in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region and as far north as Harbin in Heilongjiang Province (Zhou and Jiang, 2004). Similarly, demand for snake products exploded with the introduction of economic reforms and opening to the outside, adopted in 1981, that allowed for more markets to seek out snake products. This subsequently led to a “large-scale domestic overexploitation” of these animals as a result (Zhou and Jiang, 2004). Additionally, an increasing variety and number of products made from snakes, including snake powder and snake liquor, have started to appear in the marketplace, also supplementing market demand.
snake soup eaten in China
snake parts used in Traditional Chinese medicine
snake parts sold in medicinal market
Demand for snakes is broken down into four categories, most of which are identical to that of their chelonian counterparts. These four main markets for snakes are: food products- including live, frozen, or dried meat, leather (skins, handbags, shoes, wallets, and belts) made from skin, and traditional Chinese medicine products.
At the turn of the 21st century, China’s market demand for snakes has shown gradual increase, putting increased pressures on declining snake populations. This demand also shifted China’s status as a net-export of snake products to a net-import of snake products. As mentioned before, their domestic exploitation of snakes has drastically hindered wild snake populations in China, and has thus resulted in a greater reliance on imports of snakes while decreasing exports of snakes to other countries. Overall, exports of snake products have decreased overtime while overall import of snake products into China have gradually increased as depicted by the two figures. The species of snakes involved in export and import varied, with “more than 60 species of snakes were involved in export” whereas “approximately 70 species were imported to China” (Zhou and Jiang, 2004).
Graph representing the gradual decline of snake products exported from China (1990-2001)
Graph representing the gradual increase of snake products imported into China (1990-2001)
With all these species being traded across international borders, it is no surprise that CITES also regulates trade of snakes coming into and leaving the borders of China. Snake traders are required to apply for and obtain permits before exportation or importation of snakes is permitted, with information containing “scientific name, quantity, unit, description, and import or export countries, is documented by the CITES management authority” (Zhou and Jiang, 2004). Trade of CITES regulated species is highly regulated by the Chinese government, and bans were placed on certain overexploited species at the end of the 20th century, which saw the ban of three CITES species. Non-CITES species are also traded depending on the availability of populations and the demand from the markets. With the growing market for snake products, new practices of snake farms are emerging as a potential alternative in producing CITES and non-CITES species to satiate demand.
Conservation status of some snake species in China according to The China Red Book of Endangered Animals - Amphibia and Reptilia
There are a lot of variety of snake farms in China: from smaller suburban plots raising a few hundreds to large-scale breeding and farming locations. A typical snake will spend less than 10 months in a farm, and these snakes will (on average) grow faster than those in the wild. Snakes are generally sourced from the wild, then sent to farms to be held in captivity for breeding and farming. A relatively new industrial practice of snake farming has emerged called closed-cycle snake farming as a response to wild-population harvesting and overexploitation.
Closed-cycle snake farming is “defined as the production of snakes within a controlled environment without the introduction of specimens from the wild” (Aust et al. 2016). Research on the closed-cycle snake farming and its linkages to sustainable development is still being conducted to determine if this new industry practice could provide an alternative to current snake harvesting practices to maintain wild populations as demands continue to grow.
Research conducted by Aust et al. showcases how closed-cycle farming could help mitigate the uncontrollable variables of wild harvests, and thus incentivize conservation practices. The farms and species researched in this study were shown to “grow rapidly, mature early and have a high reproductive output,” traits that were more prominent in farmed snakes as opposed to wild species. Comparing the practices of snake farming to wild harvesting, snakes are relatively easy to maintain within a closed-cycle, as these animals are relatively cheap and easy to maintain in captivity, compared to the resources required to find and harvest wild populations of snakes. Ecological sustainability is also encouraged and incentivized through closed-cycle farming, as the landscapes where snakes are farmed are typically a “patchwork mosaic of small-scale agriculture and wetlands” (Aust et al. 2016). These ecosystems support diverse species such as amphibians and rodents, which are also prominent sources of food inputs for the snakes, thus incentivizing farmers to maintain the ecosystems through ecologically sustainable activities. Another ecological benefit found by Aust et al. is snake farms consume inputs from other farming activities in the form of “low-value waste protein from the poultry, pork and fish industries,” and transform it into a product for human-consumption in the form of snake meat. Coupled with ecological sustainability, snake-farming also provides social benefits to the farmers and communities that perform these activities. Snake farming is a relatively cheap and accessible option for rural and peri-urban small scale farmers to participate in, often carried out in conjunction with other economic activities- such as rice farming or other forms of employment. This low barrier to entry affords farmers with a small economic activity on the side to help sustain small communities while also satiating demands for the snake market, showcasing the compounding benefits of snake farming to the Chinese economy and society.
Reptilian consumption clearly provides Chinese society with a sufficient source of protein and food source which would otherwise not be afforded to certain populations. Examining the conditions and potential dangers of snake and chelonian consumption can also shed light on why a cultural practice has persisted for so many generations to continuously feed communities throughout China. A biological study done to find the risks and dangers associated with reptilian consumption concluded that the consumption of these animals “probably represents similar biological hazards to the consumption of meat of any other animal” (Magnino et al. 2009). Therefore, it is apparent that snake and chelonian consumption is a reasonable source to feed populations nationally and internationally alongside other animal products, and should be viewed in a positive light. Although reptilian consumption is practiced worldwide, perspectives toward this consumption are still not as widely accepted as animals such as cattle, poultry, or pork. By showcasing the economic and social connections between the reptilian market, demand for these products, and the social implications of the reptilian trade, it should be apparent that this animal industry provides very real and necessary benefits that sustains communities in China, and is a practice that will continue for many years to come. The practice of snake and chelonian consumption in China- and the rest of the Asian world- symbolizes “cultures have persisted with culinary traditions in a way that [should] not [be] dismissed as nostalgic conservatism” (Nabhan 173). All-in-all, evidence from the studies presented on the reptilian industry, the turtle and snake market have very similar parallels in its market demand, trading, and farming practices that have persisted for generations in China. Ever since economic reform in the 1980s, both animals have been exploited by wild harvests and some species are threatened or endangered. Farming practices are still being studied as information regarding farms for these animals is still limited, but could provide a sustainable alternative for long-term wild animal preservation. More preservation and conservation efforts are currently being invested and funded by administrations and institutions in China, but sufficient protections have not been put into full effect. With the illegal trade that also occurs concurrently with the legal trade of these animals, it is hard to know the full extent of the damages to animal populations and their ability to sustain themselves without human intervention. All-in-all, future projects toward conservation and sustainability practices are being studied, and efforts toward developing a sustainable industry is a work in progress that will hopefully be able to meet national and international demand for these various animal products.