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Temptation of Christ, during Jesus's famous 40 day fast James Tissot, Brooklyn Museum
By Aidan Bell
Food-related rituals appear to be a cross-cultural universal, spurned by our intimate desire, connection to, and need for food to survive. Food-related rituals achieve a variety of purposes and are conceptualized as "cultural performances" (Bell, 1997) showing devotion and adherence to religious/cultural values and traditions, which confers status on performers. Feasting and fasting are two of the most common food rituals found in different cultures worldwide. We will be discussing rituals extensively in this paper, and we will be using Catherine Bell’s definition of ritual, from “Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice": that the defining criterion of rituals is that they are symbolically differentiated from everyday activities in terms of forms, action, or purpose. Although feasting and fasting are both food rituals, their contrasting primary actions of indulging vs. abstaining from food lead to generally different symbolic ritual application cross-culturally. In this essay, it will be shown that feasting is profoundly rooted in the material world, builds connections of gratitude between people through sharing food, and can be a euphemism for competition. In contrast, we will demonstrate that fasting rejects the material world and instead values the individual mental challenge of abstaining from a base human need. Understanding the similarities and differences between these rituals can give us insight into the core values and morals of cultures through their feasting and fasting rituals. In the dichotomy of feasting and fasting, we can see echoes of an eternal human question: is the mind (soul) or the body (sensations, physical world) more important?
Background & Authoritative Viewpoints:
An incredibly useful source in the research process for this paper was “Food, Feasts, and Faith: an encyclopedia of food culture in world religions”. The author of this encyclopedia, Paul Fieldhouse, states that “food creates a boundary of inclusion, [but] it also demarcates a boundary of separation from those who do not share the same food rules or practices and do not belong to the group”. He also states that, secular food rituals aside, “Food is an almost universal way to communicate with the divine”. In “Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions”, in the section “Feasting, Fasting, and Festivals”, Bell says that Feasting and Fasting can be conceptualized as “cultural performances” showing devotion and adherence to religious/cultural values and traditions, which confers status on performers. As far as the differences between feasting and fasting, Micheal Dietler claims that feasting can be a euphemism for competition (Dietler, 2011), and Fieldhouse claims that broadly, fasting is associated with purity, equality, and self-control (Fieldhouse, 2017). Next up, we will be bringing in specific examples of feasting and fasting to help develop intuition for how these different food rituals play out cross-culturally.
An assorted spread of different dishes at a potluck in Alberta, Canada
Feasting is a ritualized form of eating that is usually associated with celebration and social gatherings. It is a widespread practice in many cultures, often involving a large amount of food that is shared among family members, friends, or community members. Feasting events can be a euphemism for competition in comparison with other forms of gaining symbolic capital such as gift-giving, magic, etc. Feasting subtly "euphemizes the self-interested nature of the process and creates a shared 'sincere fiction' (in Bourdieu's phrase, 1990: 112) of disinterested generosity." (Dietler, 2011). Some ways in which hierarchy can be subtly and sometimes invisibly enforced in feasting include spatial (e.g., where people sit), temporal (e.g., serving order), qualitative (kinds of food people get), quantitative (quantity of foods people get), and behavioral (e.g., being allowed to talk while eating). (Dietler, 2011)
Potlaches are a type of competitive feast found among the native peoples of southern Alaska, British Columbia, and Washington state. It is concerned with displaying and transferring social privileges that confer status and prestige; it is also about divine-human interaction and the interconnectedness of the cosmos as conceived by a primarily hunting and fishing society. Hunted animals are thought to rely on ceremonies that take place during a potlatch (consisting of consuming parts of the animal) for reincarnation to occur. Potlatches range from small feasts to week-long events, can take as long as 17 years to prepare for, and involve a complex system of social and economic exchange. By eating generously of the provided food and accepting the gifts distributed by the host, the guests are formally witnessing and acceding to the host's claims to possess the rights to particular prestigious titles, dances, and masks.
The practice of Potlatching actually increased with colonialism. The colonial authorities outlawed the traditional tribal warfare, making potlatching one of the few means of competition between people. In this colonial-like situation, the potlatch actually became more widespread and elaborate, eventually emerging as the principal means to establish one's rights to a hereditary position, which were more available than ever before due to the great decline in population. Then, from 1884 to 1951 Canada banned potlatching in an assimilation attempt. Native people who participated in potlatching were arrested, fined, and imprisoned. (Fieldhouse, 2017)
A painting of a potlatch
Other examples of competitive feasting include the San Juan drinking festival in Ecuador, where, through feasting, the “Agateños use reciprocity to obtain access to scarce economic and political resources, reduce risk, and affirm ethnic identity” (Barlett, 1980). Additionally, American potlucks, despite communal theming, have large status conferring subtexts. Judgements are made based on what food people bring to the table, and status is subtly gained or lost euphemistically. It is very common for American potluck-goers to be very stressed about how the food they bring will be received. The material, reciprocal nature of feasting leads some anthropologists, like Michael Dietler, to claim that “feasting is always competitive in its effects” (Dietler, 2011). Although feasting does usually have competitive components, and depending on how you view it, it's not wholly wrong to say that it is “always competitive”, there are some deviations from this norm we will explore.
A picture of a slametan event
The Indonesian ritual feast known as the Slametan is a core ritual in Javanese religion. This feast is characterized by strong egalitarian values, and is given to celebrate many life events, such as marriage, birth, death, or moving to a new house. Selection of guests is based entirely on proximity, not friends/relatives, and guests are told the event is happening only 5-10 minutes before the event starts, and are compelled to drop what they are doing to attend. After only a few minutes of eating guests leave and finish eating at home – the whole ceremony is only 10-15 minutes (Bell 1997). In Nepal, the Raute people have egalitarian monthly feasts, whose purpose is to redistribute food and remedy any social problems or rifts that have occurred in the last month. The only distinctions between people such as seating positions or types of food people can eat are between Raute and non-Raute people, who eat with different utensils (Fortier 2009). These examples challenge the heuristic that feasting is “always competitive”.
All in all, feasting seeks to create community and bring people into connection with religious entities through investment in the material world, and the satisfaction of base human desires through indulgence
Fasting, on the other hand, devalues the physical realm and emphasizes the spiritual, and can connect people across material boundaries through spiritual solidarity & equality. “Fasting in some form has been a significant part of the ritual practices of most of the major world religions for centuries, as well as many other religious traditions studied by anthropologists” (Dietler, 2011). Western Christian culture is influenced by Jesus’ famous 40 day fast, and fasting has been prominently featured and valued as a tool for purity and spiritual connection in Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, and Judaism for millenia. Fasting is used to show “piety, devotion, penitence, and self-control, to effect purification in preparation for certain tasks or ritual transformations, and to provoke altered states of consciousness” (Dietler, 2011). Fasting shifts the focus from the material to the spiritual, allowing individuals to connect with something greater than themselves. Fasting also has the ability to connect people across material boundaries through spiritual solidarity and equality.
An incredibly famous and widespread feasting ritual is the Ramadan fast. In Islam, Ramadan is one of the five pillars of the faith and requires all able-bodied Muslims to fast from sunrise to sunset for the entire month. The fast is not only a spiritual obligation but also an opportunity for Muslims to experience the pangs of hunger and to understand the plight of the less fortunate. Rich and poor Muslims alike experience the pangs of hunger, resulting in what participants describe as a unifying experience that teaches piety and self restraint. (Bell, 1997, p 125) At the end of Ramadan, everyone who has the economic means must make a donation to the poor, further emphasizing the importance of equality and community.
Similarly, in Christianity, Lent is a 40-day period of communal fasting and penance that prepares Christians for the celebration of Easter. During Lent, Christians are encouraged to abstain from consuming animal products and to focus on spiritual growth and introspection. There is a prevalent thematic focus on abstaining from worldly pleasures. This period is observed by many Christian denominations, including Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican. Lent begins on Ash Wednesday and ends on Holy Saturday, the day before Easter Sunday. The 40-day duration of Lent is meant to reflect the 40 days that Jesus spent fasting in the desert before beginning his public ministry. (Fieldhouse, 2017)
Fasting was also used by the Cherokee before stickball (lacrosse) games as an important part of the pre-game ritual. Players would spend anywhere from 7-28 days before the game abstaining from liquor, bad foods, and malicious or vengeful intent (Olson 1993, 88-91). This fasting ritual heightened the emotional stakes of the game.
Fasting is also utilized in coming of age ceremonies, where, among other spiritual purposes, it can induce altered states of consciousness. In the coming of age ceremony historically practiced by Australian Aborigines of the central desert region, participants fast and are separated from normal life for over a week, aiding in reaching altered states of consciousness, producing a mystical experience and a feeling of dying and being reborn. The Australian Aborigines also use the Datura plant to induce altered states of consciousness, but the fasting helps achieve this state and likely increases the potency of the plant (De Rios, 1992). One of the reasons why fasting is more strongly associated with spirituality and transcending the physical plane is probably because of its potential to induce altered states of consciousness where people can have profound religious experiences or hallucinations.
Nishidhi, a 14th-century memorial stone depicting the observance of the vow of Sallekhana with old Kannada inscription
However, not all forms of fasting are communal. Individualized fasting has become a popular trend in modern Western society, often associated with weight loss and personal health goals. There are broad cross-cultural individualistic fasting practices, however, for example in Buddhism and Hinduism, where fasting is thought to help one gain control over bodily senses, learn distinction between “bodily greed and bodily need”. In Hinduism, fasting is also used as repentance for sin “avoid negative karmic consequences”, or to show devotion in hopes of receiving boon from deity (Fieldhouse, 2017). While the motivations behind individualized fasting may vary, the practice has become a controversial topic in modern America due to the potential harm it may cause to individuals, especially women.
Sallekhana is a ritual of voluntary death by starvation practiced in Jainism. It is considered to be a highly respected practice and is undertaken by the Jain ascetics, who have renounced all worldly pleasures and possessions. Sallekhana is seen as a way to purify the soul, to attain liberation from the cycle of birth and death, and to achieve moksha or enlightenment. The ritual involves gradually reducing the intake of food and water until death occurs naturally. While from a western perspective this practice may seem extreme or horrifying, it is important to recognize its significance in the context of Jainism and the beliefs and values of its followers. (Bell, 1997)
In a culture that values dominance of the mind over the senses and associates women with the body and its appetite, the burden of control falls particularly strongly on women. The glorification of thinness and the idealization of a specific body type have led to the rise of eating disorders, such as anorexia, bulimia, and binge-eating disorder.
For women who feel oppressed by their gender role in society, abstaining from food can make them independent of the needs that would inevitably bring them into a hierarchic, submissive, and "possessed" relationship with men. In “An anthropological view of western women’s prodigious fasting”, Counihan describes some forms of modern anorexia as a rejection of femininity, and gives examples of women fasting in response to sexual violence. Because fasting usually results in the cessation of menstrual cycles, fasting can functionally reject this aspect of femininity. In this sense, fasting and other forms of food refusal may be seen as an attempt to gain control over the body and its desires. (Counihan, 1989) Here, the idea of valuing the mental or spiritual world over the material plane can be dangerous. This delusion of only needing the mind and not the body symbolically signifies the material plane as gross, imperfect, and something to be avoided. It promotes the idea that the body is something to be conquered and subdued, rather than respected and cared for.
Fasting has been an integral part of many cultures and religions for centuries. It has been used to show piety, devotion, penitence, and self-control, to effect purification in preparation for certain tasks or ritual transformations, and to provoke altered states of consciousness. However, the romanticization of individualized fasting in modern Western society can be problematic, perpetuating harmful ideals and attitudes towards the body. Therefore, it is essential to understand the motivations and implications of fasting, to ensure that it is practiced in a healthy and respectful manner.
Jesus tempted in the wilderness during his 40 day fast
In summary, Feasting is profoundly rooted in the material world, and builds connections of gratitude between people through sharing food – while fasting rejects the material world and instead values the individual mental challenge of abstaining from a base human need. Overindulgence in either feasting or fasting leads to grave consequences. Overindulgence in feasting leads to a never ending chase of physical pleasures and materials/foods to gorge on with others. highly valuing feasting likely inevitably leads to hierarchies, as people amass social capital from feasting, and begin to focus on accumulating material wealth for the purposes of feasting. On the other hand, overindulgence in fasting leads to death – complete disconnection with the physical plane. Observing feasting and fasting practices in cultures gives us insight into their cultural values. Take the practice of Sallekhana in Jainism – they value spiritual fulfillment so highly that death is acceptable in pursuit of it. In contrast, the native peoples of British Columbia will prepare for a potlatch for up to 17 years, making a potlatch one of the defining highlights of their life. For them this moment of excess material goods, dance, and indulgence is the most respected state in their culture. Understanding the differences between these rituals provides insight into the core values and morals of cultures. The dichotomy of feasting and fasting shows echoes of an eternal human question: is the mind (soul) or the body (sensations, physical world) more important? How people answer this question has profound implications on the way they live their lives as humans!
Works Cited:
McGuire, Randall, and Bernbeck, Reinhard. 2011. The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of Ritual and Religion. United Kingdom: OUP Oxford, 2011. Ch 13: Feasting and Fasting.
Buitelaar 1993; Bynum 1987; Grimm 1996; Lambert 2003; Rader 1987)
Carole M. Counihan (1989) An anthropological view of western women's prodigious fasting: A review essay, Food and Foodways, 3:4, 357-375, DOI: 10.1080/07409710.1989.9961961
Fortier, Jana 2009 Kings of the Forest Univ. of Hawaii Press, Pg 95
Douglas, Mary. "The abominations of Leviticus." In Food and culture, pp. 62-72. Routledge, 2012.
Dobkin de Rios, Marlene (1992). Amazon Healer: The Life and Times of an Urban Shaman. Prism.
Olson, Ted. “Cherokee Stickball: A Changing Tradition.” Journal of the Appalachian Studies Association, vol. 5, 1993, pp. 84–93. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41445647. Accessed 30 Nov. 2022.
Bell, Catherine. Ritual theory, ritual practice. Oxford University Press, 1992.
Fieldhouse, Paul. Food, feasts, and faith: An encyclopedia of food culture in world religions [2 volumes]. Abc-Clio, 2017.
Dietler, Michael. "Feasting and fasting." Oxford handbook on the Archaeology of Ritual and Religion. Oxford University Press. Oxford (2011): 179-194.
Barlett, Peggy F. “Reciprocity and the San Juan Fiesta.” Journal of Anthropological Research, vol. 36, no. 1, 1980, pp. 116–130., https://doi.org/10.1086/jar.36.1.3629556.
Bell Catherine M. Ritual : Perspectives and Dimensions. Oxford University Press 1997.