Kaiseki at the Intersection of Tradition and Globalization

Kaiseki - the multi-course Japanese dining experience has been widely recognized as one of the most refined and elegant culinary traditions in Japan. It is regarded for its respect for the natural flavors of the ingredients, emphasis on seasonality, and elegant yet simplistic artistic presentation that culminates in a luxurious Japanese dining experience. In a globalized world with integrated economies, new forms of power are developing and raising attention. Global image and perceptions play an important role in the game of international power and influence. The research in this paper illustrates the intersectional nature of culture and politics and how cuisines at an international level can play an important role in cultural policy. The presence of Kaiseki in the global food community functions as a form of soft power in which the traditional cultural significance of Kaiseki lends itself to the strengthening of Japan’s image in the international community.

Traditions of Kaiseki

Wabi or Wabicha, meaning “rustic tea ceremony”  developed in the late 15th Century and as implied in the name, emphasized simplicity, humility, and the use of natural materials. This style of kaiseki has origins in Zen Buddhist tea ceremonies. The kanji - 懐石 - used for this style translates to “bosom zone” or “stones for the belly” - a reference to the meditation practice of Zen Buddhist monks in which they would slip warm stones into their robes to ward off hunger (jisho 2023; Cadwallader and Justice 2010, 68). Daimyo - meaning feudal lord was a style of kaiseki favored by aristocrats and only practiced in certain wealthy families (jisho 2023; Cadwallader and Justice 2010, 85). In catering to the elite diners, daimyo stands as the antithesis of wabi, characterized by grandeur, luxury, and formality. Tea rooms and presentation of meals were ornate and often highly decorated. Daimyo kaiseki emphasized strict class distinction through strict observance of ranking and reflected in the serving and etiquette(Cadwallader and Justice 2010, 85). 

The majority of literature recognizes one individual as being responsible for the “crystallization” of tea cuisine as an art form: Sen no Rikyū. Eric Rath's research on the origins of kaiseki found that all of the literature on Sen no Rikyū’s instruction of tea ceremonies was written by his predecessors - his menus suggested a lack of interest in food and cooking (Rath 2013). His style of kaiseki reflects wabi traditions and was humble in its offering typically featuring typically one soup and two sides (Rather 2013, 83). Rath suggests another tea practitioner, Endo Genkan as the individual responsible for many of the guiding principles visible in modern kaiseki. An expert in kaiseki, Genkan, in his texts exhibited a “different tack toward tea food that explored its important role in the tea ceremony and celebrated the many pleasure of dining in that setting” (Rath 72). The kaiseki style developed by Genkan was centered around tea ceremony food - featuring a variety of changing menus, concern for freshness, engagement with seasonality, direct instructions for preparation, and the goal of a culinary experience that stimulates both imagination and appetite (Rath 2013, 87-91).

Towards the end of the Meiji period, the existing elite lost their status, and practitioners of daimyo kaiseki joined with wabi lineages of practitioners (Cadwallader and Justice 2010, 85). Thus modern-day kaiseki is the culmination of both wabi and daimyo traditions visible through the prevailing core principles of kaiseki cuisine today which emphasize a deep respect for the natural flavors of ingredients, a focus on simplicity and elegance, and an appreciation for the beauty of small details. 

The Global World Arrives at Japan’s Doorstep

Up until the opening of Japan in 1853, Japan remained in self-imposed isolation meaning that foreign influences on cuisine were mostly mitigated. The term washoku refers to cuisine developed during isolation and is regarded as truly authentic Japanese food with little foreign influence. Lucy Seligman, in her historical account of Japanese cuisine, highlights that there were some exceptions (Seligman 1994). During the Muromachi period limited trade allowed for some European goods (mainly staple crops) to enter Japan. Sweet potatoes, potatoes, corn, processed meats, dairy products, and sweets like castella are some examples of foods that are integrated into Japanese cuisine (Seligman 1994, 171). Cuisine using these ingredients was regarded as namban ryōri- “southern barbarian cuisine,” (Seligman 1994, 171). That being said, many of these products are now regarded as congruent with Japanese cuisine, indistinguishable as second-grade “barbaric” food. 

It was not until the post-isolation period that we really see the effects of a global market appear in Japanese cuisine. Theodore Bestor and Victoria Bestor provide a comprehensive account of the influx of foreign food influences following Japan’s isolation period. They recount that after opening its shores in 1853, Japan was exposed to foreign influence at expedited rates; especially in the areas that allowed foreign settlement, the impact of foreign connection was evident (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 15). Upper and upper middle classes were able to experiment with new foods and integration of new techniques that differed from traditional Japanese staples and philosophy (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 15). According to Bestor and Bestor, “businesses and restaurants helped promote the boom in Western-style consumption for Meiji-era elites,” priming the country for a further influx of Western culture. The popular trend of yōshoku - Japanese-styled Western dishes served in Western-styled restaurants - and its lasting place in Japanese culture exemplifies the potency of Western influence (Seligman 1994 172).  One notable impact of foreign interaction was the increased consumption of beef (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 15). Consumption of beef is prohibited by Zen Buddhism and thus this deviation from traditional practices indicates a departure from traditional Japanese morals and practices. That being said, foreign residency remained limited at this time and the influence of these cultures for the most part only affected elites; the majority of Japan remained true to historical patterns of lifestyle.

Following the Edo period and during Japan’s imperial period, we see the continued influence of foreign cuisines in Japan provided by empirical Japan’s acquisition of colonies; however, the significant event that truly transferred Japanese culture was the defeat of Japan against the allied nations following World War II and the subsequent US occupation of Japan. Western occupation of Japan meant the influx of foreign presence to a degree never seen in Japan prior. The strong presence of new cultures was followed by the adaptation of domestic culture to match the influx of foreign cultures and tastes. The occupation of Japan launched a wave of culinary innovation inspired by the need to meet the tastes of foreigners (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 16). Beyond food, Westerners also had a taste for industrialization. In the 1950s, the Japanese economy boomed by means of industrialization - specifically the development of heavy industry and export industries leading to a drastic change in lifestyle and by the 1970s, Japan had become a full-fledged industrialized nation and an international economic power (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 16). With the incentive to develop in Japan, foreign businesses flocked to Japan. The first McDonald’s restaurant pictured below was opened in 1971 in Tokyo.

Industrialization was coupled with a great migration to urban cities and accumulated wealth emboldened a new and growing middle class to engage in the fundamental capitalist concept of consumption; Bestor and Bestor remarked that the rate of consumption was strong, calling it hyper-consumption (Bester and Bester 2011, 16). During this time food itself was industrialized; large-scale food manufacturers mass-produced processed and shelf-stable food pushing local and regional producers out of the picture. Furthermore, supermarkets and convenience stores or konbini - as known in Japan - grew in number lending itself to the increased accessibility to these mass-produced foods (Bestor and Bestor 2011, 16). 16). This phrase illustrates how fast foods impacted Japanese culture: Okaasan ya sure, Haha kitoku - meaning, “mother take a rest, mother is on her deathbed. Easily accessible fast foods and restaurants lent themselves to a steep decline in household cooking (Bester and Bester 2011, 16). These fast foods supplied the demand for readily accessible foods reflective of the new fast-paced urban lifestyle. Consequently, this time saw a decrease in traditional and regional culinary traditions overcome by mass-produced foods that contested the very essence of traditional values such as freshness and respect for preparation. That being said, consumerism also lent itself to the increased interest in fine dining in Japan - both in domestic and foreign cuisines which gave an opportunity for the culinary world to flourish. The following section will develop on the resurgence of interest in culinary traditions coupled with the development of the gourmet.

Japan in the Face of Globalization

Western culture had proliferated in urban populations and combined with industrialization, there was a significant departure from Edo period food cultures. Alejandro Colás et. al. in their book, Food, politics, and society: Social theory and the modern food system, talk about the importance of cuisine in regard to identity; he speaks on how “culture” becomes a significant player in nationalist identities due to its proponents of historical customs, religions, and traditions (Colas 132). That being said, traditional culinary practices were overshadowed by industrialism and Western influence furthermore causing the decline in respect for said traditions. They remark on how national cuisines become “subjects of ideological contentions regarding “ownership” of cuisines between nation and communal border, drawing out the binaries of self and other, nature, and society, and the eminently modern processes of economic globalization, social stratification, and political transformation” (Colas 130-131). His remarks emphasize the necessity of emboldening national identity in relation to other nations; our national identities and the components that support it strengthen not only our self-image but also the image perceived by others. 

In the face of globalization, many sought to reemphasize Japanese identity through the means of national agricultural and culinary traditions. The Japanese government launched shokuiku also known as the “fundamental law on food education” in 2005; although technically regarded as a public policy on nutrition, the policy heavily contributed to the rebirth of Japanese national cuisine by emphasizing traditional techniques and washoku (Assman 2015). Popular discourse recognized the fall of household preparation of washoku and in response, the government sought to reinvigorate interest. In response, the Japanese government deemed November 4th as Washoku no Hi (Washoku Day) on which families were encouraged to set aside time to prepare traditional dishes (St. Maurice 2017). Both of these domestic public policy measures sought to reinstall old traditions from a top-down approach, but there were also grassroots-level initiatives.

The city of Kyoto - an ancient imperial city - also played a monumental role in rebuilding Japanese identity. Kyoto in itself, being regarded as a cultural epicenter contributes to the strength of Japanese culture through the emphasis on historical tradition. Kaiseki is often regarded as a Kyoto cuisine (despite having roots in other regions as well). Although Kyoto cuisine has other elements, Kyoto cuisine is reminiscent of traditional Japanese practices visible in kaiseki; it places emphasis on the use of high-quality vegetables and highlights the “inherent flavors” of the ingredients (St. Maurice 2017, 39). Greg de St. Maurice’s study of globalized Kyoto cuisine details how Kyoto St. Maurice also reviews how the chefs from this region stood at the forefront of the fight against the appropriation of Japanese cuisine (St. Maurice 2017). In terms of agriculture, local chefs partnered with farmers to bring back traditional varieties of vegetables and promoted them to the public through the spread of information and by hosting events (St. Maurice 2107, 41). These chefs also engage in discourse with the public through media and speaking at institutions in order to spread their passion for Kyoto cuisine. These initiatives supported the development of a national cuisine on the domestic level; however, there were also initiatives meant to target the international food world. An initiative started to have traditional Japanese cuisine enshrined as an “intangible cultural world heritage” by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Kyoto locals initially pushed for kaiseki; however, there were concerns that it would be rejected on the basis of being too inaccessible as an elite cuisine. In 2013, the UNECSO did in fact recognize washoku achieving the Japanese government’s goal of international recognition of the cultural strength inherent to national cuisines (St. Maurice 2017, 44).

Japan Goes Global

Globalization in part opened doors for foreign food in Japan but it also brought Japanese cuisine to the rest of the world. That being said, representation of the Japanese food approach was recognized to be appropriate - not truly representing Japanese cuisine as perceived domestically. The inaccurate representation poses an issue to Japanese identity in that it inaccurately portrays the historical and cultural components imperative to the concept of national cuisine as a whole. The local activism in Kyoto was in part also inspired by what they saw as a gross misrepresentation of their culture. Many of the chefs from Kyoto communicated with the culinary world abroad regarding authentic practices and cuisine in the hopes of rectifying appropriations (St. Maurice 2017, 44-46). The Japanese Culinary Academy (JCA) non-profit organization formed by Kyoto locals was one of many organizers formed to support local activism. JCA was formed with the objective of promoting understanding and appreciation of authentic Japanese cuisine abroad thus in order to do so they sought to train foreign chefs in the essentials of Japanese cuisine (St. Maurice 2017). The JCA in partnership with the Kyoto government developed a visa program that allows foreigners to move to Kyoto and be trained within the food industry under the condition that upon return to their home counties, they would continue to spread knowledge of authentic Japanese cuisine (citation, 45). This visa program is unique considering Japan’s historical policy on immigration in which foreign immigration to Japan was extremely restricted. The following statement is the JCA’s statement from their website page on the special measure:

“To cultivate human resources who can correctly disseminate and broaden the appeal of Japanese cuisine overseas, a scheme for the implementation of a special measure that enables foreign chefs to learn Japanese cuisine while working at Japanese restaurants was approved by the national government in the framework of the Comprehensive Special Zone Plan as the “work of foreign chefs at Japanese restaurants”, which is not generally permitted under the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act of Japan. The scheme has been implemented only in Kyoto City in the nation. The Japanese Culinary Academy works on the operation of the scheme in collaboration with Kyoto City” (Japanese Culinary Academy 2019).

Today, authentic Japanese cuisine can be found in the form of kaiseki restaurants in the epicenters of the global food world. That being said, the kaiseki today has introduced highly non-Japanese techniques and ingredients. This can be attributed to the concept of glocalization. Demi Semi and Jonathan Matusitz, in their study of the globalization of the subway in India, highlight how businesses venturing into the international market often adapt their menus to reflect the local culture (Simi and Matusitz 2017). Glocalization as explained in the article “rests on the premise that universal concept must change to fit and function in a local culture” (Simi and Matusitz 2017, 573). In application to kaiseki, although kaiseki is local cuisine going global, the same premise holds true that kaiseki chefs must appeal to local tastes in order to encourage acceptance. The definition of kaiseki is set in stone; however in order to appeal to local cultures around the world, it must adopt adaptive strategies. An organization composed of Kyoto chefs gathered together with the intention to invest in the integration of non-traditional techniques and foods into Japanese cuisine (St. Maurice 2017, 41). By doing so in a regulated and standardized fashion, these chefs are able to engage in the global food system while still maintaining a sense of authenticity true to their traditions. By doing so, they maintain the cultural and historical connections necessary for national cuisines.

Authenticity reigns true as visible in the contemporary discourse regarding kaiseki evident through; kaiseki in the US has been received as a truly luxurious definitively Japanese dining experience. Various food journals and articles highlight the recognition of three main components of kaiseki: meaning, technique, and presentation (Yu and Sealy 2016; Tracy 2020; Fabricant 2021). The meaning of kaiseki is a reflection of the environment around us, emphasizing seasonality and the freshness of ingredients; the technique of kaiseki is to select the best preparation that highlights the ingredient’s flavors; the presentation of kaiseki is multiple elegant courses that complement each other to create a flow (Yu and Sealy 2016; Tracy 2020; Fabricant 2021). What is clear through these recounts of their experience is that kaiseki in the global market continues to emphasize the core principles of a deep respect for the natural flavors of ingredients, a focus on simplicity and elegance, and an appreciation for the beauty of small details. Consistently throughout public discourse is the notion that these components are affiliated with or inherently Japanese. Returning to the idea of national cuisines, kaiseki lends itself to the image of Japan as a country. Public discourse exhibits a deep respect for this haute-Japanese cuisine; one article went as far as to call kaiseki “the world’s finest meal” (Yu and Sealy 2016). Through the affiliation of cultural cuisine with the nation itself, these positive sentiments lend themselves to a more positive image of Japan. In this manner kaiseki functions as a form of soft power in its ability to co-opt a positive perception of Japan through appeal and attraction.

Conclusion

Although kaiseki seems to be just another new foreign cuisine in restaurants around the world, the presence of kaiseki in the global food community has deeper implications and functions that reflect globalization effects and responses. Kaiseki holds deep roots in ancient Japanese traditions and in the face of globalization which significantly diminished traditional practices in Japan, it has made a resurgence at an international level. Kaiseki represents ancient traditions affiliated with ancient Japan and this strong connection qualifies it as a national cuisine even more so than other cuisines due to the high respect it held. When the global world demanded entry into Japan, the rapid influx of foreign culture pushed tradition to the back burner. However, Japan as a state and as a people was able to recover Japanese culinary traditions and re-establish their authenticity both domestically and internationally. This success was in part due to their initiative to adapt to globalization and their ability to translate their traditions into a culture appealing to the new world. The result was the resurgence of Japanese culture as a whole which has proponents in the strengthening of Japan’s image. Thus although kaiseki has undergone some changes, it stands with pride in the global good world holding strong to its traditions and identity as a national cuisine garnering respect and high regard for Japanese culture through its appeal. The story of kaiseki illustrates how something as simple as a new food trend can be deeply laced with the implications coming from the intersection of culture and politics and how meanings and truth can be found in everything around us.

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