Is Chicken Soup really Good for the Soul

Despite following a pattern of being abundant in sugar, fat, carbohydrates, or sodium, psychologically, comfort foods have the capacity to be representative of one’s familial background, childhood memories, or notions of belonging (Chen 2009). In a study from Ulrich-Lai et al., palatable foods were noted as prompting rewarding responses in the brain which ultimately soothe and relieve stress indicators (Ulrich-Lai et al. 2010). The hedonic nature of consuming familiar foods affects numerous effector pathways including the neuroendocrine, behavioral, and sympathetic nervous system. Because of this, the advantages gained from turning to indulgent, nostalgic foods can be mimicked by other naturally pleasurable activities like listening to music, being with friends, or sexual activity (Ulrich-Lai et al. 2010). Oftentimes the desire for these foods is heightened in times of stress or depression; their ability to alleviate these distressing emotions can be seen prominently displayed in popular culture, like when a funeral procession is followed by a shared meal or reception. These meals are, of course, usually comprised of comfort foods and celebrated as a way of mourning the dead, while focusing on the needs of the living (Jones 2017). 

While these foods are idiosyncratic in nature, following several surveys of various population’s preferred comfort foods, patterns were quick to emerge within the results. It is indicated in such studies that there are even notable differences between the sexes and their preferences. Generally, men are more likely to gravitate toward hot foods that can be considered mains including steak, casseroles, and soups. Women, however, tend to favor sweets or snack foods such as chocolate, potato chips, bread and butter, etc. The foods representing male choices can be hypothesized as relying on the nostalgic qualities of meals prepared by others, perhaps in their youth, homeland, or by particular loved ones. Selections made by females often exhibited more of a bias toward convenience, indulgence, and some speculate an implicit rejection of their patriarchal role of “homemaker,” (Jones 2017). The same patterns can be observed within various age groups as well. The same study found that younger people gravitate toward flavor-saturated foods which intensify saltiness, sweetness, or both. Taking generational difference into account, Baby Boomers favored foods such as braised meats, casseroles, and ice cream; Gen X listed fast foods like burgers and burritos, as well as packaged cookies and snacks; and Gen Y preferred ramen noodles and global comfort foods, including Indian and Thai curries and Vietnamese soups (Jones 2017). 

Because food is a requirement for everyday life, humans have found that repetition and familiarity in its preparation forms a fondness which compounds over time, adding value to the act of preparation and consumption. As these habits take on the emotional weight of memories through daily contact, they are noted as being “comforting,” “nostalgic,” “soothing,” and “warm.” Attention to this feature of daily life offers powerful glimpses into the social worlds and deeply personal meanings we impart on our lives. A piece of this ritual formation worth noting is its setting, whether that be in the public or private spheres depends on both the enjoyer and the food to be enjoyed. The analysis of the public sphere has its roots in the alehouses, coffeehouses, salons, and taverns of Greece, Rome, London, and Italy as bourgeois intellectuals flexed their political prowess while breaking bread and lightening the mood (Colas 2018). As the restaurant and dining industry has shifted dramatically to suit today’s society, the motives behind bringing consumption into the public sphere may have changed, but the value of dining amongst the public has not. Take this quote from Alejandro Colas’, Food, Politics, and Society: Social Theory and the Modern Food System, “round the table where we eat and drink with others in public, we are all the same– consumers of the items placed before us;” at its core, this is what public dining offers to its partaking consumers: sameness (Colas 2018). Today, countless people consider foods they can only obtain at specific restaurants their place of comfort. For example, an interview with Hana Nathan revealed that her reoccurring comfort food since moving to San Diego for college is the chicken of Dave’s Hot Chicken, a nationwide fast food franchise. For Hana, the fact that she happened to eat Dave’s fried chicken primarily when she was down or stressed caused the food to evolve in its ability to provide comfort and eventually cement its procurement as a ritual in her life (Nathan 2024). In entering this loudly decorated, casual dining experience, she mentioned it was easier to mindlessly enjoy her meal while processing her emotional state away from the prodding gaze of those in her life (Nathan 2024). With their style of brightly colored, heavily stimulating decor, and music, along with truly hot chicken, a public sphere such as this one provides enough distraction to allow the physical element of eating ritual-associated foods to express their stress dampening qualities without needing to be consumed in private. Another feature of enjoying comfort foods hailing from restaurant kitchens is their propensity for consistency. Where home cooking often takes precedent as the birthplace of comfort foods, the current model of society’s fast paced and exhaustive tendencies have funneled fast foods into the world of comfort. Here, when a person orders their comfort meal of choice, it is served to them hot, fast, fresh, and generally the same as every other time they have had it. That person’s reliance on this particular dining experience is what leads to becoming a “regular,” forming a personal ritual around this meal preparation, and placing meaning on those feelings associated with repetitive eating. 

As the restaurant industry informs businesses on how to tap into these emotions, ultimately driving a bounty of successful transactions, one tool used in adapting a business to this concept of home is seen in Demi Simi’s, “Glocalization of Subway in India: How a US Giant Has Adapted in the Asian Subcontinent.” In this reading, “glocalization” is introduced as a portmanteau of globalization and localization, wherein a business both universalizes and particularizes its practices to suit both the local culture and global appeal of its menu and location (Simi 2015). When done correctly, this practice has the ability to take a globally enjoyed food and expand its appeal to those enmeshed in the local culture. The introduction of such accommodations is often followed by the surrounding population embracing the introduced cuisine to a greater extent than they otherwise would have, either to the delight or dismay of those seeking authenticity in the original style of cooking. For example, here in North Park, San Diego, a restaurant titled Shank and Bone specializes in Vietnamese fare. In this case, the restaurant has been “glocalized” to suit its trendy, Instagrammable neighborhood, and boasts wagyu and bone marrow on its menu to draw in an Americanized crowd. In a statement from Dorothy Le, my partner of Vietnamese descent, they commented on how their personal favorite comfort food, a hot bowl of pho, was still tasty here, but did not satisfy their wistful longing for the flavors and experience of home. An American on the other hand, might enter a place like this and feel comfortable exploring unfamiliar Vietnamese dishes they might not otherwise be inclined to try out. Because this restaurant was glocalized to the audience found in North Park, it may not appeal to the tastes of a Vietnamese person seeking authenticity, but to an American audience its playfulness and bold theming can be enough to keep them grounded in an American identity and environment while navigating something new. On the other end of the spectrum, the classic Vietnamese restaurant, like Phở Duyên Mai in Kearny Mesa for example, taps into a sense of home for an audience of Vietnamese people, instead bringing the comfort of familiarity into the public sphere. These types of restaurants take more global considerations than local ones, appealing to the senses in ways Americans are not always accustomed to. Dorothy mentioned aspects like the smell of the broth and herbs wafting through the restaurant, the Viet speakers who react happily to taking your order when it’s in their language, the unpretentious ambiance, and the restaurant owner’s children sitting at a table doing homework, just to name a few, are what most contributed to a feeling of comfort at home, through public dining experiences alone. They rely on memories of craving this soup dish after a hard day or long night and knowing that the most unsuspecting “mom and pop” shop with medium reviews and old, worn out menus would have the best broth, good enough to leave them wanting more and hoping to repeat the process all over again. For Dorothy, they have formulated the criteria for ‘most homelike dining’ through lived experience, understanding that in order to seek out their comfort food and be assured that it will actually bring them comfort, the restaurant must take these cultural preferences into account so that the people who share the same heritage can set their expectations accordingly.