Nowhere did the example of the French Revolution echo more loudly than in the French Caribbean colony of Saint Domingue, later renamed Haiti (see Map 7.3, page 403). Widely regarded as the richest colony in the world, Saint Domingue boasted 8,000 plantations, which in the late eighteenth century produced some 40 percent of the world's sugar and perhaps half of its coffee. The French had established in Haiti a three-tiered social class structure based primarily on race, but also on wealth and land ownership. Whites, numbering only about 40,000 people, were a small but sharply divided minority of the population. The grands blancs, very well-to-do white plantation owners, merchants, and lawyers, were the privileged elite class and had the right to vote in the French National Assembly. The poor whites of the colony, called the petits blancs, lacked political power because they did not meet minimum property ownership requirements to gain representation in the National Assembly. A second social group, intermediate between Blacks and whites, consisted of some 30,000 gens de couleur libres (free people of color), many of them of multiracial background. Their social status depended on landholdings as well as the number of enslaved people that they owned. Fierce competition existed between the petits blancs and the gens de couleur. At the lowest level of colonial society, representing the vast majority of the colony's population, were some 500,000 enslaved people. Given its enormous inequalities and its rampant exploitation, this Caribbean colony was primed for explosion.
In such a volatile setting, the ideas and example of the French Revolution lit several fuses and set in motion a spiral of violence that engulfed the colony for more than a decade. The principles of the revolution, however, meant different things to different people. To the grands blancs the rich white landowners — it suggested greater autonomy for the colony and fewer economic restrictions on trade, but they resented the demands of the petits blancs, who sought equality of citizenship for all whites. Both white groups were adamantly opposed to the insistence of free people of color that the "rights of man" meant equal treatment for all free people regardless of race. To the enslaved, the promise of the French Revolution was a personal freedom that challenged the entire slave labor system. In a massive revolt beginning in 1791, triggered by rumors that the French king had already declared an end to slavery, enslaved people burned 1,000 plantations and killed hundreds of whites as well as multiracial people.
Soon warring factions of the enslaved, whites, and free people of color battled one another. Spanish and British forces, seeking to enlarge their own empires at the expense of the French, only added to the turmoil. Amid the confusion, brutality, and massacres of the 1790s, power gravitated toward the enslaved population, now led by the astute Toussaint Louverture, who had formerly been enslaved himself. He and his successor overcame internal resistance, outmaneuvered the foreign powers, and even defeated an attempt by Napoleon to reestablish French control.
When the dust settled in the early years of the nineteenth century, it was clear that something remarkable and unprecedented had taken place, a revolution unique in the Atlantic world and in world history. Socially, the last had become first. In the only completely successful slave revolt in world history, "the lowest order of the society slaves — became equal, free, and independent citizens."— Politically, they had thrown off French colonial rule, creating the second independent republic in the Americas and the first non-European state to emerge from Western colonialism.
They renamed their country Haiti, a term meaning "mountainous" or "rugged" in the language of the original Taino people. It was a symbolic break with Europe and represented an effort to connect with the long-deceased native inhabitants of the land. Some, in fact, referred to themselves as "lncas." At the formal declaration of Haiti's independence on January 1, 1804, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the new country's first head of state, declared: "I have given the French cannibals blood for blood; I have avenged America."— In defining all Haitian citizens as Black and legally equal regardless of color or class, Haiti directly confronted elite preferences for lighter skin even as it disallowed citizenship for most whites. Economically, the country's plantation system, oriented wholly toward the export of sugar and coffee, had been largely destroyed. As whites fled or were killed, both private and state lands were redistributed among formerly enslaved people and free Blacks, and Haiti became a nation of small-scale farmers producing mostly for their own needs, with a much smaller export sector.
The Haitian Revolution This early nineteenth-century engraving, titled Revenge Taken by the Black Army, shows Black Haitian soldiers hanging a large number of French soldiers, thus illustrating both the violence and the racial dimension of the upheaval in Haiti.
The destructiveness ofthe Haitian Revolution its bitter internal divisions of race and class, and continuing external opposition contributed much to Haiti's abiding poverty as well as to its authoritarian and unstable politics. So too did the enormous "independence debt" that the French forced on the fledgling republic in 1825, a financial burden that endured for well over a century. "Freedom" in Haiti came to mean primarily the end of slavery rather than the establishment of political rights for all. In the early nineteenth century, however, Haiti was a source of enormous hope and of great fear. Within weeks of the Haitian slave uprising in 1791, enslaved people in Jamaica had composed songs in its honor, and it was not long before plantation owners in the Caribbean and North America observed a new "insolence" among those that they had enslaved. Certainly, its example inspired other slave rebellions, gave a boost to the dawning abolitionist movement, and has been a source of pride for people of African descent ever since.
To whites throughout the hemisphere, the cautionary saying "Remember Haiti" reflected a sense of horror at what had occurred there and a determination not to allow political change to reproduce that fearful outcome again. Particularly in Latin America, the events in Haiti injected a deep caution and social conservatism in the elites who led their countries to independence in the early nineteenth century. Ironically, though, the Haitian Revolution also led to a temporary expansion of slavery elsewhere. Cuban plantations and their enslaved workers considerably increased their production of sugar as that of Haiti declined. Moreover, Napoleon's defeat in Haiti persuaded him to sell to the United States the French territories known as the Louisiana Purchase, from which a number of "slave states" were carved out. Nor did the example of Haiti lead to successful independence struggles in the rest of the thirty or so Caribbean colonies. Unlike mainland North and South America, Caribbean decolonization had to await the twentieth century. In such contradictory ways did the echoes of the Haitian Revolution reverberate in the Atlantic world.