such media: ‘They definitely do [influence girls our age]. A lot of people see it and straight away, as soon as they know it's there and they can have it, they will try and get it.’ Celebrity stories were thought to be a powerful influence. Girls stated that celebrities are important for girls their age and act as role models. Highly publicised stories of celebrities undergoing surgery were viewed as increasing young girls’ desire for surgery, as well as increasing awareness of CS as an option for appearance enhancement: ‘I think it makes them more aware of having that option and they're more likely to choose it if celebrities have it done’ and ‘They [celebrities] are role models. We look up to them so when they have [CS] done you think “if they get it done, I should get it done”’. Linked to this was the idea that by emulating celebrities' looks, young girls think they will then have a chance of being successful in life. In this sense CS was not viewed as a tool just for improving one’s appearance but also one which can enhance a person’s life overall. ‘They'll see their celebrity idols getting plastic surgery and think “Oh I need to do that then to be as good as them or to be successful”….If they see everyone doing it, they'll think it's a RUNNING HEAD: Adolescents’ views on cosmetic surgery 15 good thing to do, and they'll wanna do it themselves.’ Discussion This study qualitatively examined adolescent girls’ attitudes and beliefs about CS. Our findings suggest appearance dissatisfaction was present in many girls in this study and that they held complex attitudes towards CS. Important findings include girls’ beliefs about the normalisation of CS, its glamorisation in the media, and the underrepresentation of the risks associated it. These results are consistent with previous research showing that body dissatisfaction is normative in adolescents (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2004), as well as sociocultural theory which emphasises the role of the media as contributing to this dissatisfaction (c.f. Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008). In this sample, adolescent girls’ acceptance of CS varied according to the conditions under which surgery was selected, in that bullying or extreme personal unhappiness made the decision to have surgery more justifiable. Still, concerns were expressed with regards to these conditions, with participants making the point that surgery may not be the correct way of dealing with issues such as bullying. Moreover, while not categorically against surgery, participants placed strong emphasis on using it as a last resort, particularly for body features that can be altered through other means, such as exercise. In this sense, surgery was perceived as an easy and quick fix, which does not solve potential underlying issues with low self-esteem and confidence. Such concerns point to a critical appraisal of the meanings and motivations involved in the decision to undergo surgery, suggesting that these adolescent girls did not take surgery lightly. Responses to whether participants would consider undergoing surgery were mixed, though there was consensus that many of their peers would consider doing so. Interestingly, the biggest perceived barrier between desiring CS and undergoing it was money, which was viewed as more important than potential risks or complications. This is consistent with a previous study which found that cost is one of the main reasons adolescents do not choose to have CS (Pearl & Weston, 2003). It must be noted, however, that cost issues may simply relate to the fact that adolescent girls RUNNING HEAD: Adolescents’ views on cosmetic surgery 16 do not have the means to afford CS. Therefore, the barriers between wanting and having surgery may change with age and better financial circumstances, in that finances may not be a major concern to adults. Whichever is the case, this point warrants further investigation, and could be a cause for concern, particularly given the widespread availability of financial plans, loans and discount offers for CS. Cosmetic surgery was perceived as being widely available in all types of media, leading to its normalisation, as well as setting a ‘benchmark’ for an acceptable appearance. In terms of actual media coverage, girls thought CS was mostly presented in a glamorised way, with a strong emphasis on the psychological benefits of undergoing it, whereas the risks associated with it were almost entirely disregarded. This is consistent with studies of media content which find that risk information is rarely present in advertising (Hennink-Kaminski, Reid, & Whitehill King, 2010). It is also consistent with concerns expressed by CS associations that the mass media does not adequately represent the severity of CS (BAAPS, 2008). Cosmetic surgery therefore appears to be marketed as a consumer product rather than a serious medical intervention, which may impact on how consumers view it. Future research should try to identify the actual impact of different types of CS media coverage through experimental studies. Interestingly, although participants gave mixed responses as to whether they would consider surgery they believed many of their peers would consider it. Similarly, participants felt little or no influence by CS media in terms of pressure to undergo a procedure, but believed that the influence on their peers was significant and strong. Celebrities and highly publicised stories of CS were seen as strong encouragement to have