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with attractive individuals, and consider them more competent. The value of physical appearance to the respondents was underscored when they talked specifically about body shape and weight. Even though all participants were observed to be of relatively normal weight, they expressed concerns that they might be considered lazy, sluggish, or unhygienic if they gained weight. Mark, echoing many other respondents, explained that “there is a link between being overweight and being lazy.” In interviewing Mark, much attention focused on his current weight and his concerns about his recent weight gain. Specifically, he felt he had lost self-control of his eating habits and gained weight. He also felt dissatisfied with himself for not being very physically active in the winter months, outlining at length his plans for losing weight over the summer months and his intention to improve his eating habits. Mark’s perceptions clearly demonstrated that being overweight was associated with individual moral failure in that individuals who allowed themselves to gain extra weight lacked self-discipline. These negative attributions are congruent with findings from previous studies identifying perceptions that people who are lazy, less motivated, and stupid are more likely to be overweight (Ross, 1994; Wang et al., 2004). Our findings were also consistent with previous research on teenage boys noting that being overweight was stigmatizing; and male teens feel that having a good body and good looks is fundamental for obtaining respect and approval from other males (Frost, 2003). Considering this link between body and identity and the importance these men gave to their appearance, changes in the materiality of the body were associated with changes in their sense of identity. As Gard and Wright (2005) suggested, the current moral panic over obesity is framed in terms of self-discipline, self-control, and will power. Negative associations with body fat make men vigilant about weight gain, particularly as obesity rates in North American are said to be increasing (Campos, 2004). Campos suggested that an obesity culture currently exists, where people are consuming in abundance and consequently experiencing guilt. This guilt is exacerbated by media messages about cultural and moral health concerns which amplify concerns with obesity (see Gard & Wright for a critical challenge of this often taken-for-granted connection). In discussing appearance, clothing was identified as an important factor in the construction of identity. This dimension of appearance was seen to have been subject to recent progressive change. Most men reported greater leeway in recent years in the range of fashions they were comfortable wearing. They also felt more comfortable going clothes shopping, using body lotions, and hair styling products, and attending spas – Rosemary Ricciardelli and Philip White 961 behaviors previously incongruent with dominant masculinities. They reported that contemporary men who pay attention to their appearance were less likely than previously to be labeled as “gay.” For example, Walter stated: “Yes, I like that I can take an interest in my appearance and not be labeled as gay or have to hide it.” In light of the recent developments in masculinity, such as “metrosexuals” and the “new man” (Nixon, 1996; Segal, 1993; Simpson, 1994), this new found freedom makes sense. These conceptions of masculinity emerged in response to the shifts in the gender order and expectations of contemporary men (Nixon; Segal; Simpson). The new man was less constrained by narrow and limiting notions of masculinity and was allowed new ways to express himself (Carrigan, Connell, & Lee, 1985; Connell, 1993). He was allowed an interest in fashion and grooming, thus broaching on previously only feminine-identified behavior (Segal; Simpson). The analogous term “metrosexuality,” originally rooted in the gay liberation movement, was also associated with the increasing acceptability of male grooming products and expressive fashions (Segal; Simpson). This again supports the notion that men are increasingly able to take an interest in their appearance without sanction. Despite evidence that most men felt people were more open to men taking an interest in their appearance this trend was not universal among interviewees. Some respondents still felt that appearing to care about their clothing choices would elicit false stereotypes. For example, one heterosexual interviewee, John, worried that by wearing certain clothes or openly discussing his appearance, he might mistakenly be considered gay by his colleagues and acquaintances: “appearing masculine means you can’t wear certain colors, or something. I don’t know, like pink shirts and everything. They’re fashionable and coming back, but if you wear like, I don’t know, if you had worn a pink shirt prior to the whole fad, you would have been classified [as gay].” Here, for John, a possibly ambiguous unmanly bodily display was potentially threatening, something to be avoided, and a source of gender risk. Learning and knowing the rules of bodily presentation was of importance. In sum, there was a general sense of a loosening of sanctions against acknowledging concern for physical appearance. The few who retained the need to disavow this interest were more likely to be fearful
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