橋本努/金澤悠介『新しいリベラル -- 大規模調査から見えてきた「隠れた多数派」』刊行あいさつ

謹啓

　今年も早、折り返し地点の六月となりました。北海道は温暖化の影響で、初夏のような季節を迎えております。皆様、いかがお過ごしでしょうか。平素は格別のご高配を賜り、厚くお礼申し上げます。

　このたび、金澤悠介先生との共著『新しいリベラル――大規模調査から見えてきた「隠れた多数派」』（ちくま新書）を上梓いたしました。皆様のご批判を乞う次第です。

　2017年に立憲民主党が結成されたとき、「リベラルはこれからどうあるべきか」という議論がにわかに湧きました。ところがその後、リベラル派の思想的停滞が続いています。

　私たちはその頃から、新しいリベラルに関する研究を始め、台頭する新しいリベラルの存在を可視化するという課題に、思想と実証の両面で取り組みました。

　キッカケは、2016年の夏から秋にかけて、私が南フランスのエクス・アン・プロヴァンスに滞在したことでした。その地で韓国の社会学者、ハン・サンジン先生にお会いし、氏の研究に大いに触発されました。ハン・サンジン先生は、韓国で1980年代に台頭する新しい市民層を、理論と実証の両面で明らかにしました。「中民理論」と呼ばれる氏の研究は、韓国におけるリベラルな政党政治に力を与えました。氏は90年代になると、金大中（キムデジュン）大統領のブレインとしても活躍されています。

　私は、このような新しい中間層を可視化する研究を、日本でもやる価値があるのではないかと思い、この考えを芹沢一也氏に伝えると、芹沢氏はさっそくクラウドファンディングを通じて、「シノドス国際社会動向研究所」を立ち上げるという行動力を示してくれました。2018年に金澤悠介先生がこの研究に参加すると、分析の水準は格段に上がりました。そしてアンケート項目の最終版を練り上げたのは、2022年でした。

　本書のあとがきにも記しましたように、金澤先生と私とは、マルクスとエンゲルスのような仲とは言わないけれども、最初から最後まで「一体感(sense of oneness)」をもって共同作業をなしえたことは、人生の一つの驚きです。金澤悠介先生、ありがとうございました。そしてまた、ハン・サンジン先生と芹沢一也氏に、最大限の感謝の意を表します。

　最後になりましたが、皆様のご健康を、心よりお祈り申し上げます。

謹白

橋本努

2025.6.

橋本努／金澤悠介『新しいリベラル――大規模調査から見えてきた「隠れた多数派」』ちくま新書

目次

はじめに――見えてきた「新しい」リベラルの姿

本書の構成

第Ⅰ部　これまでのリベラル

第1章　衰退しつつあるリベラル？

　1　 人々からの支持を失ったリベラル？

　リベラル政党の支持率の推移／社会運動へ参加する人々／人々は反リベラル化したのか？

　2 　民主党政権とその後のリベラル

　3 　リベラルへの批判を検証する

　4 　保守に取り込まれたリベラルな価値

　5 　朝日新聞の従軍慰安婦報道

　6 　憲法9条を死守する護憲リベラル

　7 　集団自決をめぐる歴史認識

　8 　従来のリベラルの退潮？

第2章　「保守vsリベラル」はどこまで有効か？

　1　 「保守vsリベラル」図式とは？

　2 　「保守vs革新」からの継承

　3 　政党間の対立軸はどこまで説明できる？

　4 　有権者にとっての有用性

　5 　「保守vsリベラル」図式は有効か？

　6 　見えにくくなったリベラル

第3章　旧リベラルとは何か？

　1　 それはいかなる立場か？

　2 　90年代に発見された日本のリベラル

　3 　55 年体制と江田ビジョン

　4 　旧リベラルの「根幹」と「枝葉」

第4章　旧リベラルを支える思想

　1　 憲法9条改正反対論者の非武装中立論

　2 　日米安全保障条約への反対

　3 　天皇制反対

　4 　従軍慰安婦問題

　5 　革新の純血主義

　6 　戦後民主主義について

第Ⅱ部　新しいリベラルの全体像

第5章　その理論と思想

　1　 社会的投資国家の起源

　2 　「第三の道」というビジョン――ギデンズ

　3 　「福祉革命」の提唱――エスピン-アンデルセン

　4 「新しいリベラル」の政治理論――ベラメンディ

　5 　イノベーティブな「社会的投資国家」論――マッツカート

　6 　「資本主義の精神」衰退への処方箋

　7 　未来社会への投資――社会的投資国家の理念

第6章　それはどんな人たちか？

　1　 可視化のための研究戦略

　2 　理論的な枠組み

　3 　調査からみえてきた六つの社会層

　4 　新しいリベラルの基本的特徴

第7章　新しいリベラルを取り巻く五つのグループ

　1　 残り五つのグループ、それぞれの特徴

　従来型リベラル／福祉型保守／市場型保守／成長型中道／政治的無関心

　2 　六つのグールプ、それぞれの人物像

第8章　新しいリベラルの政治参加

　1　 投票行動を分析する

　2 　新しいリベラルとはどんな人たちか？

第9章　新しいリベラルが作り出す「新しい」政治

　1　 新しいリベラルが日本政治を大きく変える？

　2 　連合を作る責任倫理

　3 　新しいリベラルへの批判に応える

　4 　リベラル全般に対する批判に応える

　5 　戦争と平和と新しいリベラル

あとがき

参考文献

六つのコア質問

橋本努／金澤悠介『新しいリベラル――大規模調査から見えてきた「隠れた多数派」』

202506

1 ．大学奨学金制度についての質問

大学に進学したい生徒たちに対する税金を使った奨学金のありかたとして、あなたは次の3 つのうち、どれが望ましいと考えますか。あなたの考えに最も近いものを1 つ選んでください。

①経済状況によらず、学ぶ意思と学ぶ能力があるすべての生徒たちを対象とした奨学金制度を拡充する（社会的投資型選択肢）

②貧困層や障がい者といった社会的に不利な立場の生徒を対象にした奨学金制度を拡充する（弱者支援型選択肢）

③生徒や保護者の自己負担で大学に進学すべきであり、税金を使った奨学金制度をさらに拡充する必要はない（リバタリアン型選択肢）

2 ．ビジネススキル習得支援についての質問

働く人たちがビジネススキルを習得することに関する政府の支援のありかたとして、あなたは次の3 つのうち、どれが望ましいと考えますか。あなたの考えに最も近いものを1つ選んでください。

①その人の雇用状態に関係なく、学ぶ意思がある人たちすべてにビジネススキルを習得してもらうための機会を提供する（社会的投資型選択肢）

②失業者や非正規雇用で働く人たちに、優先的にビジネススキルを習得してもらうための機会を提供する（弱者支援型選択肢）

③ビジネススキルを習得したい人が自己負担でやるべきであり、政府はとくに支援をする必要はない（リバタリアン型選択肢）

3 ．世代ターゲットについての質問

限りある政府の予算を有効に活用するやりかたとして、あなたは次の3つのうち、どれが望ましいと考えますか。あなたの考えに最も近いものを1つ選んでください。

①子どもや孫世代の生活が安定するように、育児支援制度、子ども基金、教育に関する事業の予算を手厚くする（社会的投資型選択肢）

②リタイア後の生活が安定するように、年金制度や医療・保険制度に関する事業の予算を手厚くする（弱者支援型選択肢）

③現役で働く時期の生活が安定するように、雇用、賃金、生活保障に関わる事業の予算を手厚くする（リバタリアン型選択肢＊）

4 ．将来のための政策についての質問

50年後の日本人が世界的に活躍できるようになるために、政府はどの分野に今よりも力を入れるべきだと思いますか。次にあげる分野それぞれについて、特に重要だと思うものを3つ選んでください。

①出産や育児の支援（社会的投資型選択肢）

②教育の充実（社会的投資型選択肢）

③貧困層への支援（弱者支援型選択肢）

④日本経済の発展（リバタリアン型選択肢）

⑤防衛体制の強化（リバタリアン型選択肢）

5 ．政府の役割についての質問

政府の役割として、あなたは次の3つのうち、どれが望ましいと考えますか。あなたの考えに最も近いものを1つ選んでください。

①政府は義務教育や貧困支援など、人々の基本的な生活の保障のために予算を使うべきであり、成長分野（デジタル化やバイオテクノロジーなど）への投資、防衛、文化事業などには、あまり予算を使う必要はない（弱者支援型選択肢）

②政府は人々の最低限の生活の保障を超えて、成長分野への投資や防衛などのために予算を投じるべきである（リバタリアン型選択肢＊）

③政府は生活保障、成長分野への投資（デジタル化やバイオテクノロジーなど）、防衛のみならず、女性活躍、教育、科学技術、文化、スポーツなどの分野に、もっと予算を投じるべきである（社会的投資型選択肢）

6 ．ジェンダーギャップを埋める政策についての質問

女性の活躍に関する政府の役割として、あなたは次の3つのうち、どれが望ましいと考えますか。あなたの考えに最も近いものを1つ選んでください。

①男女の雇用機会はすでに法律上、平等になっているので、政府はこれ以上に女性活躍のための政策をする必要はない（リバタリアン型選択肢）

②女性は出産や育児などで、仕事のキャリア形成にハンディを負うので、そのハンディが女性の雇用継続や昇進の機会に影響を与えないように制度を整備すべきである（弱者支援型選択肢、社会的型選択肢）

③雇用継続や昇進の機会を保障するだけでは男女の働き方の格差は縮小しないので、政府は、職場や役職における男女比が等しくなるようにより積極的な格差是正制度（一定数を女性に割り当てるクオータ制）を整備すべきである（弱者支援型選択肢、社会的投資型選択肢）

注）この質問の回答の選択肢で、とりわけ「＊」を記した文章は、リバタリアン的ではないと思われるかもしれない。各選択肢の正確な解釈は、第6章第2節で説明する。また括弧内の「社会的投資型選択肢」などの説明は、実際の質問票には記していない。

Hashimoto Tsutomu / Kanazawa Yusuke, The New Liberals: Uncovering The "Hidden Majority" Through Large-Scale Social Survey, Chikuma Shobo

Table of Contents

Preface: Who are "New" Liberals?

Structure of This Book

 Part I: Liberals to Date

 Chapter 1: Liberals in Decline?

1. Liberals Who Have Lost Popular Support?  

   Trends in liberal party approval ratings / People participating in social movements / Have people become anti-liberal?

2. The Democratic Party Government and Subsequent Liberals

3. Examining Criticisms of Liberals

4. Liberal Values Co-opted by Conservatives

5. The Asahi Shimbun's Coverage of the Comfort Women Issue

6. Constitutional Liberals Defending Article 9

7. Historical Perceptions Surrounding Collective Suicide

8. The Decline of Traditional Liberals?

 Chapter 2: How Valid Is "Conservative vs. Liberal"?

1. What Is the "Conservative vs. Liberal" Framework?

2. Inheritance from "Conservative vs. Progressive"

3. How Well Can Axes among Parties of Conflict Be Explained?

4. Utility for Voters

5. Is the "Conservative vs. Liberal" Framework Valid?

6. Liberals Becoming Less Visible

 Chapter 3: What Are Old Liberals?

1. What Kind of Position Is It?

2. Japanese Liberals Discovered in the 1990s

3. The 1955 System and the “Eda Vision”

4. The "Core" and "Periphery" of Old Liberals

 Chapter 4: Ideas Supporting Old Liberals

1. The Unarmed Neutrality Theory of Opponents to Constitutional Amendment of Article 9

2. Opposition to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty

3. Opposition to the Emperor System

4. The Comfort Women Issue

5. The Purist Ideology of Progressives

6. On Postwar Democracy

 Part II: The Overall Picture of New Liberals

 Chapter 5: Their Theory and Ideas

1. The Origins of the Social Investment State

2. The Vision of the "Third Way"—Giddens

3. Advocating the "Welfare Revolution"—Esping-Andersen

4. The Political Theory of "New Liberals"—Beramendi

5. The Innovative "Social Investment State" Theory—Mazzucato

6. A Prescription for the Decline of the "Spirit of Capitalism"

7. Investment in Future Society—The Ideals of the Social Investment State

 Chapter 6: What Kind of People Are They?

1. Our Research Strategy for Visualization

2. Our Theoretical Framework

3. Six Social Strata Revealed by the Survey

4. Basic Characteristics of New Liberals

 Chapter 7: Five Groups Surrounding New Liberals

1. The Remaining Five Groups and Their Respective Characteristics  

   Traditional Liberals / Welfare-oriented Conservatives / Market-oriented Conservatives / Growth-oriented Centrists / Politically Apathetic

2. Character Profiles of Each of the Six Groups

 Chapter 8: Political Participation of New Liberals

1. Analyzing Their Voting Behavior

2. What Kind of People Are New Liberals?

 Chapter 9: The "New" Politics Created by New Liberals

1. Will New Liberals Dramatically Transform Japanese Politics?

2. The Ethics of Responsibility in Coalition Building

3. Responding to Criticisms of New Liberals

4. Responding to Criticisms of Liberals in General

5. War, Peace, and New Liberals

Afterword

Bibliography

Six Core Questionnaire in our survey

Hashimoto Tsutomu / Kanazawa Yusuke

A New Liberal: Uncovering The "Hidden Majority" Through Large-Scale Survey Research, Chikuma Shobo, 2025.6., pp.225-227.

1. Question on the University Scholarship System

Which of the following three options would you prefer as a taxpayer-funded scholarship for students who want to go to college? Please select the one that most closely aligns with your view.

① Expand scholarship programs for all students who are willing and able to learn regardless of their economic situation. (Social Investment-type Option)

② Expand scholarship programs for socially disadvantaged students such as the poor and disabled. (Vulnerability Support-type Option)

③ Students and parents should pay their tuition to college and there is no need to further expand the taxpayer-funded scholarship system. (Libertarian-type option)

2. Question on Support for Acquiring Business Skills

Regarding the form of government support for workers to acquire business skills, which of the following three options do you believe is most desirable? Please select the one that most closely aligns with your view.

① Provide opportunities for all individuals who have the will to learn, regardless of their employment status, to acquire business skills. (Social Investment-type Option)

② Prioritize providing opportunities for the unemployed and those in non-regular employment to acquire business skills. (Vulnerability Support-type Option)

③ Individuals who wish to acquire business skills should do so at their own expense; the government does not need to provide special support. (Libertarian-type Option)

3. Question on Generational Targets

To make effective use of limited government funds, which of the following three approaches do you think is most desirable? Please select the one that most closely aligns with your view.

① Increase the budget for programs related to childcare support, children's funds, and education to stabilize the lives of children and grandchildren's generations. (Social Investment-type Option)

② Increase the budget for programs related to the pension system and medical/insurance systems to stabilize life after retirement. (Vulnerability Support-type Option)

③ Increase the budget for programs related to employment, wages, and social security to stabilize life during one's working years. (Libertarian-type Option*)

4. Question on Policies for the Future

In order for [Japanese] people to be able to thrive on the global stage 50 years from now, in which areas do you think the government should place greater emphasis than it currently does? Please select the three areas you consider most important from the list below.

① Support for childbirth and childrearing (Social Investment-type Option)

② Enhancing education (Social Investment-type Option)

③ Support for the impoverished (Vulnerability Support-type Option)

④ Development of the Japanese economy (Libertarian-type Option)

⑤ Strengthening the national defense system (Libertarian-type Option)

5. Question on the Role of Government

Which of the following three views do you consider most desirable regarding the role of government? Please select the one that best reflects your opinion.

① The government should allocate its budget primarily to securing the basic livelihood of the people, such as compulsory education and poverty support, and there is little need to spend on growth sectors (such as digitalization or biotechnology), defense, or cultural programs. (Vulnerability Support-type Option)

② The government should go beyond ensuring a minimum standard of living and allocate budget toward growth sectors and national defense. (Libertarian-type Option*)

③ The government should invest more not only in livelihood security and growth sectors (such as digitalization and biotechnology), but also in areas such as women's empowerment, education, science and technology, culture, and sports. (Social Investment-type Option)

6. Question on Policies to Close the Gender Gap

Which of the following three positions do you consider most desirable regarding the government’s role in promoting women’s participation in society? Please select the one that best reflects your opinion.

① Since employment opportunities for men and women are already legally equal, there is no need for the government to implement further policies to promote women’s participation. (Libertarian-type Option)

② Because women face disadvantages in building their careers due to childbirth and childcare, systems should be established to ensure these disadvantages do not affect their ability to remain employed or be promoted. (Vulnerability Support-type Option / Social Investment-type Option)

③ Simply ensuring employment continuity and promotion opportunities is not enough to reduce gender disparities in the workplace, so the government should implement more proactive measures to correct the imbalance, such as quota systems that allocate a certain number of positions to women. (Vulnerability Support-type Option / Social Investment-Oriented Option)

Note: Some may feel that the option marked with “ * ” is not truly libertarian. A precise interpretation of each option is provided in Chapter 6, Section 2. The labels in parentheses (e.g., “Social Investment-type Option”) are not included in the actual questionnaire.

Hashimoto Tsutomu / Kanazawa Yusuke, New Riberalism: Uncovering The “Hidden Majority” through a Large-Scale Social Survey (Chikuma Shobo) 2025.6.

Introduction / Structure of This Book

Introduction — Unveiling a “New” Liberal

    In contemporary Japanese politics, the decline of the so-called liberal camp is striking. The approval ratings for the Constitutional Democratic Party have languished; while social movements opposing the 2015 Peace and Security legislation briefly surged, participation in those movements has not increased since. 

    Yet, to our surprise, public opinion surveys indicate that the proportion of individuals asserting “I am liberal” has not demonstrably diminished. Despite frequent claims of a conservative shift in Japanese society, liberal attitudes clearly persist. What explains this paradox?

    Traditionally, liberals have been critical of the Liberal Democratic Party, supportive of opposition parties, and champions of peace—particularly the preservation of Article 9 of the Constitution. However, today’s self‑identified liberals are not unwavering supporters of the Constitutional Democratic Party, nor are they aligned with left‑wing social movements. Could it be that a new form of liberal sentiment has emerged—one that eludes conventional definitions of liberalism?

    To examine this hypothesis, we conducted a large‑scale social survey of 7,000 Japanese men and women (see pp. 239ff.). The results revealed a distinct cohort—what we term the “new liberals.” Far from being marginal, they constitute perhaps the largest attitudinal bloc in Japanese society. Remarkably, this group has remained nearly invisible in prior research.

    Why has this group gone largely unobserved? A key reason lies in the entrenched analytical bifurcation between “conservative” and “liberal.” The term “liberal” only achieved prominence in Japanese political discourse in the 1990s, replacing the older category “kakushin” (reformist), which had been associated with socialism from the postwar era through the 1980s. The collapse of Soviet and Eastern Bloc socialism in 1989 triggered ideological disarray among Japanese progressives, who embraced “liberal” to redefine their stance. 

    The politics of Japan in the 1990s were chaotic. In 1996, the Japan Socialist Party split (renaming itself the Social Democratic Party in January, and by October, the majority of its members had transferred to the Democratic Party), leading to a diverse eruption of political claims from those previously identified as part of the “kakushin” (reformist) faction. Concurrently, European nations were shifting toward a “social-investment state” model—new welfare paradigms focused on education and child-rearing investment by the state. Such multifaceted developments blurred the simplistic conservative–liberal binary.

    However, from an alternative perspective, might it not be argued that during the turbulent 1990s in Japan, a form of liberal consciousness distinct from the traditional lineage of the “kakushin” (reformist) emerged? As the term “kakushin” waned in influence and “liberal” gained popularity, liberal awareness may have taken root in a manner somewhat disentangled from its reformist origins. In particular, it is plausible that younger generations—unfamiliar with the political realignments of the 1990s—began to develop this new liberal consciousness.

    Consequently, we advanced the following working hypothesis:

Since the 1990s in Japan, a “new liberal” supportive of the social-investment state has been emerging, particularly among younger generations.

    But who exactly are these “new liberals”? We unpack their characteristics in Chapter 6 onward. Notably, we highlight that the concept of “investment,” as that term is used within the framework of a social‑investment state, constitutes a relatively novel notion in the historical development of liberalism.

    One of the authors has previously pioneered a new normative theory of liberalism under the term “growth-oriented liberalism” (Hashimoto 2021, 2025). Growth-oriented liberalism regards social conditions that facilitate the development of individuals’ latent potentials as the foundation of freedom. In this respect, growth-oriented liberalism aligns conceptually with the social-investment state model, treating welfare services as investments in human capital. It envisages societal progress arising from the growth of individuals.

    Taking into consideration the growth-oriented liberalism underlying the social investment state, let us formulate three hypotheses concerning the "new liberals."

① While traditional liberals support "vulnerable population assistance" welfare policies, new liberals support "growth-oriented" welfare policies.

Traditional liberals advocate for policies that support socially vulnerable populations. In contrast, new liberals support welfare policies that target not only the socially vulnerable but all individuals who aspire toward growth. Even when supporting socially vulnerable populations, they would favor policies that incorporate growth considerations.

② While traditional liberals emphasize support for the elderly generation, new liberals prioritize support for child-rearing generations and future generations.

Traditional liberals, in supporting vulnerable population assistance welfare policies, emphasize support for the elderly generation whose lives have become unstable due to retirement and aging. In contrast, new liberals, who value support for future generations, place greater emphasis on support for child-rearing generations and subsequent generations.

③ New liberals are not strongly committed to "postwar democratic" issues.

Here, "postwar democracy" refers to the position that advocates anti-war pacifism and pursues governmental war responsibility (see pages 163 and following in this volume). Progressive forces in the postwar period have championed postwar democracy in this sense. In contrast, new liberals do not demonstrate strong commitment to such values.

    These propositions remain hypotheses contingent on empirical validation. The new-liberal disposition may be marginal or may contradict certain expectations. Thus, we turn to systematic survey data to investigate their prevalence and implications. If confirmed, our findings will illuminate both the scholarly merit and the political significance of “new liberalism” in modern Japan.

Structure of This Book

    This book seeks to elucidate the reality of new liberals in Japan. However, in the course of our research, we realized that what constitutes traditional liberals is not necessarily clear in the first place. Politicians, media, and researchers use the term "liberal" in various ways. When viewed from a macro perspective, the distinction between "progressive" and "liberal" becomes difficult to discern. Could it be that "traditional liberals" refer to the postwar progressive forces that sympathized with socialism? Or was there even a liberal position distinct from progressivism before the 1990s? We discovered that such important questions have not been sufficiently explored.

    Therefore, this book also devoted considerable effort to studying traditional liberals. We believed that by comparing new liberals with traditional liberals, we could better understand contemporary Japanese politics. Based on this research interest, Part I examines liberals to date, while Part II examines new liberals. Part I serves as an introductory preparation section, while Part II constitutes the main argument. Although Part I does not directly discuss "new liberals," the discussions therein are useful for understanding why "new liberals" emerged, so we encourage readers to engage with it. However, readers eager to learn about "new liberals" should proceed from Part II (particularly Chapter 6). Readers who wish to grasp only the key points quickly should jump directly to Section 2 of Chapter 8 (page 283 and following in this book). This section represents the central findings of our social survey and constitutes the core of this book.

Let us briefly introduce the contents of this book.

    Chapter 1 analyzes the trajectory of change that Japanese liberals have undergone since the 21st century. In retrospect, the Democratic Party-led coalition government that lasted for three years from 2009 represented the heyday of liberal political forces in Japan. However, liberal forces have since been in continuous decline. What were the factors behind this decline? We seek to clarify this question.

    Chapter 2 argues that the "conservative" versus "liberal" framework has gradually become invalid. Currently, political axes of conflict have become pluralized. The interests and voting behavior of the electorate cannot be captured by the "conservative" versus "liberal" framework. Furthermore, we point out that this framework also fails to capture the existence of new liberals.

    Chapter 3 extracts and examines the thinking of liberals to date as an ideal type. We designate this ideal as "old liberals" to distinguish it from "new liberals." We believe that postwar Japanese society contained a liberal position somewhat distinct from progressivism. Since this is by no means a self-evident fact, we decided to theoretically reconstruct the old liberal position. We argue that old liberalism is an ideology that has opposition to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, opposition to constitutional amendment of Article 9, opposition to the emperor system, and apologies for the comfort women issue as its core, while supporting welfare state policies and liberation from traditional society as secondary elements.

    Chapter 4 organizes the thought that have supported old liberals. Although no thinker has systematically defended this position, powerful thoughts have been constructed around individual issues. Specifically, these are four areas: the theory of unarmed neutrality within opposition to constitutional amendment of Article 9, opposition to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, opposition to the emperor system, and comfort women discourse. To what extent do people who currently identify as liberals support these arguments? We encourage careful consideration of this question.

    The above constitutes Part I, "Liberals to Date." The following Chapter 5 and beyond comprise Part II, "The Overall Picture of New Liberals."

    Chapter 5 introduces the thought of new liberals. The thought of the social investment state supported by new liberals has its history alongside the development of the welfare state, so it cannot necessarily be called new. However, we primarily introduce the arguments of four representatives of contemporary social investment state theories. Additionally, we clarify that the social investment state can be supported from our position that inherits Max Weber's thought.

    Chapter 6 introduces the theory for visualizing new liberals and an overview of our analytical results. In conventional research, liberal forces have been analyzed in a top-down manner using the existing "conservative" versus "liberal" framework. In contrast, we analyze in a bottom-up manner. We present the theory for this approach and analyze the six groups (social strata) derived from this analysis. New liberals are positioned as one among these six groups.

    Chapter 7 conducts a comparative analysis of the characteristics of new liberals and other groups. First, we analyze what kind of people constitute the five groups other than new liberals. Subsequently, we clarify the social attributes (gender, age, family life, work, etc.) and consumption lifestyle characteristics of these six groups, including new liberals.

    Chapter 8 elucidates the political characteristics of new liberals. Specifically, we analyze the voting behavior of new liberals in the House of Councilors election conducted in July 2022. While analyzing the voting behavior of all six groups, we position the voting behavior of new liberals within this context. In Section 2, we summarize the overall picture of new liberals.

    Finally, Chapter 9 provides a perspective on the future of new liberals. How can new liberals assume responsibility for new politics? How can new liberals respond to possible criticisms? Furthermore, how do new liberals intend to build peace without committing to the peace constitution (Article 9)? We examined this question by focusing on new liberals' support for the Three Non-Nuclear Principles.

    Until now, the very existence of new liberals has been unclear. We have challenged both theoretical and empirical approaches to visualize new liberals. This book represents the fruits of that effort. We hope this book will serve as an aid for better understanding Japanese liberals.