In the article, “Sharing One Skin” by Jeannette Armstrong, her main focus was contrasting the Okanagan views to Western thinking, specifically in physical, emotional, thinking-intellectual, and spiritual self. Jeannete highlights the importance of land and language, believing Okanagans are old pieces of the Earth. She believes healthy communities have strong communication, but it's being affected by the Western population and technology. Jeannette wants the community to become stronger to ensure the protection of Indigenous rights and land, as she feels the land is her body. 

Armstrong, Jeannette. 119 "Sharing one Skin: The Okagan Community" Pp. 460-470 in Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith(eds), The Case Against the Global Eceonomy. San Fancisco, CA: Sierra Club Books

Joe Suina expresses his experience in the balancing of his Native Identity and Western society as he writes about the difference between the Cochiti Pueblo and school. He initially admires his experience growing up with his grandma. This starts to shift when he attends school, causing him to learn English and the white man's ways. His once "Super Indian Self" falls apart when he faces the negatives of schools, like struggling to learn, and other students making comments about him and other kids from his Pueblo having lice. He is also unable to speak Keres during school, causing him to be upset because he didn't understand why they couldn't. All these factors cause him to view his identity differently, and he feels the need to change himself. He then attends an Indian Boarding School, and when he goes home for holidays, his views and teachings have been affected by the white man's way. He struggles to cope with the two identities, as he holds onto his cornmeal, symbolizing his grandma's guidance. 

Suina, Joe. (1985). And Then I went to School: Memories of a Pueblo Childhood. New Mexico Journal of Reading, 5(2)

Western society not only affects identity, but also how the land is impacted. B. Toastie begins her piece by retelling the story of Measuring-Worm Stone, currently known as El Capitan. The difference in the name of the same place creates controversy between Indigenous and Western views of the land. In Indigenous naming, it is typically based on a distinct feature and the place's identity. This contrasts with Western views, as specific landmarks may have two names, an Indigenous name and a Western name. Toastie talks to an elder to learn about the Measuring-Worm Stone, only to find out they don't know the original meaning. Although places get renamed, they become a part of their history, but Toastie argues that non-Indigenous people need to learn to respect the land. 

Toastie B. May 2 , 2022. How places anme impact the way we see landscape. High Country News. 

A government policy that affected Native Americans was the Relocation Act known as Public Law 595. During the 1950s, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Dillon S. Myer began creating the Relocation Program, which was modeled after the War Relocation Authority, his project that relocated Japanese Americans to centers. The Relocation Program intended to move Native Americans from their reservations to cities to receive employment, housing, and create a new life in the city. When people began moving, the BIA would give a $50 stipend for household items for their first month and then leave them there, besides providing counseling. Many struggled to find employment, only receiving seasonal jobs at best. However, as more Natives relocated, the BIA received more government aid and opened urban centers. Natives moved to twenty states, with Los Angeles and Chicago being the highest in relocated population. The government also passed laws for Natives to receive training, which would hopefully lead to employment. 

Fixico, Donald L. The Urban Indian Experience in America. University of New Mexico Press, 2000.

Understanding the diverse stories of Native Americans is highlighted in the article Willing Workers: Urban Relocation and American Indian Initiative, ‘1940s-1960s. The Relocation Act was the United States’ attempt at assimilating Native Americans by relocating them to cities. The program was advertised in newspapers, highlighting benefits that unfortunately weren’t maintained, like jobs, housing, BIA services, etc. Although many Native Americans struggled, they moved to cities for the opportunities that they could not get on their reservations. There were even a large number of Natives living in urban areas during and after World War II. During that time, Natives began creating gatherings within the city to connect culturally. Although the Relocation Act is portrayed as all Natives were victims, it really was a broad spectrum of what everyone experiences, emphasizing that every Urban Native’s story is different.

Douglas K. Miller; Willing Workers: Urban Relocation and American Indian Initiative, 1940s–1960s. Ethnohistory 1 January 2013; 60 (1): 51–76. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00141801-1816175

World War II played a major role in the relocation program. Larry Burt’s article, Roots of the Native American Urban Experience: Relocation Policy in the 1950s, listed the events that led to the relocation program. Under Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal liberalism, he appointed John Collier as commissioner of Indian affairs. He led the Collie’s Indian Reorganization Act; The Foundation for Native American Sovereignty and Native status in America. However, Collier’s efforts were reversed after WWII and the Cold War, as America switched administrations and became more conservative. President Harry Truman appointed Dillon Myer to lead termination efforts. The Navajo-Hopi Act started the relocation program by providing jobs in the cities to Natives. The first title of this program was Operation Relocation in 1952. Eventually, the President appointed Glenn Emmons to officially begin the Relocation Program. 

Burt, Larry W. “Roots of the Native American Urban Experience: Relocation Policy in the 1950s.” American Indian Quarterly, vol. 10, no. 2, 1986, pp. 85–99. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1183982. Accessed 21 Oct. 2025.

A study was conducted in California, involving Native American young adults, their parents, and healthcare providers. The participants were divided into 13 different groups and asked about topics related to risk and resilience among Urban Native Americans. The study was conducted to understand Urban family dynamics, connection to traditional practices, and Native young adult resilience. Before the study, they recognized the importance of family functioning because many families were less connected to tribal communities and relied solely on their family. Family functioning can be beneficial to Native young adults by securing cultural and social connections, while securing resilience and limiting risks. Young adults want to fulfill roles for family resilience in both practical and traditional ways to strengthen family dynamics. Through the group discussions, many talked about how AOD use puts challenges on family relationships and affects individuals. They also identified how trauma, historical and current, impacts cultural identity. In an urban setting, there is a set of opportunities and challenges. Families struggle with employment, transportation, and the cost of living. One young adult said there wasn't an opportunity or positive role models. While another said they can pursue their passion, something they believed they couldn't do on their reservation. Overall, it depends on an individual's family dynamics. A major point was the need for family as it gains support, guidance, and storytelling. Young adults made it known that there is a need for guidance for traditional practices. The study discovered that to secure resilience, there's a need for the three circles of family (immediate, extended, communal), storytelling, and traditional practices.  

Palimaru, Alina I et al. “Risk and Resilience Among Families in Urban AI/AN Communities: the Role of Young Adults.” Journal of racial and ethnic health disparities vol. 10,2 (2023): 509-520. doi:10.1007/s40615-022-01240-7

Additionally, another study was conducted in California to understand the perspective of being Native American while living in an urban area. Previous studies have shown that Native Americans may experience negative behavioral health and well-being. Also, identity development is affected by urbanization due to a lack of community, mixed racial ethnicity, and being disconnected from traditional lifeways. A study in California studied five Urban areas in North, Central, and Southern California with 14-18-year-old youth who self-identified or identified as Native American from a family member. The study asked the youth a wide range of questions, such as race-ethnicity, AOD use, mental health status, self-rated health, delinquency, and spiritual/happiness. After reevaluating the data, adolescents who identify as AI/AN or AI/AN and another ethnicity were found to have better mental health and less AOD use or delinquency, compared to those who didn't identify as AI/AN. The study found that just identifying as Native was a way to create resilience. The overall outcome was to create programs to strengthen identity and bring youth together despite the differences in identity as they support one another. 

Brown, Ryan A et al. “Identifying as American Indian/Alaska Native in Urban Areas: Implications for Adolescent Behavioral Health and Well-Being.” Youth & society vol. 53,1 (2021): 54-75. doi:10.1177/0044118x19840048

A study was conducted to understand what culture means to Aboriginal young people from Melbourne (Narrm), Australia. The study consisted of twenty young people who identified as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait. The purpose of the study was to gain a better understanding of the demographic, as Western identification of "culture" doesn't identify the term to its full and abstract meaning, therefore missing the mark for programs and other resources. The study used a method called yarning, an Aboriginal cultural practice for knowledge sharing. Yarning allows one-on-one connections between researcher and participant, while creating a safe and comfortable environment. After compiling the participants' responses, five themes were identified: relationships, connection to Country, shared beliefs and values, and identity. Many of the youth shared personal stories about their family and kinship groups and how it is important to culture. They also said Aboriginal culture was connected to land and country because land nourishes and regrows. Although colonization has caused landlords to make Aboriginal people live in Narrm, they still connect to the land. The revitalization in Narrm is breaking down barriers and learning, but also shaping the culture as something new in this period of time. The voice of Aboriginal young people is essential for policy-making to reflect a more authentic identity of Aboriginal people. 

Murrup-Stewart, C., Whyman, T., Jobson, L., & Adams, K. (2021). Understanding culture: the voices of urban Aboriginal young people. Journal of Youth Studies, 24(10), 1308–1325. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2020.1828844

When thinking of connection to land, it is assumed Indigenous people only need a connection to a rural area or specific land. However, the connection to land can be broader. 38 interviews were conducted with Plains Cree First Nations and Metis youth exploring the perspective of health and resilience within an Urban context, such as Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, in central Canada. Alongside the discussions, a photovoice documented the youth's connection to the land and nature. The researchers had defined health as the state of physical, mental, and social well-being. They also defined resilience as the ability to overcome adversity. By studying the relationship between Indigenous Urban youth, they identified themes of nature as a calming place, building metaphors of resilience, and providing a sense of hope. Within each theme, youth drew connections to the land and nature with memories, emotions, and interpretations. It can be concluded that although the youth had their own connection, each learned from the environment around them. The connection to the land brought positive emotions but also resilience towards negative ones. The importance of the study was to advocate for more spaces for Indigenous youth to connect to nature. 

Hatala, Andrew R et al. “Land and nature as sources of health and resilience among Indigenous youth in an urban Canadian context: a photovoice exploration.” BMC public health vol. 20,1 538. 20 Apr. 2020, doi:10.1186/s12889-020-08647-z

In Santiago, Chile, resides a large population of Mapuche people. Migration to Santiago has caused Indigenous people to process the mobility and communication between their origin and the city. Although the city of Santiago is home to many Mapuche residents, there is still inequality when it comes to the structure to express cultural belonging and sense of place. It is also important to note that Mapuche residents live in one of the poorest regions of Santiago, called the comunas. Due to de-territorialization, it has broken ties to the original land, which Mapuche youth have experienced. In addition, a change in indigeneity and land is a direct consequence of a change in the environment. The article touched on place identity, both meaning how place affects or shapes identity, but also how individuals reshape and treat the land. Overall, it is practical, emotional, or recreational utility for an individual. The importance of residential spaces is to create security and strengthen identity (culturally, socially, and historically. However, Mapuche youth are reshaping and creating new landscapes that connect to their identity. Although Mapuche youth don't follow the exact old ways, they are transforming their identity to model who they are. 

            Merino, María-Eugenia, et al. “Laying Claims on the City: Young Mapuche Ethnic Identity and the Use of Urban Space in Santiago, Chile.” Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies, vol. 15, no. 1, Dec. 2019, pp. 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2020.1698179.