Potential loanwords in Kra

Andrew Hsiu

December 2017

Please cite as: Hsiu, Andrew. 2017. Potential loanwords in Kra. <https://sites.google.com/site/msealangs/home/blog/kra>.

Please note that this is a working draft that will be periodically updated.

Qabiao and Buyang (excluding Paha) have borrowed more heavily from Austroasiatic than the other Kra languages have, especially from Austroasiatic branches in the northern periphery such Vietic, Khmuic, Pakanic, and Palaungic. Gelao has also sporadically borrowed from Austroasiatic. Conversely, Pakanic languages have also borrowed words from Gelao. This lends further support for a formerly widespread Austroasiatic (Pakanic?) presence in western Guizhou. Austroasiatic languages had also likely been widespread in western Guangxi and southeastern Yunnan, where Buyang and Qabiao had historically been more widespread.

It appears that Pakanic and Vietic-like loanwords tend to have been borrowed into individual languages and at later dates, whereas earlier loanwords that are more widespread across different Kra languages or reconstructable to Proto-Kra have been borrowed from an unknown (or "missing") branch of Austroasiatic that tended to have parallels with Palaungic and Khmuic forms. Thus, at the Proto-Kra level, Austroasiatic words were borrowed from a branch that was part of the Northern Austroasiatic linkage, while for individual Kra languages, Austroasiatic words were borrowed from languages in the Vietic-Pakanic linkage.

Most of these loanwords in Kra do not have parallels in other Kra-Dai branches.

Some genetic studies have also suggested that Austroasiatic peoples may have been widespread in Guangxi and Guizhou (e.g., Li Hui 2008).

Sources: Li Jinfang (2006), ABVD, MKED and STEDT databases

Li Jinfang [李锦芳]. 2006. Studies on endangered languages in the Southwest China [西南地区濒危语言调查研究]. Beijing: Minzu University.

1. Austroasiatic loanwords in individual Kra languages

heart

Pubiao ŋən35 (Source: Li 2006)

*srɲuːm mind, heart (proto Khmuic)

*ɲiːm coeur, heart (proto Vietic)

foot

Qabiao (Phó Là) qacung4

Qabiao qa33 tɕuŋ213

Buyang (Langjia) ʑuŋ31

Buyang (Yalang) phau53 jɔŋ53

Bolyu ʑɔŋ3

Bugan (Nala) ʑuŋ31

Bugan (Manlong) ʑo̰ŋ55

Mang (Jinping) tɕuaŋ51

*ɟoŋ foot (proto Wa-Lawa) Dif1980:R:Ŋ18-4

*ɟə(ː)ŋ foot (proto Khmuic) Sid2013:R:181

*ɟəːŋ "foot, leg (proto Bahnaric) Sid2011:R:285

Comments: The Kra rhymes correspond more closely to rhymes in Pakanic and Waic.

flower

Qabiao puŋ33 < Proto-Vietic *poːŋ

lung

Bigong Gelao hau13

Judu Gelao sɑɯ35

Qabiao ʂau213

*soh lungs (proto Khmuic) Sid2013:R:493

*sɔh lung (proto Katuic) Sid2005:R:1038

*-soh lungs (proto Bahnaric) Sid2011:R:780

soh poumons, lungs (Chứt [Rục]) Fer2xx7:C:462-6

Comments: Widespread AA form.

horse (1)

Bigong Gelao ŋou55

Yalang Buyang ŋɔ24

*m-ŋəːʔ cheval, horse (proto Vietic)

*hŋaːʔ proto Hlai

Comments: Red Gelao, Buyang, and Hlai likely borrowed from Vietic.

horse (2)

Qabiao ʂe33

*ʔəsɛh horse (proto Bahnaric)

*ʔasɛh horse (proto Katuic)

*k-sreᵀ horse proto Karenic

sour

Proto-Kra bwlat D

Buyang ʔdaat D1

Pubiao bjaat D2

*braaŋ sour (proto Palaungic) Sid2010:R:65

*cat sour (proto Pramic) Sid2013:R:pP-50

*sraːt sour (proto South-Bahnaric) Sid2000:R:112

Notes: All Kra forms cited from Ostapirat (2000). None of the forms correspond entirely with each other.

skin

Proto-Kra *boŋ A

Proto-Kra *ta A

Qabiao boŋ53

Buyang (Langjia) ʔbuŋ31

Buyang (Yalang) ʔbɔŋ53

Buyang (Ecun) ʔbuŋ24

Paha ðaŋ31

*-puːr skin (proto Khmuic) Sid2013:R:435

*-taː peau, skin (proto Vietic) Fer2xx7:R:86

*ktɔh skin (proto Pramic) Sid2013:R:pP-673

Comments:*ta A is found in Lachi and Laha, and has a Vietic parallel.

feces

Proto-Kra ʔik D

Buyang ʔiak D1

Pubiao ʔjek D1

*ʔiək defecate; excrement (proto Khmuic) Sid2013:R:604

*ʔɨc ~ *ʔəc excrement (proto Bahnaric) Sid2011:R:967

Save this item (and notes) to a file.

*ʔəc excrement (proto Khasic) Sid2012:R:794.C

*ʔic {excrement; rubbish; interest on investment // excrement; useless and unpleasant byproduct (e.g. ear-wax, eye-matter, dandruff, smegma, sawdust); /ʔi̱c rṳuy/ freckles} (proto Monic) Dif1984:R:N126

*ʔic excrement (proto Pearic) Hea1985:R:8,62,163

Notes: All Kra forms cited from Ostapirat (2000). Kra forms are closest to the Khmuic form. Widespread AA form found in almost all branches. Also borrowed by Tibeto-Burman branches that were likely in contact with Austroasiatic: Tani *eː, Lepcha, Kuki-Chin *ʔeek, Karenic *ʔéq / *Ɂeᴮ, Gong, and Caijia i³³.

nose

Gelao (Yueliangwan/Fengyan) bu35 mai31

Bugan (Nala) pə55 mã̰31

Bugan (Manlong) pɯ55 maŋ31

Comments: White Gelao of Yunnan borrowed from Pakanic.

liver

Gelao (Zhenfeng) ta42 pu35

Gelao (Sanchong) taʔ53 poŋ33

Proto-Kra *təp D

Bolyu mbu:ŋ3

Bugan (Nala) bou31

Bugan (Manlong) mbou31

Comments: Hagei Gelao borrowed from Pakanic.

kidney

Judu Gelao qə0 luŋ31

*k-laŋ reins, kidneys (proto Vietic)

*C-nəːm proto Hlai

Comments: White Gelao borrowed from Vietic or a nearby branch.

1.1. Gelao loanwords in Bolyu

no/not (post-verbal negator)

Bolyu ʔo2

Red Gelao (Vietnam) o55

Gelao (Bigong) ɔ33

Gelao (Niupo) o55

Gelao (Dagouchang) əɯ33

Comments: Widespread in Kra. Ultimately borrowed from unknown Tibeto-Burman languages.

person

Bolyu tshe1

Gelao (Judu) qə0 tshu214

Gelao (Wantao) ka0 tshu35

Gelao (Fengyan) qa0 tshəɯ31

Comments: Bolyu borrowed this form from White Gelao, which borrowed from Eastern Yi (Nasu). White Gelao has added a *k- nominal sesquisyllabic prefix.

1.2. Gelao loanwords in Bugan

moon

Bugan (Nala) tɑ55

Bugan (Manlong) ta55

Proto-Kra *m-ɖjan A, *(C-)tjan A

Gelao (Zhenfeng) ta31

Gelao (Sanchong) nta31

Gelao (Heijiaoyan) tɑ31

Comments: Bugan borrowed from Hagei.

long

Bugan (Nala) ʑo33

Bugan (Manlong) ʑo44

Proto-Kra *ri C

Lachi (Jinchang) ʑei44

Gelao (Fengyan) ȥəɯ33

Gelao (Bigong) za13

Gelao (Yueliangwan) dȥəɯ33

Gelao (Zhenfeng) zɯi13 tsa35

Comments: Proto-Nisoic (Lama 2012; Lolo-Burmese) also has *xro 1. Bugan borrowed a widespread Gelao-Lachi form.

1.3. Kra loanwords in Pakanic

fat

Bolyu ȵi4

Bugan (Manlong) ȵi44

Proto-Kra *(m-)ɳəl A

Gelao (Bigong) nei33

Gelao (Zhenfeng, Sanchong) ne31 oil

intestines

Bolyu la:i6 ɕi5

Bugan (Nala) ŋguaŋ13 ɕɛ13

Bugan (Manlong) ŋguaŋ24 ɕe24

Proto-Kra *C-si C

Gelao (Niupo) qa33 ɕe33

Gelao (Judu) qə0 ɕe33

Red Gelao ʔa35 ɕi35

2. Austroasiatic loanwords in Proto-Kra

road

Proto-Kra *kron A

*gruəŋ road (proto Khmuic)

*gruəŋ road (proto Pray-Pram)

*kruːŋ road, path, way (proto Pramic)

Bolyu kɔ5

Bugan (Manlong) xoŋ55 tɕou44

Gelao (Fengyan) di31 mi33 ɕuŋ35

ear (of grain)

Proto-Kra *kʒəl A

*k-cɛːrʔ / kɟɛːrʔ épi, ear (of grains) (proto Vietic) Fer2xx7:R:475

*[h/ʔ]kɔŋ ear of rice (proto West-Bahnaric) Sid2003:R:639

*k-joː épis (de riz), ear (of rice) (proto Vietic) Fer2xx7:R:188

*-gɔr ear (of grain) (proto Palaungic) Sid2010:R:238

Comments: Widespread AA form.

heavy

Proto-Kra *kʒəl A

*kɟɨk heavy (proto Bahnaric) Sid2011:R:398

*kʰia(ʔ) heavy (proto Khasic) Sid2012:R:207

*kjuh heavy (proto Pramic) Sid2013:R:pP-749

*kəcə̤ŋ {(object) to be heavy; (body-part, e.g. head) to feel heavy; (person) to look sick [Intransitive Verb]} (proto Nyah Kur) Dif1984:R:V64.B

Comments: Finals do not correspond except for Kra and Nyah Kur.

water

Proto-Kra *ʔuŋ C

Khasic *ʔum

Palaungic *ʔoom

Khmuic *ʔom; *ʔuək

Proto-Hmong-Mien *ʔu̯əm

Comments: The Kra rhyme indicates that the word was borrowed via a language that did not preserve the final -m, like Hmongic. Pakanic does not have this form for 'water'. Contact with Hmongic is possible.

meat

Proto-Kra *ʔaɯ C

Khmuic *ʔah

Nicobaric ʔalaha, ãːhə (N)

Proto-Mienic *ʔa B

Comment: Mienic and Khmuic tonal categories match, but not with Kra. Proto-Kra may have flipped tones B and C from Hmong-Mien loanwords, which also happened with Proto-Kra *lum C < Proto-Hmong-Mien *ɲemH.

egg

Proto-Kra *ʈəm A

Palaungic *ktam

Bahnaric *ktap

Aslian #k-tap

Bolyu tham1

Bugan (Nala) tham33

Bugan (Manlong) then55

Longjia ʈhu⁵⁵

buy

Proto-Kra *tsol A

*ɟiəl to buy (proto Mon-Khmer [B]) Sho2006:R:1729.B

*ɟər to buy (proto Palaungic) Sid2010:R:402

*ʔiəl to buy (proto Palaungic) Sid2010:R:1262

#4526 PKC *tsoo-I, tsook-II BUY

Comments: Kuki-Chin may have also borowed from Austroasiatic.

mouth

Proto-Kra *ŋuŋ A

*mɔɔɲ mouth (proto Palaungic) Sid2010:R:684

*miəŋ to chew; mouth (proto Khmuic) Sid2013:R:350

*ʔmaːŋ mouth (proto West-Bahnaric) Sid2003:R:92

*mɛːŋʔ bouche, mouth (proto Vietic) Fer2xx7:R:1071

Longjia (Anshun) mian³³

Longjia (Dafang) mpiaŋ⁵⁵

Comments: Both Kra forms do not entirely match the Austroasiatic forms.

3. Tibeto-Burman loanwords in individual Kra languages

dog

Buyang (Langjia) qoi24

Buyang (Yalang) uui53

Buyang (Ecun) ʔu:i33

Proto-Lolo-Burmese *kʷəy²

#1764: PTB *d-kʷəy-n DOG

Caijia khui⁵⁵

Longjia (Dafang) khuɛ⁵⁵

Comment: Widespread Tibeto-Burman form. Buyang may have borrowed from Mondzish.

4. Tibeto-Burman loanwords in Proto-Kra

No particular Tibeto-Burman branch can be identified as the source of the Kra loanwords. Tibeto-Burman loanwords appear to have been borrowed very early into Kra.

mouth

Proto-Kra *mul B

#467 PTB *s-muːr MOUTH / LIP / HOLD IN MOUTH / CHEW / FACE / GILLS

Longjia (Anshun) mian³³

Longjia (Dafang) mpiaŋ⁵⁵

Comments: Very widespread TB form.

hair

Proto-Kra *m-səm A

Proto-Tibeto-Burman *sam ~ *tsam

Comments: Very widespread TB form.

tooth (?)

Proto-Kra *C-tʃuŋ A

#2813 PTB *d-yu(ŋ/k) TOOTH

Laha (Ta Mit) suŋ42

Laha (Noong Lay) tuŋ42

Buyang (Langjia) qa0 ɕɔŋ54

Buyang (Yalang) tsuə53

Buyang (Ecun) ʔa0 θo:ŋ24

Gelao, Hongfeng ma43 huaŋ43

Mulao li24 suŋ24

Longjia tshɿ²¹

Caijia tshei⁵⁵pei⁵⁵

Comments: Widespread form in Tani languages.

Kra negators were also borrowed from Tibeto-Burman.

DeLancey (2007) notes that Proto-Kuki-Chin has the postverbal negators *law, #kay, and *no.

Among Tibeto-Burman languages in southwestern China, I believe post-verbal is only found in Tujia. To my knowledge, no Lolo-Burmese has it, but it is common in Tibeto-Burman languages of Northeast India, including languages of the Kuki-Chin-Naga area and other nearby Tibeto-Burman branches. (See WALS Atlas Feature 143A: Order of Negative Morpheme and Verb)

This points to the possibility of a previously existent ("missing") Tibeto-Burman branch in northern Guangxi / Guizhou-Guangxi border region that had influenced the typology of early varieties of Kra. This "missing" branch, which I will call "Donor-Kra," would have been an independent branch of Sino-Tibetan that was in the same linguistic area as Tujia. Donor-Kra would have been subsequently absorbed by Kra, Hmong-Mien, Sinitic, and other languages in the Guangxi-Guangxi border region.

Other "missing donor TB branches" in southwestern China are:

- Donor-Jiamao (which I had suggested was likely a Burmo-Qiangic branch)

- Donor-Hmong-Mien (proposed by Benedict)

5. Others

to steal

Proto-Kra *lum C

Proto-Hmong-Mien *ɲemH

References

DeLancey, Scott. 2007. The Origins of Postverbal Negation in Kuki-Chin. NEILS 2.