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Potential loanwords in Kra

Andrew Hsiu
December 2017
Please cite as: Hsiu, Andrew. 2017. Potential loanwords in Kra. <https://sites.google.com/site/msealangs/home/blog/kra>.
Please note that this is a working draft that will be periodically updated.


Qabiao and Buyang (excluding Paha) have borrowed more heavily from Austroasiatic than the other Kra languages have, especially from Austroasiatic branches in the northern periphery such Vietic, Khmuic, Pakanic, and Palaungic. Gelao has also sporadically borrowed from Austroasiatic. Conversely, Pakanic languages have also borrowed words from Gelao. This lends further support for a formerly widespread Austroasiatic (Pakanic?) presence in western Guizhou. Austroasiatic languages had also likely been widespread in western Guangxi and southeastern Yunnan, where Buyang and Qabiao had historically been more widespread.

It appears that Pakanic and Vietic-like loanwords tend to have been borrowed into individual languages and at later dates, whereas earlier loanwords that are more widespread across different Kra languages or reconstructable to Proto-Kra have been borrowed from an unknown (or "missing") branch of Austroasiatic that tended to have parallels with Palaungic and Khmuic forms. Thus, at the Proto-Kra level, Austroasiatic words were borrowed from a branch that was part of the Northern Austroasiatic linkage, while for individual Kra languages, Austroasiatic words were borrowed from languages in the Vietic-Pakanic linkage.

I believe that the Northern Austroasiatic linkage was historically in the Upper Pearl River watershed (i.e., western Guangxi and southeastern Yunnan), and had gradually drifted westward as Kra and then later Tai and Sinitic pushed Austroasiatic speakers towards the west due to population pressures.

Most of these loanwords in Kra do not have parallels in other Kra-Dai branches.

Some genetic studies have also suggested that Austroasiatic peoples may have been widespread in Guangxi and Guizhou (e.g., Li Hui 2008).




Sources: Li Jinfang (2006), ABVD, MKED and STEDT databases
Li Jinfang [李锦芳]. 2006. Studies on endangered languages in the Southwest China [西南地区濒危语言调查研究]. Beijing: Minzu University.


1. Austroasiatic loanwords in individual Kra languages
heart
Pubiao    ŋən35 (Source: Li 2006)
*srɲuːm   mind, heart   (proto Khmuic)
*ɲiːm   coeur, heart   (proto Vietic)

foot
Qabiao (Phó Là)     qacung4
Qabiao     qa33 tɕuŋ213
Buyang (Langjia)     ʑuŋ31
Buyang (Yalang)     phau53 jɔŋ53
Bolyu     ʑɔŋ3
Bugan (Nala)     ʑuŋ31
Bugan (Manlong)     ʑo̰ŋ55
Mang (Jinping)     tɕuaŋ51
*ɟoŋ   foot   (proto Wa-Lawa)   Dif1980:R:Ŋ18-4
*ɟə(ː)ŋ   foot   (proto Khmuic)   Sid2013:R:181
*ɟəːŋ   "foot, leg   (proto Bahnaric)   Sid2011:R:285
Comments: The Kra rhymes correspond more closely to rhymes in Pakanic and Waic.

flower
Qabiao     puŋ33 < Proto-Vietic *poːŋ

lung
Bigong Gelao    hau13
Judu Gelao    sɑɯ35
Qabiao    ʂau213
*soh   lungs   (proto Khmuic)   Sid2013:R:493
*sɔh   lung   (proto Katuic)   Sid2005:R:1038
*-soh   lungs   (proto Bahnaric)   Sid2011:R:780
soh   poumons, lungs   (Chứt [Rục])   Fer2xx7:C:462-6
Comments: Widespread AA form.

horse (1)
Bigong Gelao    ŋou55
Yalang Buyang    ŋɔ24
*m-ŋəːʔ   cheval, horse   (proto Vietic)
*hŋaːʔ    proto Hlai
Comments: Red Gelao, Buyang, and Hlai likely borrowed from Vietic.

horse (2)
Qabiao    ʂe33
*ʔəsɛh   horse   (proto Bahnaric)
*ʔasɛh   horse   (proto Katuic)
*k-sreᵀ    horse    proto Karenic

sour
Proto-Kra    bwlat D
Buyang    ʔdaat D1
Pubiao    bjaat D2
*braaŋ   sour   (proto Palaungic)   Sid2010:R:65
*cat   sour   (proto Pramic)   Sid2013:R:pP-50
*sraːt   sour   (proto South-Bahnaric)   Sid2000:R:112
Notes: All Kra forms cited from Ostapirat (2000). None of the forms correspond entirely with each other.

skin
Proto-Kra     *boŋ A
Proto-Kra     *ta A
Qabiao     boŋ53
Buyang (Langjia)     ʔbuŋ31
Buyang (Yalang)     ʔbɔŋ53
Buyang (Ecun)     ʔbuŋ24
Paha     ðaŋ31
*-puːr   skin   (proto Khmuic)   Sid2013:R:435
*-taː   peau, skin   (proto Vietic)   Fer2xx7:R:86
*ktɔh   skin   (proto Pramic)   Sid2013:R:pP-673
Comments:*ta A is found in Lachi and Laha, and has a Vietic parallel.

feces
Proto-Kra    ʔik D
Buyang    ʔiak D1
Pubiao    ʔjek D1
*ʔiək   defecate; excrement   (proto Khmuic)   Sid2013:R:604
*ʔɨc ~ *ʔəc   excrement   (proto Bahnaric)   Sid2011:R:967
*ʔəc   excrement   (proto Khasic)   Sid2012:R:794.C
*ʔic   {excrement; rubbish; interest on investment // excrement; useless and unpleasant byproduct (e.g. ear-wax, eye-matter, dandruff, smegma, sawdust); /ʔi̱c rṳuy/ freckles}   (proto Monic)   Dif1984:R:N126
*ʔic   excrement   (proto Pearic)   Hea1985:R:8,62,163
Notes: All Kra forms cited from Ostapirat (2000). Kra forms are closest to the Khmuic form. Widespread AA form found in almost all branches. Also borrowed by Tibeto-Burman branches that were likely in contact with Austroasiatic: Tani *eː, Lepcha, Kuki-Chin *ʔeek, Karenic *ʔéq / *Ɂeᴮ, Gong, and Caijia i³³.

nose
Gelao (Yueliangwan/Fengyan)     bu35 mai31
Bugan (Nala)     pə55 mã̰31
Bugan (Manlong)     pɯ55 maŋ31
Comments: White Gelao of Yunnan borrowed from Pakanic.

liver
Gelao (Zhenfeng)     ta42 pu35
Gelao (Sanchong)     taʔ53 poŋ33
Proto-Kra     *təp D
Bolyu     mbu:ŋ3
Bugan (Nala)     bou31
Bugan (Manlong)     mbou31
Comments: Hagei Gelao borrowed from Pakanic.

kidney
Judu Gelao    qə0 luŋ31
*k-laŋ   reins, kidneys   (proto Vietic)
*C-nəːm    proto Hlai
Comments: White Gelao borrowed from Vietic or a nearby branch.


1.1. Gelao loanwords in Bolyu
no/not (post-verbal negator)
Bolyu     ʔo2
Red Gelao (Vietnam)     o55
Gelao (Bigong)     ɔ33
Gelao (Niupo)     o55
Gelao (Dagouchang)     əɯ33
Comments: Widespread in Kra. Ultimately borrowed from unknown Tibeto-Burman languages.

person
Bolyu     tshe1
Gelao (Judu)     qə0 tshu214
Gelao (Wantao)     ka0 tshu35
Gelao (Fengyan)     qa0 tshəɯ31
Comments: Bolyu borrowed this form from White Gelao, which borrowed from Eastern Yi (Nasu). White Gelao has added a *k- nominal sesquisyllabic prefix.


1.2. Gelao loanwords in Bugan

moon
Bugan (Nala)     tɑ55
Bugan (Manlong)     ta55
Proto-Kra     *m-ɖjan A, *(C-)tjan A
Gelao (Zhenfeng)     ta31
Gelao (Sanchong)     nta31
Gelao (Heijiaoyan)     tɑ31
Comments: Bugan borrowed from Hagei.

long
Bugan (Nala)     ʑo33
Bugan (Manlong)     ʑo44 
Proto-Kra     *ri C
Lachi (Jinchang)     ʑei44
Gelao (Fengyan)     ȥəɯ33
Gelao (Bigong)     za13
Gelao (Yueliangwan)     dȥəɯ33
Gelao (Zhenfeng)     zɯi13 tsa35
Comments: Proto-Nisoic (Lama 2012; Lolo-Burmese) also has *xro 1. Bugan borrowed a widespread Gelao-Lachi form.


1.3. Kra loanwords in Pakanic
fat
Bolyu     ȵi4
Bugan (Manlong)     ȵi44
Proto-Kra     *(m-)ɳəl A
Gelao (Bigong)     nei33
Gelao (Zhenfeng, Sanchong)     ne31    oil

intestines
Bolyu     la:i6 ɕi5
Bugan (Nala)     ŋguaŋ13 ɕɛ13
Bugan (Manlong)     ŋguaŋ24 ɕe24
Proto-Kra     *C-si C
Gelao (Niupo)     qa33 ɕe33
Gelao (Judu)     qə0 ɕe33
Red Gelao     ʔa35 ɕi35 


2. Austroasiatic loanwords in Proto-Kra
road
Proto-Kra    *kron A
*gruəŋ   road   (proto Khmuic)
*gruəŋ   road   (proto Pray-Pram)
*kruːŋ   road, path, way   (proto Pramic)
Bolyu    kɔ5
Bugan (Manlong)    xoŋ55 tɕou44
Gelao (Fengyan)    di31 mi33 ɕuŋ35

ear (of grain)
Proto-Kra     *C-kən A
*k-cɛːrʔ / kɟɛːrʔ   épi, ear (of grains)   (proto Vietic)   Fer2xx7:R:475
*[h/ʔ]kɔŋ   ear of rice   (proto West-Bahnaric)   Sid2003:R:639
*k-joː   épis (de riz), ear (of rice)   (proto Vietic)   Fer2xx7:R:188
*-gɔr   ear (of grain)   (proto Palaungic)   Sid2010:R:238
Comments: Widespread AA form.

heavy
Proto-Kra     *kʒəl A
*kɟɨk   heavy   (proto Bahnaric)   Sid2011:R:398
*kʰia(ʔ)   heavy   (proto Khasic)   Sid2012:R:207
*kjuh   heavy   (proto Pramic)   Sid2013:R:pP-749
*kəcə̤ŋ   {(object) to be heavy; (body-part, e.g. head) to feel heavy; (person) to look sick [Intransitive Verb]}   (proto Nyah Kur)   Dif1984:R:V64.B
Comments: Finals do not correspond except for Kra and Nyah Kur.

water
Proto-Kra     *ʔuŋ C
Khasic    *ʔum
Palaungic    *ʔoom
Khmuic    *ʔom; *ʔuək
Proto-Hmong-Mien     *ʔu̯əm
Comments: The Kra rhyme indicates that the word was borrowed via a language that did not preserve the final -m, like Hmongic. Pakanic does not have this form for 'water'. Contact with Hmongic is possible.

meat
Proto-Kra     *ʔaɯ C
Khmuic    *ʔah
Nicobaric    ʔalaha, ãːhə (N)
Proto-Mienic     *ʔa B
Comment: Mienic and Khmuic tonal categories match, but not with Kra. Proto-Kra may have flipped tones B and C from Hmong-Mien loanwords, which also happened with Proto-Kra *lum C < Proto-Hmong-Mien *ɲemH.

egg
Proto-Kra     *ʈəm A
Palaungic    *ktam
Bahnaric    *ktap
Aslian    #k-tap
Bolyu     tham1
Bugan (Nala)     tham33
Bugan (Manlong)     then55
Longjia     ʈhu⁵⁵

buy
Proto-Kra     *tsol A
*ɟiəl   to buy   (proto Mon-Khmer [B])   Sho2006:R:1729.B
*ɟər   to buy   (proto Palaungic)   Sid2010:R:402
*ʔiəl   to buy   (proto Palaungic)   Sid2010:R:1262
#4526 PKC *tsoo-I, tsook-II BUY
Comments: Kuki-Chin may have also borowed from Austroasiatic.

mouth
Proto-Kra     *ŋuŋ A
*mɔɔɲ   mouth   (proto Palaungic)   Sid2010:R:684
*miəŋ   to chew; mouth   (proto Khmuic)   Sid2013:R:350
*ʔmaːŋ   mouth   (proto West-Bahnaric)   Sid2003:R:92
*mɛːŋʔ   bouche, mouth   (proto Vietic)   Fer2xx7:R:1071
Longjia (Anshun)     mian³³
Longjia (Dafang)     mpiaŋ⁵⁵
Comments: Both Kra forms do not entirely match the Austroasiatic forms.

tooth (?)
Proto-Kra     *C-tʃuŋ A
PAA *sraŋ
#2813 PTB *d-yu(ŋ/k) TOOTH (< AA?)
Laha (Ta Mit)     suŋ42
Laha (Noong Lay)     tuŋ42
Buyang (Langjia)     qa0 ɕɔŋ54
Buyang (Yalang)     tsuə53
Buyang (Ecun)     ʔa0 θo:ŋ24
Gelao, Hongfeng     ma43 huaŋ43
Mulao     li24 suŋ24
Comments: Widespread form in Tani languages.

3. Tibeto-Burman loanwords in individual Kra languages
dog
Buyang (Langjia)     qoi24
Buyang (Yalang)     uui53
Buyang (Ecun)     ʔu:i33
Proto-Lolo-Burmese *kʷəy²
#1764: PTB *d-kʷəy-n DOG
Caijia     khui⁵⁵
Longjia (Dafang)     khuɛ⁵⁵
Comment: Widespread Tibeto-Burman form. Buyang may have borrowed from Mondzish.


4. Tibeto-Burman loanwords in Proto-Kra
No particular Tibeto-Burman branch can be identified as the source of the Kra loanwords. Tibeto-Burman loanwords appear to have been borrowed very early into Kra.

mouth
Proto-Kra     *mul B
#467 PTB *s-muːr MOUTH / LIP / HOLD IN MOUTH / CHEW / FACE / GILLS
Longjia (Anshun)     mian³³
Longjia (Dafang)     mpiaŋ⁵⁵
Comments: Very widespread TB form.

hair
Proto-Kra     *m-səm A
Proto-Tibeto-Burman     *sam ~ *tsam
Comments: Very widespread TB form.

bran, chaff, husk
*Kra    *m-pwa B    bran
*Hmongic    *S-phjæC    chaff/husk
*Karen    *pheᴬ    bran, chaff
*Loloish    *pway²    chaff
*Lolo-Burmese    *pway²    husk / chaff
*Ersuic    *pʰrɑ²    chaff / bran
*Kuki-Chin    *waay    husk, chaff

skin
*Kra    *kwau B    skin (1)
#589 PTB *kwa SKIN
*Northern Naga    *C̬-kʰuar    skin
*Ersuic    *ŋgriupje¹    skin
*Kiranti    *kok    skin
*Puroik    *a-kuʔ (?)    skin

stone, rock
*Kra    *p-ra A    rock (3)
*rGyalrongic    *prak 'rock'
*Hmong-Mien    *-ʔrəu    stone
*Lolo-Burmese    *ʔ-rakᴸ    rock / stone

Kra negators were also borrowed from Tibeto-Burman.

Language

Source

Prefixing negator

Suffixing negator

Paha

Li (2006)

pi⁵⁵


Yalang

Li (2006)


la³¹

Ecun

Li (2006)


naai⁵³

Langjia

Li (2006)


laai³¹

Pudi

Ni (2010)

ma³¹

ʔo³³

Bigong

Li (2014)

ma³¹

ɔ³³

Qinglong

Ni (2010)

ʔa⁵⁵

ʔa³¹

Judu

Ni (2010)

ma⁵⁵

ʔo⁵⁵

Wanzi

Ni (2010)

ma⁵⁵

tʂo²¹

Lachi

Ni (2010)


lio¹¹

Mulao

Ni (2010)

a⁵⁵

nəu³⁵

Bolyu

Ni (2010)


ʔo³³

Tujia

Tian (1986)


ta³⁵, tʰa⁵⁵

Mongsen Ao

Coupe (2007)

mə²¹

la³³

Proto-Kuki-Chin

VanBik (2009)


law


DeLancey (2007) notes that Proto-Kuki-Chin has the postverbal negators *law, #kay, and *no.

Among Tibeto-Burman languages in southwestern China, I believe post-verbal is only found in Tujia. To my knowledge, no Lolo-Burmese has it, but it is common in Tibeto-Burman languages of Northeast India, including languages of the Kuki-Chin-Naga area and other nearby Tibeto-Burman branches. (See WALS Atlas Feature 143A: Order of Negative Morpheme and Verb)

This points to the possibility of a previously existent ("missing") Tibeto-Burman branch in northern Guangxi / Guizhou-Guangxi border region that had influenced the typology of early varieties of Kra. This "missing" branch, which I will call "Donor-Kra," would have been an independent branch of Sino-Tibetan that was in the same linguistic area as Tujia. Donor-Kra would have been subsequently absorbed by Kra, Hmong-Mien, Sinitic, and other languages in the Guangxi-Guangxi border region.

Other "missing donor TB branches" in southwestern China are:
- Donor-Jiamao (which I had suggested was likely a Burmo-Qiangic branch)
- Donor-Hmong-Mien (proposed by Benedict)


5. Others
to steal
Proto-Kra     *lum C
Proto-Hmong-Mien     *ɲemH


References
DeLancey, Scott. 2007. The Origins of Postverbal Negation in Kuki-Chin. NEILS 2.
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