Michael Coote is a freelance writer and financial journalist based in Auckland

MAORI MYTHS AND LEGENDS – EXPOSING THE OUTRAGES OF MAORI RACIAL SUPREMACISM

One New Zealand organ of government apparently eager to besmirch itself in supporting illegal Maori road rahuis is the HRC, which perhaps in all honesty should rename itself the Maori Supremacism Cheerleader (MSC). Quibbles raised by the HRC on behalf of the rights of other racial and ethnic groups in New Zealand are drowned out by its seemingly obsessive preoccupation with advancing institutionalized Maori racism under the officially sanitized rubric of Treaty partnership.

The taxpayer-funded HRC has recently released a report entitled “Human Rights and Te Tiriti o Waitangi: COVID-19 and Alert Level 4 in Aotearoa New Zealand”. This document betrays the HRC’s ostensible role as a propagandist organ for converting New Zealand into a Maori supremist apartheid state. Many New Zealanders have yet to grasp how morally, culturally, and intellectually paru their country is becoming thanks to contaminating Maori racial supremacism and its non-Maori kuri enablers. They can make a start by reading the HRC’s report and associated media release........

.........The brazen institutionalized Maori racism corrupting the HRC’s mission is betrayed in the quoted passage, which is nothing short of a charter for racial separatism in law enforcement across New Zealand. The HRC has effectively endorsed Maori tribal supremacists breaking the law by setting up illegal rahui roadblocks – coyly called “checkpoints” as a mendacious figleaf initially modelled publicly by the recently installed Commissioner of Police. This toxic position embraced by the HRC contradicts the basic rights of New Zealanders under, for example, the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 to travel freely on public roads.

The Act’s relevant section 18 Freedom of movement subsection (1) reads, “Everyone lawfully in New Zealand has the right to freedom of movement and residence in New Zealand.” The HRC’s same position flouts the facts that only Police can set up temporary roadblocks as per section 35 of the Policing Act 2008 and that Police powers to detain people on roads under COVID-19 restrictions stem from section 72 of the Health Act 1956. The government and Police have set out these legal grounds for COVID-19 roadblocks and thereby the appropriate treatment for illegal roadblocks.

Puffed up Maori tribal vigilantes running their amateur, self-appointed rahui roadblocks have none of these lawful powers. What these racist roadblockistas have done instead – in deliberate defiance of COVID-19 national health crisis restrictions on non-essential movement and social distancing, and in some cases in open complicity with co-tribal patched gangs potentially enabled thereby to ply their criminal trades across these “border controls” – is to work towards Maori tribal sovereignty to the destruction of New Zealand’s constitutional framework.......

Read Michael’s full NZCPR guest commentary here > https://www.nzcpr.com/inquiries-now-imperative-into-maori-covid-19-roadblocks-and-state-complicity/#more-32228

COVID-19 PRETEXT FOR SWEEPING MAORI TRIBAL TERRITORIAL CLAIMS

Maori Myths and Legends – Exposing the outrages of Maori racial supremacism

Media reports have emerged in recent days concerning Maori tribal groups unilaterally announcing intentions to blockade public roads in order to keep outsiders from access to areas they consider to be their historical territories. The roadblocks are mendaciously represented as precautionary COVID-19 sanitary cordons imposed at alleged tribal borders, yet patently have a political function as Trojan horses for Maori racial supremacists to claim control of contemporary internal borders at which other people can be stopped and prevented from entry just like sovereign states. The COVID-19 blockades are actually crude assertions of Maori tribal sovereignty. COVID-19 will eventually pass as an issue, but the precedent that Maoris can arbitrarily prevent people from lawful passage and freedom of movement throughout New Zealand, notwithstanding the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 Section 18 (1), will linger unless central government takes a stand for the just cause.

Maori rahuis have no legal force. The current “road rahui” Maoris are private interests who have no legal right to block public roads, impede lawful passage, or stop, obstruct, interrogate, and turn back travelers, or otherwise impair access to public or private land, apart from land they themselves own. People promoting and implementing illegal public road blockades should be subject to swift official interventions such as warnings, arrest and removal, and court prosecution by authorities such as Police and local and central government.

For these authorities to ignore, endorse, support, assist or co-operate with Maori tribal public road rahui blockades is derelict and could itself be legally culpable, especially if it leads to reasonably foreseeable risks such as health and safety incidents, including road accidents and COVID-19 transmissions, or criminal activities, such as assaults, damage to vehicles, or civilians falsely assuming Police powers. It would be very difficult for such authorities truthfully to maintain that they did not know about such risks or understand the need to prevent or mitigate them if testifying at a court of law........

Continue reading Michael's article here > https://www.nzcpr.com/covid-19-pretext-for-sweeping-maori-tribal-territorial-claims/

GOVERNOR WILLIAM HOBSON – NEW ZEALAND’S FORGOTTEN HERO

There can be no doubt that British Royal Navy captain William Hobson (26 September 1792 – 10 September 1842) is the founding father both of New Zealand as an independent sovereign nation and of Auckland as its greatest city. No other person has so singularly influenced the course of modern New Zealand history. Hobson stood for equal rights in law and public policy, including for the mid 19th century Maori inhabitants of New Zealand, as is demonstrated unequivocally in Clause 3 of the Treaty of Waitangi by the enlightened words, “the same rights and duties of citizenship as the people of England”. Yet in the 21st century Hobson seems to have become ungratefully forgotten by the very country that owes him so much. If he is remembered at all, it is as the British Crown representative at the first signing of the Treaty of Waitangi on 6 February 1840. Otherwise he has vanished into obscurity. This shameful neglect not only does Hobson’s memory a grave disservice, but is a slight on our common heritage as New Zealanders.

Born an Anglican Anglo-Irishman, Hobson was the first and final Lieutenant Governor (30 January 1840 – 2 May 1841) of New Zealand when it was part of the British Crown colony of New South Wales. Thereafter he served as the first Governor (3 May 1841 – 10 September 1842) of the newly segregated British Crown colony of New Zealand until his death from his second stroke in Auckland, 16 days short of his 50th birthday. Due to the colonial governmental transition that occurred under Hobson’s authority, New Zealand avoided remaining a dependency or becoming a state of Australia. Within less than three years until dying in office, Hobson so decisively established and entrenched the rule of British sovereignty and law all over New Zealand as a politically and administratively integrated territory that no other foreign power subsequently attempted to challenge this achievement. What Hobson first created in a remote British Crown colony was to evolve slowly into the independent sovereign state we are privileged to live in today......

Continue reading here > https://www.nzcpr.com/governor-william-hobson-new-zealands-forgotten-hero/

MAORI MYTHS & LEGENDS: DECONSTRUCTING THE MAORIFICATION OF NZ

Maori Language Week has just passed and the all-inclusive, Maoist-tinged slogan used for it was clearly aligned with the fact that submissions close on September 30 concerning Maihi Karauna, billed by Te Puni Kokiri as “the Crown’s Strategy for Maori Language Revitalisation 2018 – 2023”. (See Kia Kaha Te Reo Maori web page HERE.) Plainly Maori Language Week was a public opinion manipulation campaign orchestrated to elicit the kinds of submissions the government wants to receive. While there is a benign interpretation possible for the catch-all “Maori language is for everyone” theme, Maihi Karauna goes far beyond that. Its evident function is to entrench Maori institutional racism across New Zealand society, using the Trojan horse of Maori language as the means.

Of course, people are free to learn and practice Maori language skills as they see fit – Maori and non-Maori alike. Maori has been an official language of New Zealand since 1987. It is not as if it is some sort of linguistic contraband. A positive aspect of Maori language week was encouragement of people to become more proficient in New Zealand’s original tongue. If people undertake this enterprise voluntarily then good on them. Perhaps not so forefronted was that New Zealand English already contains many Maori words used every day – think names and phrases for places, native flora and fauna, foods, greetings, and what have you. It could be a constructive exercise to count up how many Maori words and phrases one uses and understands speaking and hearing New Zealand English in the space of a week. It is not such a big step to learn more about Maori language based upon its longstanding embeddedness in New Zealand English if so desired.

But that is not what elements – Maori and non-Maori – attempting the radical Maorification of New Zealand society want. They are after Maori hegemony over the rest of the country as close as they can achieve to the status quo prevailing before the Treaty of Waitangi. Nothing less can sate them. Maori language is the means they have found to reach this goal, not least because the Crown has let itself become hogtied into promoting and bankrolling it to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars to date, with much more to come. Government intervention is essential to the Maorificationist enterprise, which is dependent on commandeering the state’s power and wealth to make Maori pre-eminence mandatory in New Zealand. Without government intervention, Maori language usage would settle into an equilibrium state of natural supply and demand, which is not fit for purpose in the Maorificationist context. Instead, Maihi Karauna is advocated as the government’s strategy to impose Maori monoculturalism necessarily underpinned by acceptance of Maori racial supremacism......

Continue reading Michael Coote’s great article here > www.nzcpr.com/maori-myths-and-legends-deconstructing-the-maorification-of-new-zealand/#more-27402

KEY LEAVES LINGERING RACIST LEGACY

Few other politicians have done more to create conditions ripe for the destruction of racial equality

Gone-by-Monday Prime Minister John Key shrewdly picked a retirement date amenable for collecting one of those New Year's honour knighthoods he personally reinstated.

His timing is opportune for him, not least because of the gathering catastrophe for New Zealand democracy he has engineered but can now slough parliamentary accountability for.

In 2017, the bitter fruits of the Key government's wrongheaded Maori policies will become much more apparent. Few other politicians in modem history can have done more than Mr Key to create conditions ripe for the destruction of racial equality.

Treaty Negotiations Minister Christopher Finlayson comes close but, ultimately Mr Key bears the greater responsibility.

The problem goes back to Mr Key's decision to enlist the racialist Maori Party to help prop up National-led minority governments.

With the Maori Party came its puppet-master the Iwi Chairs Forum, a corporate Maori organisation.

DIRECT ENGAGEMENT

Dr Muriel Newman records how this has played out in practice.

In 2008, when John Key was elected prime minister, he brought the Maori Party into his government and established preferential access for iwi leaders to cabinet," she says.

"A 'Communication and Information Exchange Protocol' was drawn up and signed by the prime minister and iwi leaders to ensure their views are represented in cabinet and in the policy development process.

"In particular, [Iwi Chairs Forum subsidiary] the Freshwater Iwi Leaders Group engages directly with senior government ministers at least three times a year, and government ministers regularly attend the quarterly Iwi Chairs Forum meetings - the latest in August in the Waikato, where five government ministers were in attendance.

" Mr Key's favoured successor, Finance Minister Bill English, has publicly endorsed this arrangement.

The Iwi Chairs Forum has also signed a memorandum of understanding on working with Local Government New Zealand (LGNZ), as reported previously in this column.

The organisation is working to establish "Treaty partnership" power sharing under the guise of Maori tribal co-governance arrangements with both central and local government.

This year its Independent Iwi Constitutional Working Group published a document on "constitutional transformation" entitled He Whakaaro Here Whakaumu Mo Aotearoa, which sets out a five-year plan for promoting law changes that would permanently privilege Maori descendants over all other New Zealanders.

Such is the calibre of the fundamentally racist programme Mr Key has nurtured, facilitated, legitimated and normalised through his devil's bargain with the Maori Party, which is not even a loyal coalition partner.

MERETRICIOUS DEAL

Big Maori policy issues Mr Key is doing a frantic runner from encompass local government, resource management, freshwater policy and conservation.

Through Treaty settlements negotiated by Mr Finlayson, Maori tribes have been granted numerous statutory co-governance roles shared with democratically elected local governments.

New Zealanders have not been warned or consulted by the Key government for this recipe for corruption, nepotism and conflict of interest. But they will suffer the impact from next year on as ever more Treaty settlements come into legal force.

The Resource Management Act’s rewrite has seen Environment Minister Nick Smith cutting a meretricious support deal with the Maori party in return for including the statutory obligation for all democratically elected local authorities to consult with Maori tribes on “Iwi participation agreements”.

The Maori Party is ecstatic as this requires that “Mana Whakahono a Rohe” will be written into legislation meaning in the words of a related Ngai Tahu submisssion that tribes could then undertake “the handling of resource consent applications, notification decisions, monitoring and enforcement.”

Local communities have not yet woken up to this attempted hijacking of their private property rights. Auckland alone has 19 recognised iwi authorities to deal with.

Freshwater rights are huge issue coming up next year.

Mr Key has tried to maintain that no one owns water - a reprise of Mr Finlayson's stunt over foreshore and seabed legisIation but the Freshwater Iwi Leader Group thinks otherwise.

Newman reports the government is well advanced in closed-door collabration with the Iwi chairs Forum on a three-year freshwater policy development process but has decided, "No further media announcements are intended," obviously to stifle informed public debate.

Plus there is the proposed Kermadec Ocean Sanctuary, a pet Key initiative that has collided with litigious Maori tribal fishing interests.

Arise, Sir John, for services to racial inequality.

On the Money - By Michael Coote

Published in the NBR 9/12/16

Coastal Maori Tribes Big Winners Under New Bill

The National-led government is fortunate that the South Canterbury Finance payout and the Christchurch earthquake disaster happened when they did.

These events served to distract attention from the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Bill it introduced into Parliament on September 7.

The bill is intended to replace the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004 and will open up the marine environment to privatization by coastal Maori tribes.

Predictably the Maori Party sounded disappointed at the bill and threatened renegotiation after the next general election, consonant with its background as a political protest movement against the Act and notwithstanding its billion dollar Whanau Ora taxpayer-funded Maori patronage machine it has extorted out of the government.

Continue reading - click > HERE

Heritage hides development favours

Translated, this means that Auckland’s residents and ratepayers are being sold down the river to appease Maori, with interfering outsiders and self-interested elites involved in this betrayal.

The memo goes on to expose various aspects of the Maori tribal wishlist regarding how the already racially-biased draft UP is to be twisted even further in their favour.

The desired grab bag includes demands for special rights to develop Maori land and Treaty settlement land.

One specific memo provision states, “Extension of 'exception' objectives to Treaty settlement land and Maori purpose zone (ie. recommendation that development is encouraged outside the rural urban boundary and in rural/coastal zones; within natural heritage overlays; does not have to be ‘in character’ with surrounding areas; provision for alternative infrastructure).”

Such privilege in development rights is racism pure and simple, and rendered even more sinister in the context of Maori land rule 4.4.5.1.2 Notification in the draft UP that states, “Discretionary activities in the Maori land overlay will be considered without public or limited notification, or the need to obtain written approval from affected parties, unless special circumstances exist in accordance with s. 95A(4) of the RMA that make notification desirable.”

These matters relate to Maori developing their own land without regard to the rest if the community.

However, the draft UP, under the guise of protecting Maori cultural heritage, is proposing to give Auckland’s Maori tribes sweeping claims, powers and authority over land and natural resources belonging to other people and entities....

Read the full ominous blog - click > HERE

Will tribal risks be fully disclosed in Mighty River Power sale?

Stung by criticism from Federated Farmers' Don Nicolson that Maori tribal co-governance over the Waikato river was flawed and undemocratic, Mr Finlayson wrote in 2010 that “This is not an issue of separatism.”

“The interests of the iwi here are the same as the interests of all New Zealanders - and that should not come as a surprise.”

Let’s just wait and see if Mr Finlayson’s self-serving optimism is justified once equity in MRP comes into play.

Odds on, we’ll be surprised and not in a pleasant way to discover that the Key government has handed MRP’s electricity generation over to Maori control.

From the outset, the government didn’t make certain its MOM float proposals were consistent with the runaway locomotive it let loose with its hasty Treaty settlements.

There’ll likely be tears before bedtime for the mum and dad MRP shareholders already savaged by dodgy finance company failures....

Read the full blog - click > HERE