Day One

CESNUR's

11th International Conference

Day One

In the opening plenary session, "The New Cult Wars," CESNUR chairman Massimo Introvigne delivered an Introduction in which he discussed a wide range of recent controversies, including the report on sects released by a commission of the Belgian parliament in May of 1997. He outlined and described four distinct approaches to NRMs:

(1) that of "Values-Free" researchers,

(2) that of NRM-friendly "Apologists,"

(3) that of religiously motivated "Countercult" activists and scholars, and

(4) that of secular "Anticult" activists and scholars.

Introvigne stated that even "values-free" observers can raise issues of authenticity and legitimacy (e.g., a leader's claim to have been initiated by a certain spiritual master in India). The "fairness" of NRMs can be tested in terms of civil law (which seeks to be values free) - including torts (e.g., false advertisement, as in the case of one NRM which claimed to offer followers reimbursement for its services if they were not satisfied).

Introvigne stressed that, even among practitioners of a "values-free" approach, known or suspected criminal activities should be reported to legal authorities (e.g., CESNUR has reported some suspicious cases itself). Massimo acknowledges that "values-free" researchers "are walking a difficult line" - being at once pro-religious liberty, but aware that some NRMs are engaged in criminal activities. Introvigne, who holds a law degree, was careful to emphasize that being a "cult" is not a crime (e.g., dressing or believing "strangely"), nor is the use of strong methods of persuasion. On the other hand, rape, murder, organizing suicides, and false advertising are all clearly crimes. While he stated that "Anti-cultists would like to make 'brainwashing' a crime," he also noted that secular anticultists can contribute valuable input to the debate on NRMs when they are properly self-identified.

Introvigne was followed by Eileen Barker, sociologist of religion at the London School of Economics, who spoke on Selective Regulations of New Religious Movements in Europe. She explained that, for the purposes of her presentation, "selective" referred to treatment of religious movements as different only because they're new, rather than according to proper social criteria (e.g., criminal behavior). Barker stated that NRMs are picked out, discriminated against, or controlled simply because of their "newness." Noting that "Sociologists of religion are always interested in tensions, contradictions, variables," she asked, "Why in Europe today are some [religions] so much more 'equal' than others?"

She began by outlining the main features characterizing NRMs. According to Barker, NRMs typically...

Have not been around for a long time (although some, like ISKCON and ECKANKAR, want to claim that they're not really new in order to avoid the stigma typically associated with newness)

Are small in number (although some have achieved some level of political influence in spite of this - e.g., Faith Church in Hungary)

Are "alternative" (i.e., in relation to established or traditional religions - implicit is the offer of something "better")

Are largely unknown by the general public

Are characterized by first-generation "enthusiasms" and fervor

Are marked by the unpredictability of a charismatic leader (who is not bound by traditions or rules)

Are characterized by a them-vs.-us, godly-vs.-satanic stance toward non-adherents

Are perceived as multi-national/foreign/anti-national, and are therefore considered a threat by some - especially in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union

Barker then reviewed specific legal and structural factors determining the affecting governmental treatment of NRMs. These include:

1) Constitution (she noted that Russia actually has one of the most generous constitutions with regards to NRMs)

2) Registration (means vary from country to country)

Numbers (i.e., a certain number of signatures required for legal registration, as in the Czech Republic, where the applicant body's membership in the World Council of Churches lowers the required number of signatures)

Length of Stay

Non-Response (government simply ignores the NRM's application, causing an indefinite wait - meaning that the group cannot legally conduct public meetings, rent facilities)

3) Laws on Religion (e.g., anti-proselytizing statutes - or, as in Northern Ireland, where there is no law against discrimination based on religion)

4) Reports (e.g., French and Belgian parliamentary reports; she also mentioned a Russian report from a few years ago, which she described as "full of inaccuracies and non-sequiturs")

5) Imposition of Restrictions (e.g., things not actually in the law, as in German treatment of Scientologists - various forms of surveillance)

6) Actions by Lower-Level Courts (e.g., unconstitutional rulings by Russian regional courts)

7) Pronouncements Made in State Legislatures (e.g., in acts not actually passed, or statements by members of parliament - e.g., a pronouncement made in Kiev re: NRMs and mental health)

8) Selective Application of Law (in which NRMs given more severe treatment than other groups)

9) Non-Application of Law

10) Imprisonment and Violence (e.g., in Armenia, where paramilitaries have beaten up NRM members)

After discussing several cultural factors affecting treatment of NRMs (including ignorance and the prevalence of negative stereotypes, excesses of the popular media, and the efforts of anticultists), Barker listed "Counter-Discrimination Factors," which include

Specific anti-discrimination laws

International Declarations of Human Rights

Availability of legal appeals

Human-rights/civil-liberties organizations

Religious freedom groups

Coalitions of new religious movements (which, she noted, "nearly always disintegrate")

Balanced mass media

Sociologists of religion

Then, having briefly touched on situations in which anti-NRM discrimination is less likely to occur, Barker discussed factors contributing to "Least Selective Regulation," among which were

A history of religious pluralism

Open media (that is, those that are open to complaints procedures)

Possibility of legal redress (e.g., libel)

Non-corrupt/impartial government officials

Absence of scapegoating and misplaced fears that NRMs pose a threat to society in general or to national security and identity

"Open" behavior by NRMs (e.g., toward media, sociologists of religion) with "appropriate" public relations (i.e., not pushy or irritating)

Barker was followed by Liliane Voye of the Catholic University of Louvain, who focused on The Public Image of New Religious Movements in Belgium. That country's controversial parliamentary commission report was frequently criticized during the conference; among other questionable judgments, it lumped the Assemblies of God together with Scientology and the International Churches of Christ as "sects." Voye noted that although 70% of Belgians identify themselves as Roman Catholic and undergo the church's standard cultural rites of passage (e.g., baptism), they typically have little familiarity with their faith's sacred history and practices. More than half of Belgian students at all levels attend Roman Catholic schools, and the religion's influence is felt throughout society via Catholic political parties, labor unions, and adult- and youth-oriented societies. How are other religions (including Eastern Orthodoxy, Judaism, and Islam) and the issue of "sects" perceived by the Catholic majority? According to Voye,

The Belgian mass media usually present negative views of "sects" - therefore, most people have only second-hand ideas and impressions

The prevailing atheistic/secularist view is that religions offer a low view of humanity and emphasize dependence, neurosis (e.g., the idea of God is seen as a stopgap to compensate for man's lack of knowledge and competence; today, thanks to social progress, "God" is superfluous); religion associated with obscurantism, alienation

Roman Catholicism's progressive loss of credibility is seen as giving room to the growth of sects

There is a perception that because sects are new/foreign, they induce a special fascination/attraction (further enhanced by their effective use of PR and various media)

Sects are seen as congruent with the current felt needs of young people, emphasizing the everyday, here & now (whereas the Catholic church is seen as emphasizing the afterlife)

Sects perceived to emphasize individual "realization," fulfillment

Traditional religions are seen as too concerned with formulation of regulations and prohibitions

Sects seemingly play to the need for "comfort"

Perception that political parties and other secular social groupings have no ultimate answers for human anguish and real problems

Widespread view that sects promote dependence and brainwashing

Sects are not seen as "proper religions" - only a façade or pretext for exploitation and financial enterprises (usually for the benefit of a "guru")

In a session on "Recent Developments in Western Movements," Richard Singelenberg of the University of Utrecht (Netherlands) presented a paper on The Changing Face of Jehovah's Witnesses. Singelenberg - who lamented the fact that so very few social scientists are seriously studying the Watchtower movement - took issue with the recent article by Rodney Stark and Laurence Iannaccone in the May 1997 issue of Journal of Contemporary Religion ("Why Jehovah's Witnesses Grow So Rapidly: A Theoretical Application"). He especially questioned their optimistic growth projections for the movement, giving persuasive statistical evidence of a steady decline in Watchtower conversions worldwide (except for Eastern Europe). Singelenberg commented on the consequences of "free-riding" - the trend toward nominal membership (i.e., inactivity or inconsistency among Witnesses in fulfilling their mandate to proselytize). He challenged stereotypes that the Watchtower is winning most of its converts from among people in lower socioeconomic strata and noted that, although the Witnesses put great emphasis on proselytizing among immigrants and refugees, he is unconvinced of their success.

During the same session, sociologist Stephen Hunt of the University of Reading (England) presented a paper on The Revival That Wasn't. After the Toronto Blessing: Repairing Cognitive Dissonance. In his abstract, Hunt writes that "The 'Toronto Blessing' [TB] was an ecstatic and esoteric phenomenon that affected Christian charismatic churches on a global scale from 1993. Although the interpretations offered by those involved varied considerably, most accounts linked it to an actual or impending revival. As the effects of the 'Toronto Blessing' continue to recede it is clear that revival has not occurred and there are very few indications that it will do so." Hunt noted that "Sociological accounts of the TB are few and far between" and described the roles played by John Wimber and the Vineyard movement, C. Peter Wagner, Paul Cain, and "Third Wave" theology in the Toronto phenomena. Now TB believers are adjusting their expectations.

Hunt said that "there is evidence to suggest that the 'charisma' of the TB [at the Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship] has become routinized and institutionalized, packaged and sold," and commented on John Arnott's extended ministry efforts (he now speaks of the "larger wave which is to come"). Hunt claims that in Britain only "a handful of churches have continued to hold 'receiving meetings' in expectation of the manifestations originally associated with the TB. Sometimes it is a re-package with a different name. Usually, such churches unashamedly still speak of revival. In a few of these the manifestations have become even more bizarre." He describes other churches that have "down-played their involvement or even denied being involved in the first place - finding the whole subject something of an embarrassment." Among some Anglicans, Hunt finds that "there has been a move away from the TB to discover the delights of Celtic Christianity," while other charismatics have dropped their "receiving meetings" in favor of "greater emphasis of church growth strategies to win new converts."

In another session, Afe Adogame of Nigeria presented research on the Celestial Church of Christ, a movement founded 1947 by a Nigerian man of Yoruba extraction who was living in Dahomey (now called Benin) at the time. One day the man (whose name I was unable to record!) saw a winged being in a beam of light and received a divine mission. By 1950 the church had spread to Nigeria, and today it has moved beyond Yoruba territory and claims some 2,000 parishes (with roughly 50 outside of Africa, including congregations in Europe and North America). The sect, which has many similarities to "aladura" churches, is influenced by Yoruba cosmology - some of which would be familiar to those who have studied Afro-American spiritist movements such as Cuban santería and Brazilian candomble. (For example, church members have come to regard the Yoruba trickster demigod Exu as Satan.) The group evidently claims to be the only true church and is growing fast.

Ending the first day's activities was an evening plenary session on Heaven's Gate (HG). Massimo Introvigne, who has just published an Italian-language book on the subject, opened with a short history and analysis of the cult's worldview. He outlined Marshall Applewhite's Christian background and Bonnie Lu Nettles's theosophical roots, mentioning the influence of an unnamed Filipino teacher on the two. Interestingly, Introvigne said that 25 years before the suicides in Rancho Santa Fe, the aliens allegedly informed Applewhite that he had to commit suicide to ascend to "the next level." He further noted that, like a number of occult traditions, HG taught that not everyone has a soul; it its view, souls were selectively implanted in humans by the aliens. And despite its secretive nature, HG sent information to J. Gordon Melton's Institute for the Study of American Religions throughout the years. Introvigne was followed by a selection of HG video clips and remarks by researcher Rodney Perkins. In the question-and-answer period, Introvigne reported happily that he had been in the US for a week shortly after the suicides and observed that the mainstream media were treating their traditional anti-cult sources with some disdain. He seemed unaware of the high profile given former Cult Awareness Network president Cynthia Kisser (Wall Street Journal), Watchman Fellowship's James Walker (The News Hour with Jim Lehrer), Westmont College sociologist Ronald Enroth, and many affiliated with the American Family Foundation - along with such personalities as Jim Siegelman (Snapping) and Rick Ross.