Poisoned Dialogue

Published in the Central Asiatic Journal, vol. 40, no. 2 (1996), pp. 221-233.  I very much recommend that references

be made to the original publication and

not to this pre-published draft.

Poisoned Dialogue

A Study of Tibetan Sources on the Last Year in the Life of 

Gshen-chen Klu-dga' 

(996-1035 C.E.)

Dan Martin,

Jerusalem

January 5, 1995

The period of Gshen‑chen Klu-dga's teaching activities ranging from about 1028 until his death in 1035[1] is not very well covered in the earlier Bon histories, while his last years and the circumstances of his death are scarcely mentioned at all.  An early 13th-century source, the anti-Bon polemic located in the Textbook on the Single Intention (Dgongs‑gcig Yig‑cha), strongly implies that the Gshen‑chen died an especially horrible death, "accompanied with various inauspicious signs," as retribution for his alleged scriptural deceptions.[2]  As one would expect, the available Bon version of these events is quite different, even if it also views his untimely death as a kind of punishment.

The only source known to us which supplies a continuous narrative for the last year of the Gshen-chen's life is the 1917 history by Mkhas‑grub Lung‑rtogs‑rgya‑mtsho, principal (slob‑dpon) of G.yung‑drung‑gling Monastery in Gtsang, a member of the 'Bru ('Gru) family, one of the most prominent families throughout Bon history from the 11th century until today.  After briefly relating information about the Gshen‑chen's main disciples, Lung-rtogs-rgya-mtsho's narrative resumes with the Gshen-chen in his fortieth year, in 1035:

Then when the Gshen‑chen reached his fortieth year, he left his profound text copies in the care of Rong‑gu G.yung-drung-gtsug-phud[3] of Sgro‑ba Do[4] and, carrying with him the six tantras of Dbang‑chen, he went accompanied by his Newari (Bal‑mi) attendant Lha‑btsan[5] to a place in Shangs where Khyung‑byid‑mu‑thur[6] was said to be staying, intending to exchange the six tantras for the Zhang‑zhung Gser Dzwa.  When they had been on the road for one day, a frightful white figure[7] came to them and said, "Klu‑dga', although you have been granted the great spiritual powers,[8] all the Bon teachings have been scattered like chicken down.  If even the slightest command of the Mother[9] is not carried out, swift punishment is sure to follow."

The attendant argued that they should turn back, but the Gshen‑chen did not listen to him.  As for Mu‑thur, he had extremely great pride in his magical powers.  He said, "This Zhang‑zhung Bon text of mine has had an unbroken bridge of transmission.  The fog of its blessings has never lifted.  That is why I am able to launch the Red Dzwa[10] in public.  I will not trade it for a Bon text you extracted from under the ground.[11]  However, if you want Zhang‑zhung Bon texts, bring gold in order to view them."  Since their minds did not reach any agreement in the matter, the teaching of the Dzwa‑ba'i Spur Sngags declined and came to an end.

On the return journey, the Gshen stayed for one day at a trade fair.[12]  While there, his presence was detected by Lo‑ston Rdo-rje-dbang-phyug, who later asked him inside for rest and hospitality, and served him lunch.  He said, "Oh my!  You are that same great man who got Bon Treasures from 'Bri‑'tshams Mtha'‑dkar!" 

He offered the Gshen‑chen a full bowl of yoghurt to which he had added poison.  Then that evening the Gshen‑chen and his servant were departing together by way of the pass, when a young monk came running after them.  The young monk brought two pieces of brown sugar.  One he served to the lama.  The other piece he ate himself and then went back the way he came.  It is said that, at the high point of the pass, he had a nose bleed, and just as they were going down the pass the Lama got very ill and was unable to proceed.  Then a Tangut Bonpo[13] invited them in.  When word reached Zhu‑yas Legs‑po at Sngo‑chug (?) in Skyi‑mkhar, he arrived swiftly.

While Legs‑po wept, [the Gshen‑chen] said, "I have you for the Lama's Representative.  Even I myself did not achieve [this status].  Even though I had a prophecy that the 'Byong (?) Lo‑ston would be my 'treasure demon' (gter bdud), I did not understand it."

When [Legs‑po] later asked how many treasures were at 'Bri‑'tshams Mtha'‑dkar, the Gshen‑chen replied,  "The teachings of Everlasting Bon are as many as the hairs on the body of a piebald (gro‑bo) horse.  Of these, I have extracted no more than [a number equivalent to the hairs on the horse's] two ears.  Now, without me, they will definitely not be extracted."

Another time, giving his hand to Legs‑po, he said, "My son, even though the Bon teachings here in Tibet are like the rising sun, what we have is no more than a morning star.  Nevertheless there will be great blessings.  After this life I go to serve as royal Gshen priest of Ta‑zig Phrom.  Then I will go to the presence of Teacher Klu‑sgrub Ye‑shes‑snying‑po[14] in Dga'‑ldan Padmo‑bkod‑pa'i Gling.  At that time we two, father and son, will meet again."  So saying, he passed in meditation into the Realm of Bon Proper.  At the same time, the earth quaked and a great light was seen.  This then became known as 'Gshen‑rgur's Great Earthquake'.[15]

Although ordered to keep the Southern Treasures secret for one [twelve] year cycle, he was unable to do this, and it is claimed that [his death] was retribution for proclaiming them to everyone after only eight years.[16]

Among the texts which had earlier been entrusted to Rong‑gu, it has been said that a few were destroyed.  The gshegs‑rdzong [meritorious actions done on behalf of the deceased] and the empowerments and text authorizations for the two 'princes' [rgyal‑sras, meaning the physical sons of the Gshen‑chen] were done by Legs‑po.  Lady Dpal‑sgron took the scripture boxes of the Gshen and gave them to Legs‑po with the words, "If the time comes when my son here needs them, give them to him.  Until then, you take them."

Legs‑po made fresh 'son copies' (bu‑dpe) without any additions or omissions.  Then he arranged all the old personal copies of the Gshen in one place, arranging all of the 'son copies' he had made in another place.  Later on, the prince Rin‑chen-rgyal‑mtshan was given a choice, and because the 'son copies' were more beautifully done, he chose them.  This is the source of the saying, "Its source is as excellent as the copies of Zhu" (Zhu dpe khungs bzang).

So, the Sprul‑sku Gshen‑chen Klu‑dga' was first in the patriliny of Dmu‑rgyal Gshen.  His treasures were a great marvel among those of the hundred and eight emanated treasure revealers (gter‑ston), in the midst of whose constellations he was the full moon.  We have told how, 268 human years from the time Bon declined in Tibet, the Gshen extracted the Southern Treasures.[17]  If one checks the commentary on the Dbang‑chen tantra[18] and so forth, one will know that the Southern Treasures were placed beneath the ground in the time of Bon's suppression by Gri‑gum‑btsad‑po.[19]

The most puzzling thing about this account of the Gshen‑chen's last days is its absence in all the other accounts of his life available to us.[20]  We cannot for this reason simply discount it.  The author may have had access to older materials not now available such as the biography (rnam‑thar) of Gshen‑chen Klu‑dga' known to us only as a rumor.  The next most puzzling thing is why Lo‑ston Rdo‑rje‑dbang‑phyug makes an appearance as the poisoner of the Gshen‑chen; what were his motives?  His identity is not in doubt.  He is well enough known as one of the five (four according to our Bonpo sources) men of Gtsang province who went to northeastern Tibet to be ordained as monks by Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal.[21]  Soon after his ordination he returned to Gtsang and founded a hermitage near Zhwa‑lu monastery in 973.[22]  Besides these few facts, we only know that he was asked by local rulers descended from the old Tibetan imperial line residing in Ru‑lag to send them two monks capable of performing monastic ordinations.[23]  In order to understand what is going on here, it may be useful to know a little about Bon history's account of Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal.

For this we turn to the so‑called Rgyal‑rabs Bon‑gyi 'Byung‑gnas ('Kingly Chronicle Bon Origins') for its version of the transmission lineage of the Vinaya vows:

During the reign of the Zhang‑zhung King Mu‑la‑mu‑sangs,[24] in the time of the suppression of monastic vows, Mu‑zi Gsal‑bzang completely cut off his thoughts, and went into suspended animation.[25]  Eight hundred years later, a horse keeper for the Tangut King Rab‑rtse‑'dus by the name of Sog‑po Sprel‑slog‑can[26] was tending horses by day in the mountains of Mdo‑smad when he noticed a rock chamber formed by the joining of some rocks at their bases.  The cave was light colored against the dark rocks.  As soon as he reached the cave he saw a person sitting on a grass cushion wearing monastic clothes, but with very long hair.  Just seeing this person awakened his karma; he was overcome by faith and folded his hands in reverence.  "Oh Great Personage, please relax your contemplation," he said, but there was no reply.

The next day he returned and repeated the same words again, and this time there was some movement in his face.  The third day, the person replied, "Aie!  You who create interruptions in time!  Are you human or non‑human, or what?"

The horse keeper said, "I am one with an inferior[27] body, suffering thoughts, and am under the power of another."

"Well then, are you capable of the seeds of the teachings?"

"I want to do as you do."

So Mu‑zi granted him the renunciate vows and gave him the name Khri‑'bar‑tshul‑khrims.  He ordained 'Dan‑ma G.yag‑slog‑can[28] and named him Gtsug‑phud-tshul‑khrims.  The latter ordained Shing‑slog‑can[29] and named him Gtsug‑phud‑tshul-khrims.  He, in turn, ordained Bla‑ma Mu‑thur Dgongs‑pa‑gsal, whose ordination name was Shes‑rab‑tshul‑khrims.[30]  He ordained Gnyos A‑rin.  Prior to this, Chos had been suppressed in Tibet, and until the teachings spread later on, there was no Chos.  Lha‑lung Dpal‑rdor[31] asked the monk Gnyos who his ordinator was, and he replied, "It was Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal."  The Tibetans discussed the matter, and then four men from Gtsang, three men from Dbus, seven altogether, went to meet the ordinator Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal to ask for the complete vows.

The Bla‑chen said to them, "Generally there is no difference between Bon and Chos.  My own lineage of discipline ('dul brgyud) is Bon.  Since this is the line of 'appropriate disengagements' (so‑so thar‑pa), you must act according to the rules and directives.  You must promise to keep four signs of not forgetting your ordinator, so that your teachings will greatly flourish, and whichever teaching of the Buddha you propagate it will be fine."

The four signs that show connection with Bon are, the blue 'pillar' (? ka‑ba) of the skirt, the blue flaps, the blue thread used to sew the outer robe, and the blue center of the seating cushion.

Dgongs‑pa‑gsal was broadly learned in all the philosophical systems.  So in the morning he would teach Chos.  At midday he taught Bon.  Later in the evening he taught tantra.[32]

The four men of Gtsang were Lo‑ston Rdo‑rje‑dbang‑phyug, Shes‑rab‑seng‑ge, 'A‑zha Blo‑gros, and Ye‑shes‑snying‑po.  The three men of Dbus were Klu‑mes Tshul‑khrims‑shes‑rab, Rag‑shi Tshul‑khrims‑'byung‑gnas, and Rba Ye‑shes‑blo‑gros…[33]

Later on when Jo‑bo Rje [Atiśa] came to Tibet, they abandoned the vows that they had previously gotten from Bon and said [to Atiśa], "Now we need to take our own Chos vows."

"Accept and bestow vows as you did before."

Then they asked, "Let us take vows for the good of others, and bestow words of protection."

"For that we have Bodhisattva vows.  The vows we actually bestow [on monks] are Hearers' vows.  Keep them as you did before."

Therefore, the Vinaya ('Dul‑ba) vows also go back to Bon.[34]

This general Bonpo explanation for the common origins of Bon and Chos monastic vows in the Later Spread[35] tells us something of the significance for Bonpos of the Gshen‑chen's murder by one of the first monks ordained by Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal.  Despite the uncertain historicity of both stories, they tell us something about the antagonistic relations between Bon and Chos, if not in the tenth and eleventh centuries, perhaps in later centuries when they were written down.

However, we cannot simply dismiss the idea that Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal[36] was a Bonpo, or perhaps even a simultaneous follower of both Bon and Chos.  According to the 1283 religious history by Nel‑pa Pandita, Mo‑zu Gsal‑'bar (here also called Mu‑zu Dge‑ba‑gsal[37]) was the son of a Bonpo, and received his copy of the 'Dul‑ba 'Od‑ldan from a Bonpo.[38]  The Red Annals[39] and other histories call him the son of a Bonpo as well.  The late thirteenth‑century history of Mkhas‑pa Lde'u gives the place of Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal's birth as "the Range of Six Natural Peaks, Everlasting Crystal Rock Cave," well‑known to Bonpos as the place where the Bon tantras were first revealed to 'Chi‑med‑gtsug‑phud.[40]  The same history says that his lay name was Ka‑ra‑'phan, that he studied Bon, and took the Bon name Mu‑zu Gsal‑'bar.[41]  Mkhas‑pa Lde'u even supplies one of the first monks with the nickname Shing‑glag‑can, surely an identical name to that of Shing-slog-can, the ordinator of Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal in the Bon version.

Undoubtedly the effort to account for these complex interconnections between the Bon and Chos historical testimonies will produce many headaches for those future scholars concerned about finding historical truths behind or between them.  It may well be that Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal, having been educated as a young man in Bon, retained an open attitude, and ordained persons regardless of their religious partisanship.  Thus, it would not be so improbable that he could have served as source of monastic vows for both traditions.  At the same time or, perhaps, on the other hand, both the Chos and Bon stories of Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal seem to have, in some part, formed and informed each other in an on‑going dialogue, a dialogue that may well be continued in our twentieth‑century story of the Gshen‑chen's death by poisoning.  A closer scrutiny of the sources will certainly and in any case yield previously unsuspected perspectives on the religious realities of the times that would subsequently be called the period of the Phyi Dar, or 'Later Spreading' of monastic ordinations.  One of our most important and difficult tasks will be to separate the historical information from the poison of polemical motivation that went into the creation of the historical narratives.

* * *

Postscript

Since submitting this article for publication two older sources for the idea that Gshen-chen Klu-dga' was poisoned by the monk Lo-ston have come to our attention.  The first is an 'explanatory text' (rnam-bshad) by the Sman-ri Abbot Nyi-ma-bstan-'dzin (1813-1875) devoted to explaining — and justifying in light of possible objections — the dates proposed for Bon historical figures in his separate 'chronology' (bstan-rtsis) which has been published, translated and studied in Per Kvaerne, 'A Chronological Table of the Bon po: The Bstan rčis of Ñi ma bstan 'jin', Acta Orientalia, vol. 33 (1971), pp. 205-282.  The 'explanatory text', which was composed in 1842, the same year as the 'chronology', was published under the title Bstan-rtsis-kyi Rnam-bshad Mthong-ba'i Dga'-ston-nam Dogs Bsal Pan-tsa-li-ka'i Chun-po, contained in:  Tibetan Žang Žung Dictionary, The Bonpo Foundation, Lahore Press (Delhi 1965), pp. 41-61.  On pp. 55-56 of this work, Nyi-ma-bstan-'dzin says,

There are those who say that Gshen-chen Klu-dga' appeared within the second sixty-year cycle (rab-byung gnyis-pa, i.e., between 1087 and 1146), but this is not the case, since it is contradicted [by the following account].  Among the ten monks(ban-dhe) of the 'other community' (gzhan sde) who, they say, took their vows from Bla-chen Mu-thur was one Lo-ston Rdo-rje-dbang-phyug.  Since he was the Gshen's 'treasure demon' (gter bdud), he gave poison and Gshen-chen Klu-dga' passed into bliss.  He himself, since he violated the commands of Ye-shes-dbal-mo, died after three days of a 'heart attack' (snying gzer). 

Note that Ye-shes-dbal-mo is a treasure protector (gter-bdag) to whom several Bon ritual texts have been devoted (for example, Shar-rdza Bkra-shis-rgyal-mtshan, Nam-mkha' Mdzod, Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre [Dolanji 1973], vol. 1, pp. 309-332). Snying gzer, which we have translated 'heart attack' is one of a group of seven heart diseases known to Tibetan medicine, one which involves a sharp and biting pain in the chest.  The assumption here is that the story of Gshen-chen's poisoning by Lo-ston is something wellknown, and so it should convince us that Gshen-chen lived during the time when the first monks of the Second Spread (Phyi Dar) were active, in the late 10th and early 11th centuries.  Indeed, even if Nyi-ma-bstan-'dzin does not mention the fact, an anti-Bon polemical passage in an early 13th-century work, the Dgongs-gcig Yig-cha, agrees in dating Gshen-chen to the time of the Second Spread (see MARTIN, 'Unearthing Bon Treasures').

The second source, which despite its brevity is of even greater significance on account of its relative age, is the Gter-gyis Kha-byang by the late 14th-century teacher Sga-ston Tshul-khrims-rgyal-mtshan.  This general history of the 'treasures' (gter-ma) of Bon exists in the form of a 45-folio manuscript kept in the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives at Gangchen Kyishong (Himachal Pradesh, India), accessions no. 17765.  On folios 17 verso through 21 recto is a rather detailed account of the 'southern treasures' (lho gter) found by Gshen-chen.  The photographic copy with which we must work is very difficult to read in places, in part due to the dark scoring lines in the original manuscript, and in part because of its shorthand cursive style.  Nevertheless on folio 21 recto, lines 3-4, it states very simply and clearly: "Lo-btsun Rdo-rje-dbang-phyug murdered him with poison" (in 'strict' transcription, lo btsun rdoer dbang phyugis dugis skrongso).

Although both textual passages still date from a time quite distant from the events they portray, they do assure us that the story of Gshen-chen's poisoning goes much further back in Bon religion's historical consciousness than we might have otherwise suspected.

Bibliographical References

DBAL-CHU'I LAS-TSHOGS.

Dbal-chu'i Las-tshogs / Gsang-sngags Dbal-chu'i Las-tshogs, and Kun-bzang Drag 'Khros‑kyi Sgrub Skor, Tenzin Namdak, Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (Dolanji 1973).

DPAL-TSHUL, G.yung-drung Bon-gyi. 

Dpal-tshul (=Dpal-ldan-tshul-khrims), G.yung-drung Bon-gyi Bstan-'byung, Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (Dolanji 1972), 2 volumes.

KARMAY, Treasury. 

Samten G. Karmay, The Treasury of Good Sayings: A Tibetan History of Bon, London Oriental Series volume 26, Oxford University Press (London 1972).

 KHRO. 

Skyabs-ston Rin-chen-'od-zer, Spyi-spungs Khro-bo Dbang-chen-gyi 'Grel-pa (and the Dbal‑phur Spyi Don rediscovered by Khu-tsha Zla-'od), Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (New Thobgyal 1973).

KUIJP, Contributions.

Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp, Contributions to the Development of Tibetan Buddhist Epistemology: From the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH (Wiesbaden 1983).

LDE'U, Chos-'byung.

Mkhas-pa Lde'u, Mkhas-pa Lde'us Mdzad-pa'i Rgya Bod-kyi Chos-'byung Rgyas‑pa, Bod‑ljongs Mi-dmangs Dpe-skrun-khang (Shin-hwa 1987).

MARTIN, Mandala Cosmogony. 

Dan Martin, Mandala Cosmogony: Human Body Good Thought and the Revelation of the Secret Mother Tantras of Bon, Harrassowitz Verlag (Wiesbaden 1994).

MARTIN, 'Star King'.

Dan Martin, 'The Star King and the Four Children of Pehar: Popular Religious Movements of 11th- to 12th-century Tibet', unpublished paper.

MARTIN, 'Unearthing Bon Treasures'.

Dan Martin, 'Unearthing Bon Treasures: A Study of Tibetan Sources on the Earlier Years in the Life of Gshen-chen Klu-dga' (996-1035)'.  Unpublished paper.

MKHAS-GRUB, Bstan-'byung. 

Mkhas-grub Lung-rtogs-rgya-mtsho (=Tshangs-sras-ngag-gi-zla-ba-dpyod-ldan-lha‑yi‑bshes-gnyen), Bstan-'byung Rig-pa'i Shan-'byed Nor-bu Ke-ta-ka'i Do-shal.  I used a photocopy from photographs made of a manuscript which remains inside Tibet.  I was able to use it at Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, but at present have only my notes for reference.  The original manuscript has 123 folios.

NE'U PAṆḌI-TA, Sngon-gyi Gtam.

Ne'u Paṇḍi-ta Grags-pa-smon-lam-blo-gros, Sngon-gyi Gtam Me-tog-gi Phreng-ba, "with other historical texts from the library of Burmiok Athing," T.D. Densapa, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives (Dharamsala 1985).

PADMA-DKAR-PO, Chos-'byung. 

'Brug-chen IV Padma-dkar-po, Chos-'byung Bstan-pa'i Padma Rgyas-pa'i Nyin‑byed.  Contained in:  'Brug-chen IV Padma-dkar-po, Collected Works (Gsung-'bum) of Kun‑mkhyen Padma-dkar-po, Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso Khang (Darjeeling 1973), vol. 2, pp. 1-619.  Note: page numbers correspond to the edition in the atapiaka Series.

ROERICH, Blue Annals. 

George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, Motilal Banarsidass (Delhi 1976).  The author of the translated text is 'Gos Lo-tsâ-ba Gzhon-nu-dpal, composed in 1476-1478.

SFHB. 

Sources for a History of Bon, Tenzin Namdak, Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (Dolanji 1972).

THREE SOURCES. 

Three Sources for a History of Bon, Khedup Gyatso, Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (Dolanji 1974).

TSHAL-PA, Deb-ther Dmar-po.

Tshal-pa Kun-dga'-rdo-rje, Deb-ther Dmar-po (=Deb-ther Dmar-po-rnams-kyi Dang‑po Hu‑lan Deb-ther), with annotations by Dung-dkar Rin-po-che Blo-bzang-'phrin-las, Mi‑rigs Dpe-skrun-khang (Peking 1981).

WATSON, 'Introduction'.

Craig E. Watson, 'The Introduction of the Second Propagation of Buddhism in Tibet according to R.A. Stein's Edition of the Sba-bzhed,' The Tibet Journal, vol. 5, no. 4 (Winter 1980), pp. 20-27.

WATSON, 'Second Propagation'.

Craig E. Watson, 'The Second Propagation of Buddhism from Eastern Tibet according to the Short Biography of Dgongs-pa Rab-gsal by the Third Thukvan Blo-bzang Chos-kyi Nyi-ma (1737-1802),' Central Asiatic Journal, vol. 22, nos. 3-4 (1978), pp. 263-285.

YAR-LUNG JO-BO, Chos-'byung.

Yar-lung Jo-bo Shâkya-rin-chen-sde, Yar-lung Jo-bo'i Chos-'byung, Si-khron Mi‑rigs Dpe-skrun-khang (Cheng-tu 1987).

ZHE-CHEN, Chos-'byung.

Zhe-chen Rgyal-tshab Padma-rnam-rgyal, Snga-'gyur Rdo-rje-theg-pa Gtso-bor Gyur‑pa'i Sgrub Brgyud Shing-rta Brgyad-kyi Byung-ba Brjod-pa'i Gtam Mdor-bsdus Legs‑bshad Padma Dkar-po'i Rdzing-bu (=A Concise Historical Account of the Techniques of Esoteric Realization of the Nyingmapa and Other Buddhist Traditions of Tibet) "reproduced from a manuscript from the collection of A.W. Macdonald," T.Y Tashigangpa (Leh 1971).

[1]This paper forms a sequel to another entitled "Unearthing Bon Treasures: A Study of Tibetan Sources on the Earlier Years in the Life of Gshen-chen Klu-dga'."  For testimony on dates differing from those given here, see DPAL‑TSHUL, G.yung‑drung Bon‑gyi, vol. 2, p. 247, where it is said that the Gshen‑chen was born in a Fire Monkey year (996) and died in his forty‑third year, a Tiger year (accordingly 1038).

[2]The anti-Bon passage from the Single Intention has been translated in a paper in preparation.

[3]He is listed as one of the Gshen‑chen's disciples belonging to a group called the 'Eight Pillars of Lower Nyang'. 

[4]There was a place in Yar‑'brog called Do, which might be intended here (the eleventh century Mar‑pa Do‑pa came from this place).  The word do may mean "an island in a lake" (KARMAY, Treasury, p. 350).

[5]This proper name is otherwise unknown to me, except as the name of a 'treasure protector' (gter bdag).  See, for example, SFHB, pp. 757.5, 760.5.

[6]His story, as transmitter of the oral teachings from Zhang‑zhung known as 'Fire Mountain' (Me‑ri), is briefly told in SFHB, p. 704.5.  See also DPAL‑TSHUL, G.yung‑drung Bon‑gyi, vol. 2, pp. 331.6‑332.2.  Klu‑dga's journey was quite a lengthy one from 'Brig‑mtshams almost due north to the Shangs Valley, which contains a north tributary of the Brahmaputra River.

[7]Although we would hesitate to assert this too strongly, it is possible that this white figure might be the spirit Pe-har, who often in stories about the 11th through 12th centuries appears in the form of a white figure, and frequently as a young monk, possibly going toward explaining the young monk who had a role in the story of the death of the Gshen-chen.  See MARTIN, 'Star King'.

[8]Dngos‑grub chen‑po, here referring the excavated texts.

[9]No doubt Srid‑pa'i Rgyal‑mo ('Queen of Existence') is intended here.

[10]A text called Inner Tantra Subduing the Enemies:  Red Gtso  (Gtso Dmar Dgra 'Dul Nang‑gi Rgyud) is mentioned in SFHB, p. 621.2.  Gtso, and, more frequently, btso or tso are different spellings for dzwa, all of which refer to magical proto‑missiles which play a part in the story of Srong-btsan-sgam-po's conquest of Zhang‑zhung, for example.  Some texts devoted to them may be found in DBAL‑CHU'I LAS‑TSHOGS, including a cycle of Zhang‑zhung Dzwa Dmar.

[11]These statements seem to reflect, at some stage in Bon history, a strained dialogue  between the proponents of excavated scriptures (which make up the great bulk of the Bon scriptures) and the proponents of unbroken transmissions from Zhang‑zhung.

[12]This is probably intended to refer to the trading center (tshong-'dus) of Mgur-mo, a monastery in Gtsang founded by Lo-ston Rdo-rje-dbang-phyug.  He had travelled from the central Tibetan province of Dbus to Gtsang province in the company of a group of traders.  It is worthy of note that one of Lo-ston's disciples founded a temple in 'Brig-mtshams, the site of much of the Gshen-chen's activity (MARTIN, 'Unearthing Bon Treasures').  Although this would require careful research and argument before it could be accepted as established, it is possible that local conflict at 'Brig-mtshams between the Bon followers of the Gshen-chen and the monastic Chos followers of Lo-ston could have led to the following 'historical' (?) account of the Gshen-chen's assassination by Lo-ston.

[13]This might be a reference to the Gshen‑chen's first disciple Me‑nyag Na‑gu.  During this period, Me-nyag (or frequently Mi-nyag) is the Tibetan name for the kingdom and nation of the Tanguts.  In later centuries the same name would be given to groups of people who evidently descended from the Tanguts, or to the places in Tibet where those people settled.

[14]For his story, see KARMAY, Treasury, pp. xxii‑xxiii.

[15]Earthquakes and unusual lights are among the several signs of saintly death that have been quite well known in Tibetan history, at least since the 11th century, and undoubtedly find their literary inspiration in sûtra accounts of the death of the Buddha.

[16]According to the Gshen‑chen's first-person narrative, this should be eleven years.

[17]Shar‑rdza concurs with this chronology; see KARMAY, Treasury, p. 117.

[18]This is probably a reference to KHRO, where the story of Gri‑gum‑btsan‑po is told at p. 58.5 and following.

[19]Translated passage to be found in MKHAS‑GRUB, Bstan‑'byung, folios 69v.3‑71v.2.

[20]For these accounts, see MARTIN, 'Unearthing Bon Treasures'.

[21]See, for instance, PADMA‑DKAR‑PO, Chos‑'byung, p. 340.3.  The story of the earliest monks of the Later Spread is quite complex, and also quite interesting, but cannot be covered in this context. 

[22]KUIJP, Contributions, p. 6. 

[23]ROERICH, Blue Annals, p. 205.  Incidentally, Lo‑ston Rdo‑rje‑dbang‑phyug must not be confused with his near contemporary, a disciple of Klu‑mes named Sna‑nam Rdo‑rje-dbang‑phyug (976‑1060) who founded the Rgyal Lha‑khang in 1012 (PADMA‑DKAR‑PO, Chos‑'byung, p. 342.3; ROERICH, Blue Annals, p. 87).

[24]Following the Zhang-zhung glossaries, this Zhang-zhung language name ought to correspond to Tibetan Nam-mkha' Sangs-rgyas ('Sky Buddha').

[25]'Suspended animation' here translates 'gog‑pa (Sanskrit nirodha), 'trance of cessation'.  Such trances are associated with 'hibernating' arhats who will be awakened only with the coming of the future Buddha Maitreya.  See YAR‑LUNG JO‑BO, Chos‑'byung, p. 21, for an example from Chinese Buddhist history, noting that the same word, 'gog‑pa, is used there.  One should bear in mind that the interpretation of 'gog-pa as a kind of suspended animation reflects critically-toned Mahâyâna rereadings of the Arhat ideal.

[26]His name signifies that he was [in these pre-Mongol times] a Sogdian and that he wore a cloak made of monkey fur.

[27]I read dman‑pa for sman‑pa, a reading justified by SFHB, p. 697.7.

[28]His proper name was Ldan‑ma Rin‑gzungs (SFHB, p. 698.2).  His nickname is explained by his dressing in a yak-fur cloak.

[29]His proper name was Grum G.yung‑drung‑'bar (SFHB, p. 698.2).

[30]SFHB, p. 698.3, lists his names as Ya‑zi Bon‑ston, Shes‑rab‑tshul‑khrims, and Bla[‑ma] Mu‑thur Dgongs‑pa‑gsal.

[31]This is, of course, Lha‑lung Dpal‑gyi‑rdo‑rje, the assassin of Glang‑dar‑ma.

[32]Dr. Michael Walter (Bloomington) suggested to me that this paragraph is a cliché, also found in stories about Padmasambhava, Vairocana and others.

[33]I have omitted a few lines about the religious establishments of the seven monks.  In SFHB, pp. 698.7 ff, the names of the monks are listed as Lo‑ston Rdo‑rje‑dbang‑phyug, Tsong‑ge Shes‑rab‑seng‑ghe, 'A‑zha Rgyal‑ba‑blo‑gros, and 'Bre Ye‑shes‑snying‑po –– the four from Gtsang; and from Dbus –– Slu‑mes [=Klu‑mes] Tshul‑khrims‑shes‑rab, Rag‑shi Tshul‑khrims‑'byung‑gnas, and Rba Ye‑shes‑blo‑gros.  Although most later histories mention five men each from Dbus and Gtsang, TSHAL‑PA, Deb‑ther Dmar‑po, p. 41, for example, lists seven (or six, depending on the reading).

[34]Translated passage found in the Rgyal‑rabs Bon‑gyi 'Byung‑gnas as found in THREE SOURCES, pp. 174.2‑179.2.  This translation may be profitably compared with a translation of Shar‑rdza's retelling of the same events (with some curious additions and differences) in KARMAY, Treasury, pp. 105‑109.  It is also interesting to compare the story of the 'obs‑zhu in KARMAY, Treasury, p. 109, with its parallel story in PADMA‑DKAR‑PO, Chos‑'byung, p. 341.6 (also, ZHE‑CHEN, Chos‑'byung, p. 82.6).

[35]Other Bon histories tell the same story with differences in the details.  Spa‑ston, however, denies that Mu‑zi entered into suspended animation in the time of Dri‑gum‑btsan‑po, arguing that this happened much later, after the suppression by Khri‑srong‑lde‑brtsan (SFHB, p. 676.5 ff), making the length of his trance about two hundred (SFHB, p. 697.2) rather than eight hundred years.  For one author who argues for a 1,800 year period, see DPAL‑TSHUL, G.yung‑drung Bon‑gyi, vol. 1, p. 546.6.

[36]On Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal in Chos traditions, see especially WATSON, 'Introduction', and WATSON, 'Second Propagation'.

[37]Dge‑ba‑gsal was the name given him at his ordination, later changed to Dgongs‑pa‑rab‑gsal.

[38]NE'U PAṆḌ-ITA, Sngon‑gyi Gtam, p. 30.6 ff.  LDE'U, Chos‑'byung, p. 391, says that this same text, the 'Dul‑ba 'Od‑ldan, was given to him by the monks from Central Tibet.  This would refer to the Vinaya commentary by Śâkyaprabha, the Prabhâvatî.

[39]TSHAL‑PA, Deb‑ther Dmar‑po, p. 41.

[40]MARTIN, 'Mandala Cosmogony', p. 24.

[41]LDE'U, Chos‑'byung, p. 390.  Note that the Lde'u history was composed by an adherent of the Rnying-ma-pa school.