Tayabas in 1823
An Appreciation of an Essay by Fr. Bartolomé Galan, O.F.M.©
Bruce Cruikshank, DBC Research Institute 9 September 2014
The essay I refer to is an informative report on the province of Tayabas[1] written in 1823 and preserved as a manuscript at the Newberry Library.[2] The Franciscan author, P. Fr. Bartolomé Galan, systematically presents short but informative descriptions of crops and manufactures from the pueblo (municipality) of Tayabas to Lucban, Saryaya, Tiaon, and ten other municipalities. He includes asides on commercial activity among the municipalities there and with pueblos in other provinces.
The manuscript has been published by P. Fr. Antolín Abad Pérez, O.F.M., as “Una vision de Filipinas y de su economica de principios del siglo XIX. Informe del P. Bartolomé Galan en 1823,” in Missionalia Hispanica, 37: 109-111 (1980), 175-210. The published text is what I have used; I have not compared it to the Newberry original, assuming a faithful transcription. Footnotes will be reserved for references and comments less directly linked to the 1823 manuscript. I anticipate that the footnotes will become more numerous and fuller as I continue my reading and research in other sources. I will at times quote at length sections of the material in the endnotes so that scholars without ready access to the journal can see exactly what was said.
I will give a short summary of the essay in Part One. In Part Two I will extract patterns of production and commerce to show how varied and widespread the economic network in and outside of the province of Tayabas was at that time. This is an early draft of my work. Drafts are dated to indicate significant updates.
Bruce Cruikshank
dbc_research_institute@yahoo.com
Omaha, NE, USA
Part One
The report itself[3] begins with an introductory section explaining that Fr. Bartolomé Galan wrote his essay in response to a January 1823 request from the Junta Económica de Industria de Manila to describe the agriculture, commerce, and industry of the province and what would be necessary to facilitate their increase and to eliminate obstacles to their flourishing (183-184). His plan is to go municipality by municipality to explain where agriculture, industry, and commerce are doing well and where they are not. Before beginning he makes general points regarding government rules that adversely affect the province (184-186),[i] namely obligations mandated for the priest and pueblo officials, the legal and social difficulties in using lands that are claimed but unused, and restrictions on killing cows and carabaos.
He then begins his survey, with Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce described for each of the pueblos in turn. He begins with the municipality carrying the same name as the province and says that the agriculture of Tayabas pueblo is centered on rice cultivation, both dry and irrigated, with two crops per year. What rice is not consumed in the municipality is sold there or carried to Mahayhay for sale. Also grown is wheat, with any surplus sold at Santa Cruz in Laguna. Less successful is the production of maize while cocoa is produced abundantly (unless typhoons have wiped out the plants), bought by Manila merchants for shipment to and sale in Spain. He also mentions coffee, sugar cane, sesame, and various fruits. Trade in brown sugar, panocha “that here they call pacascas,” is strong, both for a notable local consumption as well as exports “that are sold advantageously” to San Pablo, Mauban, Atimonan, Gumaca, Catanavan, Ilunay, and even Marinduque. In terms of industry, Tayabas pueblo has just a little weaving and specializes in home production of sacks or bags (bayones) for rice and other crops, as well as for the manufacture of sails. Coconuts and their oil is sold “to advantage at the great market in Santa Cruz” (188), but “the most useful branch of industry in this municipality is cattle raising.” He concludes this section on the pueblo of Tayabas by commenting that Moro raids have adversely affected trade. What had been a healthy trade with Marinduque, Romblón, and Antiqui has been essentially extinguished (189).
Lucban, the next pueblo to be described, also has its agriculture dominated almost exclusively by rice, apparently also both wet and dry, with the surplus sent to Mahayhay for its Monday market as well as to Lilio and Nagcarlan. Its major industry is hat manufacture as well as mats called bancuanes, with sales made in Santa Cruz de la Laguna (189). Also sold in Santa Cruz is oil from coconuts.
Saryaya also cultivates significant amounts of rice, again both dry and wet, two crops per year, selling the surplus to San Pablo, Lucban, and even some to the pueblo of Tayabas. Along with a little wheat, some coffee, and some coconuts, the priest comments that cotton would grow well here and would succeed with proper machinery, security in sales, and confidence by the residents that it would be a safe bet (191).[ii] In terms of “Industry” Father Bartolomé says that there is only the raising of cattle and horses, competing with the pueblo of Tayabas for the first and being superior to it with the second (191).
Tiaong is the fourth municipality mentioned, growing rice (only dry), with any surplus sold in San Pablo. Only a little cocoa is grown. They also grow some wheat along with (191) other items taken to Santa Cruz de la Laguna and then on to Manila by that city’s merchants.[iii] He goes on to mention some cattle raising and sales of carabaos and horses, but Father Bartolomé indicates in a long paragraph (192) that the general well-being and economic development of this pueblo is drastically hindered by its location as the center of wide-spread banditry extending to the neighboring areas of Laguna de Bay and Batangas. There are, as a result, widespread theft and rustling, flight to other pueblos where there is greater safety, and links of the bandits to an organization throughout the nearby provinces extending all the way to Manila. The economic promise of the municipality is undeveloped and “it is unbelievable that the Spaniard looks with indifference on this collection of terrestrial pirates.” The government could do more against it. Local political leaders might be in the pockets of the criminals.[iv]
Father Bartolomé uses his presentation on the municipality of Pagbilao to spend almost two full pages (193-194) discussing disadvantages of small pueblos and how difficult it is for them to increase in population size and activity.[v] He does observe though (194) that Pagbilao’s location near larger pueblos allows its inhabitants better prices for purchases and for selling its goods.[vi] Pagbilao grows rice, almost enough to feed its population through the year, but little else except for cattle, which are numerous and “not held in common as in the pueblo of Tayabas but rather owned by individuals…” (195). The residents are active in fishing and “sell their fish with advantage in Tayabas and in Lucban,” but for very little in total (195). He mentions as well wax, balate [sea cucumbers—I will use the term balate throughout], some “excellent wood,” abaca mats, and trees with brea blanca[4] in nearby islands. Otherwise there is little to note in agriculture, commerce, and industry here.
Productions and productive activity are even less in Macalelon (with its visita[5] Pitogo), producing mainly root crops and other items: “in a word, Macalelon is “an example more typical of misery and barbarism” (195), both due to lack of productive lands and also to depredations of the Moros. The visita of Pitogo suffers from some of the same disadvantages but produces a bit more rice, has more promising agricultural prospects, and the people there are “more industrious” (195). He concludes for the two settlements (196) that “[i]f it were not for the obligation to pay the tribute, there would be no industry at all.” To take care of that obligation the inhabitants of Macalelon hunt game in the mountain and sell what they kill “generally” in Macalelon or in Gumaca. Even so, and while the tribute obligation is small, “there is no year that there are not cabezas de barangay [from here] imprisoned” for failure to collect the amounts owing (196). Pitogo pays its tribute with wax and its inhabitants are able usually to pay their tribute obligations, barely. The fish they catch would earn enough for their tribute dues, but the possible markets for their catch are too far away to serve.
Regarding Catanvan, Father Bartolomé remarks (196) that “I have seen this pueblo various times and always with grief,” since its lands only produce enough rice to feed them for four months of the year even though the potential is good for better productivity. They have a lot of carabao but their major commercial activity is to sell resin or pitch to boats from Capis, Iloilo, and Antiqui for the rice they need. They also use resin to pay their tribute. “Some years past the priest there helped to send boats to Burias to collect balate but the second year they went the Moros put an end to the effort (196).” The fundamental problem of “the decadence of this pueblo” is due to the addiction of its men, women, and children to card playing, which they carry out night and day (196-197), hamstringing the promise of its products and commerce.[vii]
Mulanay is represented in only a single paragraph (197), where we are told that the agriculture, commerce, and industry is the same as in Catanavan, that the same gambling affliction reigns here as well, and the inhabitants also use pitch or resin to pay their tribute and purchase rice. It has a visita called Londoc that makes up a fourth of the pueblo’s population, where in addition to pitch they hunt runaway carabao to make dry and salted meat (tapa) for sale. Many have fled to the mountains [presumably to evade Moro attacks] and collect some wax there.
Obuyón occupies a single paragraph also (197-198), but the length of text is about three times longer than the one for Mulanay. Even so, we read that the situation there is “more miserable and unfortunate” than in Catanavan and Mulanay since “there is no agriculture whatsoever” (198) and the Moros have driven them from the lowlands by the gulf of Ragay, have discouraged them from traveling by water, and effectively have put a stop to all efforts by the residents of Obuyón to improve themselves. Only collection in the mountains of some forest and root crops, pitch for their tribute, and carabaos in some sitios enable the inhabitants to survive, “passing a miserable life, as you can imagine” (198). They take the resin by land to Mulanay, a day’s journey, without knowing what price they will get ahead of time.[viii] In addition, the pueblo cannot meets its obligations for support of the parish priest, causing tension since the inhabitants have nothing extra to give and the priest because he has nothing to eat. The Moro impact is devastating here, where “they move about with complete freedom, just as if they were in Mindanao” (198).
This tale of misery continues with the section on Guinayangan, with no agriculture and with the pueblo itself burned in a raid by the Moros some three years earlier (198). The inhabitants struggle to pay their tribute obligation, scraping together some pitch, balate, and wax, but with such little success that “annually the two cabezas de barangay are imprisoned” in the pueblo of Tayabas due to shortages in tribute collection (198-199). If there is any surplus of products collected to sell, they are sold in Gumaca (199).[ix]
The recitation of distress is ameliorated as Father Bartolomé turns to Calavag and its companion Apar (199-200). Though they too are frequently under threat from the Moros and have no rice agriculture, subsisting solely on root crops and rice they can buy from Gumaca and its visita Talolong, they are better off since “in their clearings they have bananas and some vegetables.” When the Moros are not about they are able to harvest balate and tortoise shells as well as some wax in the mountains that they sell to nearby pueblos to cover their tribute and buy rice and clothing. Father Bartolomé ends this section with a fairly lengthy and glowing discursion discussing a plan and its promise to link Apar with Polillo and Camarines (199-200).[x] At the end of his discourse he reveals a bit of his philosophy and creative optimism in regards to making the province a better and more profitable place for its inhabitants.[xi]
Father Bartolomé then turns back from a description of what might be to an overview of the situation of what actually existed when he was writing, this time with the municipality of Gumaca. It produces a good quantity of rice but imports quantities of the grain from Atimonan and the Camarines to make up what is needed for its population. Grown but not exported due to small quantities produced are coffee, fruit, and vegetables. There is also cocoa grown here, especially in its visita of Talolong[xii], as well as peppers until government interference in local decisions on what to plant discouraged its cultivation. Government orders were resisted effectively by Filipinos,[6] emphasizing (200) that if one “leaves the decision of what to grow to each farmer, prosperity will follow. Nothing will be gained by orders and contracts.”[xiii] The pueblo is also known for its well-woven mats and the residents are also active in fishing for balate and tortoise shells on the island of Alabat (201). They harvest wax in the mountains and do some trading with remontados on the island of Alabat.[xiv] Indeed their sea trade extends into the Visayas, to Naga, to Paracali, Mambulao, Atimonan, and Mauban, and they go even to Manila “where they sell the goods with profit in spite of the cost of transport” (201).[xv]
Atimonan is also successful economically, even with the drain of having to post one hundred men weekly to watch out for Moros (201). Rice is the most important crop, selling surplus to Gumaca, Mauban, and smaller pueblos in the province. They grow cocoa as well as some coffee, fruit, roots, vegetables, but just enough of these for the pueblo. Their main industry is weaving, with some three hundred looms in the pueblo used by the women in the evenings, an industry introduced in 1807 by a Franciscan who brought the method from Albay (201-202).[xvi] There are coconuts, but production for sale has dropped since the introduction of la renta del vino (202).[xvii] Balate, wax, and tortoise shells are purchased from the Dumagas[7] on the island of Alabat, and these products are then taken to Manila for sale (202).[xviii]
Mauban is the last of the pueblos of this province, and it was a prosperous one (202-204), not so much from agriculture but from trade. There is rice grown here, but the bulk of what it needs comes from Atimonan and, occasionally, from the Camarines (202-203). Aside from some coconut palms, miscellaneous fruits, and vegetables, agriculture here is of little significance. In terms of manufacturing, there are looms for fabrics such as described for Atimonan, and some hat and mat making. Balate, tortoise shells, and resin are collected in the islands of Sanhirin and Alabat, all of which are traded to Lucban, Binangonan, and Polillo, and even on to Manila. Much of their income comes from portage from the Camarines through Atimonan and Gumaca to Santa Cruz de la Laguna and on to Manila (203).[xix] Before moving on to the section on Commerce, Father Bartolomé uses three paragraphs putting forth his vision of prosperity for the Islands. I will come back to this in the next section. Mauban was notable in its commercial activity until Moro activity put a stop to it, from trade usually worth 30,000 pesos to what now he estimates would be only two or three thousand pesos, “a sad memory of its former self” (204).[xx]
For the rest of the essay, Father Bartolomé speaks directly to the topic of Moro raids, addressing in turn the losses occasioned (204),[xxi] the failure of the Spanish authorities to better combat these raids (204-205), clever tactics used by the Moros (205), an example of Spanish incompetence four years earlier by a Spanish squadron commander (205-206),[xxii] and inadequate ships in number and design in comparison with those the Moros used (206-207 and again on 208). Perhaps the most interesting observation he makes (207) is that most of the Moros are locally based,[xxiii] a point partially confirmed by Jim Warren.[8] He then discusses the plan of Tomas Comin [sic, Comyn] for the Spanish to conquer Mindanao and Jolo, concluding (207) that available resources do not favor any such effort.[xxiv] He follows up by presenting his own plan (207-209), with its focus on local sea and land forces where similar methods have worked in Mulanay, Catanavan, Pitogo, and the pueblo of Tayabas (208).[xxv] He then leaves us with a hosanna for his plan (209)[xxvi] and signs off in the pueblo of Tayabas, 8 April 1823, to return to his pastoral work during that period of Lent.
Part Two
P. Fr. Bartolomé Galán, O.F.M., had a long and productive life as priest and as an administrator in the Philippines, in Spain, and then back in the Islands. He was born in Pozoblanco, Córdoba, Spain, in December of 1768, took his vows as a priest and Franciscan in Seville in 1783-84, and arrived in the Philippines in 1788.[9] He went back to to Spain in 1828 to represent the Franciscan Province in the Philippines and recruit new priests for service in the Islands, returning to the Philippines in 1838. Father Bartolomé spent the rest of his life in the Philippines, dying in Pagsanhan 23 March 1841. Judging from his three trips across the Pacific and years in the Philippine provinces, he seems to have been a person of sturdy constitution. Much of his pastoral work was in the province of Tayabas, and he clearly had the mix of experience and personal knowledge to write knowledgeably about that region. He held the following positions in his life in the Islands:[10]
· parish priest in Caboan, San Miguel, Paquil, Tayabas, Morong—he was assigned to the parish of Tayabas in 1804, 1805, 1808, 1810, 1811, 1813, 1814, 1816, 1817, 1819, and 1820.
· administrative positions within the Franciscan Province (some held concurrently with parish priest obligations), were listed for him in 1804, 1805, 1807, 1810, 1811, 1839, 1840; and
· head of the Philippine Franciscan Province in 1825 and 1826.
There is an immense amount of data in Father Bartolomé’s report. It is a remarkable piece of work, certainly one of the few outstanding bits of reportage that exist for this time on the Philippines. It certainly is as significant as the works by Francisco Leandro de Viana,[11] Mas[12], or Tomás de Comyn,[13] though with a much greater focus on only one Philippine province and not the colony as a whole. Perhaps, though, the most exceptional aspect of his report is his mindset, where in one extended section (203-204) he imagines how widespread cotton cultivation in the Islands could lead to major exports of both the fiber and woven items, and how all would benefit. If the obstacles then encountered in the Philippines against crop choice, cultivation, and free trade were removed, the colony and its inhabitants he asserts would prosper through expanded commerce to Europe and the Americas.[xxvii] Father Bartolomé is adamant that the Filipino must be freed from restrictions on their industriousness and the free marketing of the products of that labor: “The Government must be content with protecting them while eradicating all that obstructs” the efforts of the agriculturist or owner (186).[xxviii]
He proceeds by pointing out that outsiders cannot know the conditions and opportunities as well as the inhabitants.[xxix] He continues by saying “that we have a good example in the sugar and other crops” that show that they have quickly responded to market incentives.”[xxx] Then Father Bartolomé adds (186) what is perhaps the most remarkable statement in this extraordinary document: “Provide the means so we can sell our goods, eliminate obstacles and we will see if the Filipinos are indolent as they are commonly, without critical examination, characterized.”[xxxi] I denominate this as a “remarkable statement” since at this time in the Philippines there were many reports describing how best to foster Philippine economic development. Perhaps a majority of them were characterized both by emphasis on top-down change initiated and supervised by Spaniards over the provincial Filipino, not infrequently characterized as “lazy.”
Father Bartolomé emphasizes Filipino responses to perceived opportunity, identifies institutional and political obstacles to opportunity, and forthrightly and (I think) correctly recognizes the abilities and potential of the Filipino population. He details the industriousness and activity among the pueblos in the province of Tayabas at this time. At several points he tempers his enthusiasm, for instance when he talks of gambling, banditry, and the failure to maximize profits from cocoa in the pueblo of Tayabas (187) due to excessive expenditures on marriages and fiesta.[xxxii] He clearly, though, recognizes the diligence and initiative of the Filipino agriculturist, saying forthrightly (191) that “No orders are needed for the economy to reach its fullest potential, just reasonable prices and prompt movement of goods.”[xxxiii]
No essay is perfect, of course, and it is too bad that Father Bartolomé does not explain and expand on some of his statements, most notably perhaps
· the offhand statement (195) that the cattle in Pagbilao are owned by individuals and “not held in common as in the pueblo of Tayabas….”
· I would have liked to have known more about local markets and when they were held, such as the Monday market in Mahayhay (189). Did most or all pueblos have weekly markets?
· It would have been useful to have more individuals named in the essay—I identified names of another Franciscan (Spanish), two governors (190, 194, and 199, Spanish), a unnamed naval commander, another writer (207, de Comyn, Spanish), and an unnamed gobernadorcillo (205, Filipino) and a secular cleric (207, probably Filipino). I would have liked to have the names and more about Filipino local leaders as well as the non-elite women and male individuals in the pueblos.
· It would have been most useful to learn more about the traders from Manila he twice mentions in passing (187, 191).
· Indeed, who were the traders generally, were they independent or working with and for the Alcaldes mayores [governors], were they principal citizens of the pueblos, did they buy as individuals or were they organized or agents of a larger trading network?
· Were purchases made directly by seller and buyer or were there arrangements based on loans made earlier against future delivery?
· He refers to the English and Chinese in passing (203)—is this a reference to their East Asian trade in general, were there British traders in the area at this time, or is it a misstatement—and how many and who were they?
· And of course we would like to know more about the bandits in and around Tiaong (192) and more on their “organization [ he uses the term Cofradia] with branches in all the nearby provinces, with its center in Manila and environs.”[xxxiv]
Let’s turn now, though, from what we would have liked to see to what we actually can glean in some detail from Father Bartolomé’s essay. We can summarize the items bought and sold in commerce. Rice, of course, is fundamental, the crop described first in each of his municipality descriptions with, with bumper crops in the pueblos of
Tayabas, 130,000 cabanes[14] (both dry and wet rice, two harvests per year)
Lucban, 100,000 cabanes (wet rice)
Saryaya, 130,000 cabanes (wet rice as well as dry, two harvests per year)
Tiaong, 20,000 cabanes, all dry rice
Atimonan, 45,000 cabanes
Rice is grown but supplemental purchases are needed by the pueblos of
Pagbilao (7,000 cabanes harvested, need 9,000),
Catanavan (3,100 cabanes, enough for only four months (196)),
Guinayangan (enough for barely a month, 198),
Gumaca (30,000 cabanes harvested[15] but 10,000 more needed (200)), and
Mauban (“some 20,000 cabanes harvested” but need 13,000 cabanes more (202)).
Reliance on root crops is notable, particularly where no or almost no rice at all is grown as in the municipalities of Macalelon (the Visita of Pitogo grows more, “some thousand cabanes, sufficient for four months” (195) ), Guinayangan, Calavag with Apar, and implicitly for the pueblos of Mulanay and Ogbuyon.
Wheat is grown in the pueblos of Tayabas (maize also used to be grown there), Saryaya, and Tiaong. Cocoa is grown in the pueblos of Tayabas, Saryaya (good quality but low production), Tiaong (low quantities), Pagbilao, Gumaca (its visita of Talolong especially (which also is notably for its pepper, 200)), and Atimonan (not enough for sale outside of the pueblo (201). Other crops of some importance are coffee (in Tayabas, Saryaya, Pagbilao, Gumaca, and Atimonan), sugar cane (in Tayabas), sesame (in Tayabas), indigo (Tiaong), and of course fruits almost everywhere. Marine products (balate, tortoise shell, etc.), wax[16] as well as pitch or resin[17] and woods, are collected in part or in all in the pueblos of Pagbilao, Guinayangan, Calavag with Apar, Gumaca, Atimonan, and Mauban. Manufactured goods noted especially are mats, hats, petates o esteras, other woven items, and of course coconut oil (and coconuts), with the pueblos of Tayabas, Lucban, Gumaca, Atimonan, and Mauban notable for all or some of these. Livestock raising and sales are also almost ubiquitous, with cattle sales noteworthy in the pueblos of Tayabas (2,000 head sold annually), Saryaya (2,000 head “killed and sold annually” (191)), Tiaong (2,000 head), and Pagbilao (200 “sold and killed per year” (195)).
Father Bartolomé provides data with which to quantify the ranking, both by families and by income earned from sales of local products from each municipality.[18] A close look at his descriptions of the fourteen municipalities reveals that the pueblos break into three groups: those that are prosperous, those that are not, and those that are in-between. First, the list of municipalities by size of the tribute-paying population, largest to the smallest:
Tribute-paying Number and Ranking from Largest to Smallest
Number of Vecinos or Tributarios
Tayabas, p. 186
3,000
Lucban, p. 189
2,662.5
Gumaca, p. 200
1,350
Saryaya, p. 190
1,200
Atimonan, p. 201
1,100
Mauban, p. 202
1,100
Tiaon, p. 191
600
Catanavan, p. 196
360
Pagbilao, p. 193
300
Macalelon & Visita de Pitogo, p. 195
200 (100 each)
Mulanay, p. 197
200 (25% = Visita of Londoc)
Obuyon, pp. 197-198
180
Guinayangan, p. 198
100
Calavag & Apar, p. 199
80
Value in Pesos of Commerce and Ranking from Largest to Smallest
Sales in Pesos
Saryaya, pages 190-191[19]
60,800
Tayabas, pages 186-189[20]
44,300
Lucban, pages 189-190 [21]
43,844
Atimonan, page 201[22]
13,200
Mauban, page 202[23]
7,500
Gumaca, page 200[24]
3,800
Tiaon, pages 191-192[25]
3,050
Pagbilao, pages 193-195[26]
1,630
Catanavan, page 196[27]
800
Macalelon & Visita of Pitogo, pages 195-196[28]
250
Mulanay, page 197[29]
200
Calavag & Apar, page 199[30]
200
Obuyon, pages 197-198[31]
N/A
Guinayangan, page 198[32]
N/A
Gross value is not sufficient, of course. If we look at the value of trade by household, value arbitrarily divided by vecinos or tributaries, we get the following list, again ranked from largest to smallest. (I have added columns with rank positions for the preceding two tables):
Value of Trade Divided by Household
Municipality Trade/Household Rank by #Vecinos Rank by Value of Trade
Saryaya 50.67 4th 1st
Lucban 16.47 2nd 3rd
Tayabas 14.77 1st 2nd
Atimonan 12.00 Tied for 5th 4th
Mauban 6.82 Tied for 5th 5th
Pagbilao 5.43 9th 8th
Tiaon 5.08 7th 7th
Gumaca 2.81 3rd 6th
Calavag & Apar 2.50 14th Tied for 11th
Catanavan 2.22 8th 9th
Macalelon & Pitogo 1.25 Tied for 10th 10th
Mulanay 1.00 Tied for 10th Tied for 11th
Obuyon N/A 12th N/A
Guinayangan N/A 13th N/A
Municipality Trade/Household Rank by #Vecinos Rank by Value of Trade
In summary, the top five municipalities for these three indices are almost consistently Atimonan, Lucban, Mauban, Saryaya, and Tayabas (arranged alphabetically). (Gumaca is third in number of Vecinos) The next four are (again with the caveat regarding Gumaca) Catanavan, Gumaca, Pagbilao, and Tiaon. The last three are Calavag/Apar, Macalelon/Pitogo, and Mulanay. (Obuyon and Guinayangan can only be ranked for the category of number of Vecinos)
The rankings from Father Bartolomé’s text are quite similar to those derived using the two indices of household and commerce. Seven pueblos are prosperous, four are not, and three in-between. The prosperous pueblos are Tayabas, Lucban, Saryaya, Tiaon, Gumaca, Atimonan, and Mauban. The four municipalities that were struggling are Catanavan, Mulanay, Obuyon, and Guinayangan. Their geography as well as susceptibility to sea-borne raiders seem to have determined their economic fortune—Obuyon and its three visitas are “more miserable and unfortunate” than Catanavan and Mulanay, “with no agriculture whatsoever.” Guinayangan also had little rice production, almost no craft industry and exceeded most of the others in misery because it was burned to the ground some three years earlier by the Moros (198). Of the worst off ones, Catanavan had potential in rice cultivation, livestock, and trade by boat with Capiz, Iloilo, and Antiqui. However, widespread addiction to gambling impeded that promise.
The prosperous municipalities are characterized by an active commerce. The pueblo of Tayabas (186-189), perhaps the wealthiest of the fourteen, has an active internal market for rice (both dry and irrigated) and with surplus transported and sold in Majayjay. They also buy and sell wheat within the pueblo, which is then transported and sold in Santa Cruz de la Laguna. Crafts are also an important source of economic well-being here, with mats imported from Batangas and the surplus not sold in the municipality taken to Santa Cruz de la Laguna and to San Pablo, “where they sell well.” Saryaya (190-191) too does well with rice (both dry and wet (two crops per year)), with a surplus that is marketed in San Pablo; while Tiaon (191-192) relies only on dry rice but produces enough for sale in San Pablo, with sales as well in Santa Cruz de la Laguna of a variety of other crops as well as cattle. Lucban too has an active commercial life, with surplus rice (some purchased from Saryaya) “sold in Majayjay in its Monday market,” “providing not only what that pueblo needs but also enough for Lilio and Nagcarlan” (189). Those in Lucban work hard and go as far as Mambulao in the Camarines and Polillo to the north to trade (190).
One can rough out a hierarchy of pueblo size and economic activity as well, beginning with the major commercial centers of Manila, Santa Cruz, and San Pablo:
█ Manila
Santa Cruz, San Pablo
We then move to the top tier locally of
▀ Atimonan, Lucban, Mauban, Saryaya, Tayabas
then the middle group of
Gumaca
▄ Catanavan, Pagbilao, and Tiaon; with, at the bottom,
▲ Calavag/Apar, Macalelon/Pitogo, Mulanay,
and (probably) Obuyon and Guinayangan
There are “outliers” as well—the province of Tayabas does not fully encapsulate the economic activity found there. Places that are mentioned in the manuscript as part of the network include Ilunay, Marinduque, Mahayhay, Lilio, Nagcarlan, Capis, Iloilo, Antiqui, Burias, Polillo, Binangonan, and Paracale as well as other pueblos in the Camarines.
Conclusion
It is clear from the manuscript that
· significant commerce existed when Father Bartolomé was writing, that
· some municipalities were more prosperous than others, and that
· the commerce had been even more notable in the past, before the Moro impact became overwhelming.
The essay, as I have argued and tried to demonstrate, is full of important and illuminating material. Thanks to the material presented by P. Fr. Bartolomé Galan, O.F.M., one can gain useful insight into the economic activities of the inhabitants of the province of Tayabas around 1823.
[1] The present day (2014) name of Tayabas Province is Quezon Province. I will use the names as they appear in the manuscript or other sources. My reason is that the names used today may be changed in the future, but the designations in use then are constant.
[2] Fr. Bartolomé Galan, O.F.M., Informe sobre la provincia de Tayabas. 8 April 1823.
[3] Father Antolín Abad, O.F.M., the editor of the published manuscript, provides a short introduction to the 1823 manuscript (pages 175-183), setting it in the context of Spain’s vicissitudes of that period as well as outlining the life and accomplishments of Father Bartolomé (1768-1841) and the major points in the manuscript. This material need not detain us since our interests are distinct. He also has a short summary of the report but since my interests here are different than his, I will skip that as well.
[4] From the Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia, www.wordnik.com/words/brea-blanca: “A soft resin obtained from the pilaui-tree [Canarium Luzonicum], used in the arts to toughen varnish and prevent it from cracking, but not suitable for varnish alone. Also called Manila elemi. See elemi and pilaui.” I will use the terms resin or pitch.
[5] Visita refers to a settlement within a municipality, usually larger than a barrio or ranchería but smaller than the población, which is the term used for the center of the municipality (or pueblo).
[6] I use the terms “Filipino” or “Filipinos” throughout this essay for convenience, roughly meaning all non-European residents of the pueblos. No inference is intended regarding nationalism.
[7] There is a 1720 description of this group in Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898: Catalogs and Analysis for a History of Filipinos in Franciscan Parishes (Hastings, NE: Cornhusker Press, 2003), v. 1, 187.
[8] James Francis Warren, The Sulu Zone, 1768-1898. The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1981), would not agree that “the greater portion” of Moros were resident in the area year around. However, he does agree that outside of Mindanao and Sulu there were “convenient staging points set up within the target areas or at crossroads along their routes,” with expeditions after the 1790s lasting longer than a single season and even extending to several years (Warren, 155). He also speaks of the “satellite communities on Mindoro, Burias, and Masbate” (Warren, 166), with Mamburao on Mindoro specifically noted until its destruction by the Spanish in 1770 (Warren, 168). He comments that “A ring of satellite stations stretched out around the provinces of Tayabas, Camarines, and Albay” from 1768-1800 (Warren, 169), with Majoboc burned in 1793 and Obuyon “attacked and levelled by a fleet of seventy-five prahus” in 1793 (Warren, 169). His table on page 179 indicates that Guinayangen was also attacked between 1791 and 1800; but he indicates no attacks from 1801-1815, the last date shown on that display. Jim does not appear to have a reference for the destruction of Guinayangan around 1820 that Father Bartolomé mentions.
[9] Antolín Abad Pérez, O.F.M., “P. Bartolomé Galán, El Cordobés que hace mission y se ocupa de la economía de sus feligreses (1768-1841),” IN Manuel Peláez del Rosal, ed., El franciscanismo en Andalucia: conferencias del V Curso de Verano San Francisco en la culatura y en la historia del arte español (Priego de Córdoba, 1 a 8 de Agosto de 1999), Conferencias del VI Curso de Verano San Francisco en la cultura y en la historia del arte español, 1 (2001), 237-244. Father Antolín also has a biographical summary of Bartolomé Galan’s life on pp. 177-178 of his “Una vision de Filipinas y de su economía de principios del siglo XIX. Informe del P. Bartolomé Galán en 1823.”
[10] Taken from Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898. Catalogs and Analysis for a History of Filipinos in Franciscan Parishes (Hastings, NE: Cornhusker Press, 2003), v. 5, 122. The data are based on Franciscan publications and assignment lists.
[11] The most accessible essays by Francisco L. Viana are “Financial affairs of the islands, 1766” and “Letter from Viana to Carlos III”, both in volume 50 of Emma H. Blair.; and James Alexander Robertson, eds. and trans., The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 (Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1903-1909).
[12] Sinibaldo de Mas y Sans, Informe Sobre el Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842 (Madrid: ?, 1843), 2v.
[13] Tomas de Comyn, Las Islas Filipinas. Progresos en 70 Años (Manila: Imprenta de la Oceania Española, 1878).
[14] See www.sizes.com/units/caban.htm for the problematic nature of the size of a caban or cavan in the pre-1898 provincial Philippines.
[15] Especially in its visita of Talolong.
[16] Macalelon’s visita of Pitogo collects and sells 10 quintales each year (196); Mulanay’s visita of Londoc collects and sells about 200 pesos worth of wax each year (197).
[17] Resin or pitch only collected and sold by the inhabitants in Catanavan (196), Mulanay (197), Obuyón (198).
[18] Our author seems to have hypothesized a ratio of 5 individuals for every “vecino” or tributario and worked out rice production, consumption (and seed grain) figures to show what surplus could have been sold (or what rice needed to be bought if there was not enough produced domestically). This calculus is spelled out in the section on the municipality of Tayabas where he says (186): “In this pueblo 130,000 cabanes [of rice] are harvested. Since the municipality has 3,000 vecinos …adjusting for five persons per vecino, 30 cabanes per year or 15 fanegas, the rest for sale, leaving 90,000, [sic] 40,000 cabanes, with the excess going for seed calculating that [the inhabitants of] this pueblo would use 12,000 cabanes for planting, three parts in dry rice and one part in wet. And the same calculus is made respectively for the other pueblos of this [province] … [selling] in Mahayhay at 6 reales per cabán [unhusked] or, after husking [the rice] 12 reales, since clean is worth twice of the unhusked [rice], totaling 30,000 pesos.” The figures are, of course, somewhat arbitrary, particularly the one for 5 persons for each tribute-paying household. Fewer persons on average in a household would mean that he undercalculated the possible returns from sale of rice; rice consumption averages would also affect the market calculus, going up or down depending on amount eaten and size of the household. Nonetheless, even with these caveats and sequence of assumptions, we can still use the figures to show relative orders of magnitude among the pueblos, since he says he applied the calculus consistently. Only in the municipality of Tayabas does he do the math for calculating number of individuals; in the other pueblos he merely gives the number of “vecinos.” This is not a problem since we are not relying on the figures for actual fact, a spurious precision, but for figures per pueblo relative to each other. (The original quotation from the manuscript that I have translated above reads: “En este pueblo se cogerán unos ciento treinta mil cabanes; constando el Ayuntamiento de tres mil vecinos y gastando unos con otros, ajustando a cinco personas por vecino, treinta cabanes a el año o quince fanegas, les restan para vender, quitadas noventa mil, cuarenta mil cabanes; el exceso que cogen lo paso por semilla y calculo que este pueblo sembraba doce mil cabanes, tres partes de secano y una de regadio. Y la misma cuenta se puede hacer respectivamente a los demás pueblos de ella, que limpiándolo y vendiéndolo a los Guardas y tripulaciones del resguardo y llevando lo demás a Mahayhay, a razón de seis reales cabán, despues de limpio, o de doce reales, uno limpio que necesita dos con cascara, important treinta mil pesos.”)
[19] Saryaya: rice, 52,000 pesos; wheat, 200; cattle, 7,000; horses, 1,600.
[20] Tayabas: rice, 30,000 pesos; wheat, 1,200; cocoa, in good years, 2,000; panocha, 1,000; fruits etc. sold in the pueblo, 500; rootcrops, 100; mats, 2,000 (no figures for household weaving); coconuts, 500; cattle, 7,000.
[21] Lucban: rice, 12,593p6R (rounded to 12,594 pesos); hats, 300; mats, 400; coconuts & oil, 550; other trade, 30,000.
[22] Atimonan, rice, 9,000 pesos; weaving “unos mil pesos” (202); coconuts & oil, 700; balate, tortoise shell, wax, 3,500.
[23] Mauban, rice is grown here but insufficient for its needs; weaving, 1,000 pesos or more; miscellany, 1,500. (203) “Hacen algunos sombreros de nito y antiguamente petates u esteras de Sabután; pero hacen muy poco, porque acaso no ganan nada. Cogen en las Islas de Sanhirin y Alabat balate, tortoise shell y cera y extiende por allí su comercio en consorcio de los de Lucban a Binangonan y Polillo, en donde hay más de lo dicho y de major calidad, y llevándolo a Manila en tiempo oportuno, sacarán de todo ello unos cuatro a cinco mil pesos. Son también los conductors de cuanto por allí viene de Camarines, Atimonan y Gumaca, hasta Santa Cruz de la Laguna, donde se embarcan para Manila, tanto en Buenos carabaos, como en hombros, que son excelentes cargadores. Y este acarreo les valdrá unos mil y quinientos pesos, inclusos los despachos de los Curas de aquel partido.”
[24] Gumaca, 30,000 cabanes of rice are produced but that is insufficient to feed its population; cocoa from Talolong visita brings in 300 pesos; mats, balate, concha de tortoise shell, wax, and buying/selling miscellany, 3,500 pesos more. See www.sizes.com/units/caban.htm for the problematic nature of the size of the cavan or caban in the pre-1898 provincial Philippines.
[25] Tiaong: rice, 250 pesos; fruits, beans, etc., 2,000; cattle, 800.
[26] Pagbilao, imports some rice, nothing earned from fruits, coffee, etc.; cattle, 600 pesos; fish, 300; balate, wax, timber, 600; some weaving, 30; brea blanca, 100.
[27] Catanavan produces 3,100 cabanes of rice but needs to import rice since that is insufficient for its population. This and other expenses are managed through the sale of resin or pitch, for 800 pesos.
[28] Macalelon, nothing; Pitogo, wax, 250 pesos.
[29] Mulanay, some wax, 200 pesos along with unspecified amounts from resin or pitch and tapa made from hunted wild carabaos.
[30] Calavag, no rice worth mentioning, root crops, bananas, vegetables, balate, tortoise shell, wax, 200 pesos.
[31] Obuyon, no agriculture, some resin or pitch, balate, etc., very low values, no numbers given.
[32] Guinayangan, no rice or “if it has any it only lasts for a month;” root crops, some resin or pitch and balate, no figures given. Was burned by Moros three years earlier.
End Notes
[i] He comments as well (190-191) on the suspicious and unforthcoming response by Filipinos to a project by a former Alcalde Mayor, Don José Domínguez Zamudio, to get the people of Saryaya to grow indigo, showing that that reluctance might have had a variety of impulses: “A pesar de haberlo visto los naturales, ninguno se animó a imitarlo y creo haber sido el motive la falta de directores, los desembolsos que hay que hacer antes de usufructuarse y la ninguna confianza que el natural tiene en proyectos de Alcaldes, pues por más justo que sea, siempre tiene que pedir mitad o repartimiento de gente a los pueblos y como van forzados, toman fastidio a aquella faena. Yo no dudo que, si hubiese un sujeto que se dedicase, asistiendo personalmente o por medio de un hobre prudente y justo, habría muchos que se inclinaran a su laborio o, al menos, a sembrarlo y venderlo en rama.” He returns to this subject on page 192, speaking of the possibilities in “Malabamban, término final de Saryaya y confinante con el de Tiaong… Para meterlos en esta faena sería preciso hacer lo que insinuo con Saryaya y es factible que, viendo ellos la utilidad y aprendiendo ellos a beneficiarlo, se dedicasen, pues el terreno convida. El natural es remiso en estos asuntos o bien porque desconfía de cuanto propone el europeo, o bien por la escasez de medios para anticipar desembolsos. Estas dos dificultades se vencerían tomándoles al principio en rama el añil y aprendiendo con el tiempo serían fabricantes.”
[ii] “También se daria perfectamente el agodón, pues es terreno seco; pero sería necesario seguridad en venderlo y máquina para despepitarlo y poco a poco tendría su increment, pues a los naturales les entran los conocimientos por los ojos y no dejan la desconfianza hasta que se desengañan.” (191)
[iii] “…siembran más porción de Balatong o mongos, patani, frijoles y cadios, que llevan a vender a Santa Cruz de La Laguna, y de todo lo dicho podrá sacar sobre dos mil pesos. Estos ramos, por lo común, van a Manila, tomados en el mercado de dicho pueblo por los vivanderos de ello.” (191)
[iv] “Un gran óbice para la felicidad de aquel pueblo en todos los ramos es su situación: lindero con la Laguna de Bay, Batangas y Tayabas, es la reunion de todos los pícaros de las tres provincias y aún del partido de Cavite, cometiendo impunemente robos sin fin, especialmente los de Batangas y, según voz común, los de Lipa y Tal, a cuyos pueblos se llevan los robos y desde allí se les da giro. De estos pueblos debían cuidar mucho los Jefes Políticos, creyéndose con no leve fundamento que los principales de los dichos pueblos son encubridores y participes de los robos. Este es el motive que el pueblo de Tiaong haya tardado tanto en erecer a pesar de tener un término grandísimo y excelente, pues hacía la Mar del Embocadero, tiene seis leguas llanas; fastidiados los naturales de verse privados de sus carabaos continuamente, dejándoles en la indigencia se han expatriado, buscando asilo en otros pueblos donde haya más seguridad. Es verdad que tampoco faltan rateros en dicho pueblo, acaso para resarcir de este modo sus quiebras. Lo que no puede negarse es que, atendida su actual población y extension de terreno pingüe, es de los más atrasados de esta provincia en Agricultura, Industria y Comercio. ¿Cuándo quería Dios que los jefes oígan los clamores de los naturales por una cordada, que anihile de una vez a los ladrones? Todo natural, ciudadano pacific, les desea, porque se acuerda de los Buenos efectos de la que hubo e tiempo del Sr. Basco; y el español debe desearla más, pues es una Cofradía organizada, con ramificaciones en todas las provincias inmediatas, el foco en Manila y sus alrededores, que tienen su táctica y dan los golpes con tino y sin mucho peligro y no es credible que el español mire con indiferencia esta reunion de piratas terrenos, que puede intentar mayors proyectos aumentándoseles la fuerza.” (192) Italics are taken from the text in the journal. I have added the question mark after una vez a los ladrones.
[v] From p. 194, italics in the published text: “Ahora bien ¿podrá un pueblo que lleva estas cargas crecer? Es imposible. Un pueblo es evidente crece según las conveniencias que goza; por consiguiente, no gozando ningunas un pueblo chico, no puede aumentarse. …son un verdadero retrato de la esclavitud, miseria, timidez y de cuanto degrada al hombre.”
[vi] “…pues este pueblo se halla en más ventajosas proporciones, que ninguno otro, por estar inmediato a pueblos grandes, que le suministran a precios cómodos lo que necesita y él sale de cuanto vende con la misma facilidad.” (194)
[vii] “El natural, que se envicia en el juego, especialmente de naipes, es corriente deja desde aquel momento cuantos medios sabia o usaba para buscar dinero. Ni las obligaciones de Cristiano o cuidadano, o ni la mujer y (sic) hijos, que perecen, le sacan de él; para él todo es indiferente, menos el juego desde el momento que llegó a cierto punto su vicio. Varias causas, que son muy largas de referir, han influido para que en dicho pueblo se haya hecho el juego general. Sé con evidencia moral, que no es solo vicio de gente hecha: mujeres, muchachos, muchachas, todos mezclados juegan día y noche. Como el dicho pueblo está tan lejos de esta Cabecera y al dificil alcance del Jefe Político, se juega con tanto descaro, que se convoca a toque de tambor, siempre que hay embarcaciones o gente de fuera que quiera y tenga que jugar, asignando la casa de donde se pone el juego. En el tiempo que soy Cura en esta provincia, he conocido algunos Alcaldes que han celado con eficacia el dicho juego, penetrados de la necesidad de hacer una continua Guerra a esta pésimo vicio; pero no han alcanzado medios para verificarlo en Catanavan, pues no han hallado uno siquiera del pueblo que quiera declararlo por no querer chocar con todos los demás, inclusos los Superiores o principales. Yo no conceptúo tan difícil el lograrlo, mandado sujetos de otros pueblos con algun pretext decente y que se echen sobre ellos. Y en atención a que los Jefes de él son, al menos, consentidores sobre esos debe cargar la mano, hasta privarlos de sus empleos, después de cierto número de multas, advirtiendo de paso que, aunque los demás pueblos de este partido no son tan viciosos, como Catanavan, se van extendiendo el juego insensiblemente y en Mulanay se juega tanto como en Catanavan que es el más immediate.
“Cortado este vicio es regular que ellos se dedicasen a la labranza, en atención a que solo les falta el tiempo que invierten en el juego. Carabaos y tierra les sobra, excelentes uno y otro; se dedicarían a la crianza de vacas, que no las he visto ni más gordos, ni más grandes, las pocas que hay; y aunque no fuera fácil llevarlas vivas a esa Capital, podían hacerlas tasajo, que se vende tan bien o major que fresca. Les luciría su brea, porque teniendo que comer, no se varían en la precision de malvenderla a trueque de arroz; con su product podrían comprar efectos de Visayas, Camarines y Albay, traerlos a esta Cabecera y aún a Manila, empleando su precio en otras cosas útiles y de fácil venta, vivirían con desahogo y conveniencias y creceria el pueblo, que es imposible se verifique subsistiendo las causas, que lo impiden, como se palpa por experiencia, a pesar de las muchas ventajas, que todo les proporciona.” (196-197)
[viii] “Unicamente tienen el monte algunas rozas y siembran las raices communes a esta provincia. Con el motive de cuidar sus carabaos en los dichos sitios, para el acopio de brea, con que pagan la capitación, teniendo que quitarlos de los llanos que hay por los moros, que continuamente los visitan; pero es en tan corta cantidad, que lo más del añose mantienen con el Yoro o corazón de la palma Buli. Además de las miserias dichas, tienen que acarrear la brea por tierras hasta Mulanay, que es un dia de camino, sin saber yo como al formar la contrata no se tuvo esto presente para pagarla a mayor precio, supuesto ser imposible puedan pagar en plata. Junto todo lo dicho, a que a él no aporta ninguna embarcación, a no ser obligada por el temporal, tanto por estar extraviado, como por el temor de los moros y que en él nada se puede vender ni comprar, se conocerá lo infeliz de semejantes ciudadanos.” (198)
[ix] “Lo poco de lo dicho que recogen, lo venden a los de Gumaca.” (199)
[x] “Inmediato al pueblo de Apar es donde la Isla de Luzón adelgaza más, pues de la Mar del Norte a un rio bastante caudaloso, llamado Cabibijan, que desemboca pronto en el Mar del Sur, no hay más distancia que dos reguas de terreno llano. Siendo Alcalde mayor de esta Provincia Don Joe Dominguez Zamurio pasó por tierra a dicha Mar del Norte dos faldas con el objeto de acopio de ébano en Polillo, provincia de Nueva Ecija, cada una de diez y ocho remos, y no hubiera sido possible et pasarlas siendo montuoso y los pocos auxilios que allí pudo tener. Si se abriera este corto tramo se le daba el ser, no solo a los pueblos del norte de esta provincia, sino también a la de Camarines, pues podia extraer sus efectos para Manila y provincias, cargándolos en todos los pueblos del Bicol en embarcaciones, conduciéndolos al rio de Naga por agua, y desde éste a Cabusao cuando los pontines no subiesen a Naga. El partido de Indan, donde están las minas de Mambulao y Paracali, recibiría auxilios de toda especie a precios cómodos y serían muchos más los que se dedicasen al laboro, que no lo hacen ahora, porque apenas se costean por lo caro que allá cuesta todo, especialmente venido de Manila, pues por cualquier parte tiene acarreos de tierra, como el … [ellipsis in the published text] que no viene de otra parte y es tan necesario. Por el Puerto de Cabusao saldrían las embarcaciones y montando la punta de Daet y costeando el partido de Indan, llegarían a una enseñada que está antes de la isla de Pásig, donde se abriría el canal, y pasando éste entrarían en el río Cabibijan y desembarcarían en la enseñada o Seno de Ragay; y montando Punta de Arenas dirigirían su rumbo para Manila. La [italics in the published text] provincia de Camarines saldría de arroz que le sobra y aun sembraría mucho más por la facilidad de su extracción y bondad de su terreno, siendo, como se deja ver, más favorable a los pueblos del Norte de esta provincia, pues además de lo que dejan las embarcaciones por donde pasan, lograban con facilidad pasar a la mar del Sur a la pesca del balate. Además de lo dicho proporcionaba la ventaja a las embarcaciones del corso contra los moros de pasar en muy corto tiempo a la Nueva Ecija y pueblos del Norte de ésta, siempre que se les avisase que los había; y ahora no lo pueden verificar por tener que salir por el embocadero y navegar mares bravisimos. Su acoartaban todo el camino que hay desde el seno de Ragay saliendo por dicho San Bernardino hasta el pueblecito de Apar, que no se navega acaso en un mes. Presenta este proyecto algunas dificultades, pero ¿qué cosa útil hay que no las tenga? Lo que en mi concepto se deben mirar en trabajos de esta especie es, si es factible y si los gastos serán resarcidos con ventajas, y habiendo esto, se deben emprender. ¡No lo hemos de dejar todo a la naturaleza! El mortal que tiene la dicha de proporcionar un bien permanente a sus semejantes, debe llenarse de satisfacción y siempre le benedecirán los que lo gocen.” (199-200)
[xi] “Lo que en mi concepto se deben mirar en trabajos de esta especie es, si es factible y si los gastos serán resarcidos con ventajas, y habiendo esto, se deben emprender. ¡No lo hemos de dejar todo a la naturaleza! El mortal que tiene la dicha de proporcionar un bien permanente a sus semejantes, debe llenarse de satisfacción y siempre le benedecirán los que lo gocen.” (200)
[xii] “Tienen cacao y el de su Visita de Talolong es especial; podrán entrar en el pueblo de su venta trescientos pesos, vendiendo la ganta de esta provincia colmada, que son dos de Manila sin colmo y algo más, a doce reales o dos pesos, cuando está más caro.” (200)
[xiii] “Cuando había cosecha de pimiento en esta provincia, era de los pueblos que acopiaban más, especialmente en dicha Visita. Este ramo de agricultura está a expirer, habiéndose en el verificado lo que en Tiaon con el algodón, que obligando la Compañía a todo individuo de esta provincia a sembrarlo, tomaron tedio a su cultivo y me atrevo a asegurar que desde que se concluyó lo contrata, no han sembrado un pie; apenas se recoge lo suficiente para el gasto de esta Casa parroquial, y ésta es de los pies que han resistido al tiempo. No me cansaré de repetir que se procure extracción de cualquier ramo a precios cómodos: déjese la siembra a la voluntad de cada ciudadano y todo prosperará. Ningun interés hará prosperar cosa alguna por medio de contratas y órdenes; la última sobre la pimiento fue jamás justa y lucrative, pues no tuvo la Compaia presente más que la prosperidad del ramo a cualquier sacrificio y jamás se pudo lograr aumento alguno voluntario todo se debió a la fuerza.” (200)
[xiv] “…cogen cera en sus montes y mucha más recogen de los cimarrones dumagas de dicha Isla en cambio de arroz y algunas ropas basta. Pasan sus embarcaciones, llamadas balasianes, por el Yomo de tierra, que está cerca de Apar, a la Mar del Sur, y balatan en sus costas; y cuando van muchas a bien armadas, suele llegar a Burias, saliendo del seno de Ragay, donde hay muchos de este marisco y excelente.” (201)
[xv] “Este pueblo es el que actualmente extiende más su navegación; embarca en sus balasianes sal de Visayas, que llaman tapón, que ellos mismos fabrican; y compran en otros pueblos petates, vinagre, aceite y algunas ropas, y llegan hasta la cabecera de Naga, cogiendo en cambio de los dichos ramos algún arroz en Paracali y Mambulao, y arroz (estando caro en su pueblo) en el partido de Naga, y abaca, con que prove los telares de Atimonan y Mauban; todos estos ramos les darán unos tres mil y quinientos pesos, llevando a Manila lo que se vende allí con ventaja, a pesar del recargo de conducción, que es grande por lo lejos que está y tener que embarcarlo dos veces.” (201)
[xvi] “En él hay unos trescientos telares de solo Synamayes o Ginaras [spelled this way in the publication] finas; las tejen blancas y rayadas y también bordadas, desde el año de siete de este siglo, que habiendo ido de secretario conmigo a la Visita diocesana de Camarines su Cura (que en paz descanse) Fr. Santiago Villamiel, no paró hasta aprender él el cómo se tejían las últimas en la provincia de Albay, y enseñó a la vuelta a sus feligreses, habiendo traido una porción considerable de abaca, que dió de balde a los pobres, y a los demás a costo y corto, dando de este modo algún ensanche a su gran caridad y amor a sus feligreses, pues todo cuanto hacía por ellos le parecia poco, aunque a él le faltase lo más preciso. Doy este testimonio de mi particular Amistad a dicho Padre, a quien aprecié altamente por sus heroicas virtudes, civiles y religiosas. A pesar de los esfuerzos dichos el ramo de Synamayes ha tenido su baja; y si los de Atimonan no han dejado de tejerlos es porque no lo tienen de oficio. Sólo tejen las mujeres las horas en que no tienen otra ocupación mas útil; por lo tanto no es fácil calcular lo que entra en el pueblo por este ramo, por no ser enteramente active; pero no bajará al año de unos mil pesos. Las piezas blancas se sabe son de sola la hebra de abaca o rayada de algodón blanco, y las de colores y bordadas comunmente los forman de seda, aunque siendo solo rayadas también las hacen con algodón teñido. Para las camisas de mujer tienen tres varas de largo y media de ancho; y para las de hombre algo más de cuarto y valen desde el precio de dos reales hasta el de dos pesos y cautro reales.” (201-202)
[xvii] “Antiguamente, antes de extender la renta del vino a esta provincia, lo hacia Atimonan, que tiene muchos cocales, y lo vendía en los pueblos del Mar del Norte y partido de Indan, de la de Camarines, especialmente en Mambulao y Paracali; era de sus principals ramos. Con haber extendido la dicha renta, Atimonan perdió mucho sin haberle quedado siquiera la facultad de hacerlo para proveer aquel partido y traer lo sobrante a la provincia dicha, que no hay estanco, quedando de esto modo inútiles infinitos cocales, reduciéndose su utilidad a hacer algun poco aceite, que venden a los pueblos inmediatos y los de Indan. Y les dará al año unos setecientos pesos, que no es la octava parte de lo que les daba el vino.” (202)
[xviii] “Cogen algún Balate y carey en las costas de la Isla de Alabat y lo compran a los dumagas, y también cera, aunque ellos no recogen de este ultimo ramo, mucha en su término y llevado todo a Manila con el mismo recargo, que lo de Gumaca, lo venden en la major occasion, comprando lo que en su pueblo les hace falta. Les valdrá este comercio unos tres mil y quinientos pesos.” (202)
[xix] “Industria—Había los mismos telares que en Atimonan, todos de Synamayes o Ginaras [spelled as such in the published essay], pero van por el mismo estilo. El bajo precio les hace descuidar de su manufactura; me parece se tejen algunos más que en Atimonan, acaso por tener menos recargos de conducción, pero siempre sera poco más de mil pesos los que entrarán en el pueblo de su venta. Ya he dicho que el abaca viene de Camarines, pues aunque cuasi todos estos pueblos la tienen, es muy gruesa y no sirve más que para sogas. Parece que esta planta quiere lava de volcán para ser exquisite, pues aún en la dicha provincia es diferente la del Bicol y rinoconada a la de Iraga, que está expuesta a las erupciones del Mayón. Los proven los de Gumaca y los de Camarines, cuando aportan allá. Hacen algunos sombreros de nito y antiguamente petates u esteras de Sabután; pero hacen muy poco, porque acaso no ganan nada. Cogen en las Islas de Sanhirin y Alabat balate, carey y cera y extiende por allí su comercio en consorcio de los de Lucban a Binangonan y Polillo, en donde hay más de lo dicho y de major calidad, y llevándolo a Manila en tiempo oportuno, sacarán de todo ellos unos cuatro a cinco mil pesos. Son también los conducores de cuanto por allí viene de Camarines, Atimonan y Gumaca, hasta Santa Cruz de la Laguna, donde se embarcan para Manila, tanto en Buenos carabaos, como en hombros, que son excelente cargadores. Y este acarreo les valdrá unos mil y quinientos pesos, inclusos los despachos de los Curas de aquel partido.” (203)
[xx] “Comercio—Volviendo al pueblo de Mauban digo que yo alcancé un comercio considerable en él, pues tenía cuatro o seis pontines, que no paraben dia a Mambulao, Paracali y Camarines, llevando efectos de esta provincia y de Manila, trayendo en cambio oro de los primeros pueblos. Sinamayas, Gynaras [spelling in the published essay], abaca y arroz de los segundos; pero este comercio se acabó, los moros lo destruyeron habiendo cogido varios pontines y cautivando sus tripulaciones. No obstante alguna vez suelen llegar aun a Mambulao en embaracaciones pequeñas, no engolfándose jamás y navegando con las precauciones necesarias, pues solo pueden verificarlo en la temporada de vendavales, que aquello está inundado de moros; pero este corto y precario comercio no es ni sombra del otro y solo les sirve de Trieste recuerdo de su Antigua felicidad. También van a Polillo y recogen cera, balate, carey, que todo les podrá valer unos tres a cuatro mil pesos. ¡Que diferencia! Antiguamente había varios en Mauban que tenían de veinte a treinta mil pesos y ahora dudo haya ninguno que tenga dos o tres mil.” (204)
[xxi] “Los males que ha causado son incalculables, pues la gente solo cogida esclava en el dicho tiempo, solo echando a mil personas por año, uno con otro, son doscientas cincuenta mil [in the last 2.5. centuries since Legazpi]; prescindiendo de los pueblos que han quemado, sementeras, cocales, animals y bienes muebles, que se han llevado y destruido, pues esto es incalculable. Además de haber estado sufriendo el comercio de cabotaje un … [ellipsis in the original] de una mitad más de su importe, si se atiende a que no se ha podido hacer sin unas tripulaciones más crecidas, sin peltrechos de Guerra muy costosos. Y a varias demoras (innecesarias en otras circumstancias) por evitar asi fatales entuertos; añádase a esto que los efectos comerciables se han reducido a una mitad, tanto por las primeras materias, que han destruido los moros, como porque sólo han podido traficar con ellos los que sus conveniencias les proporcionaban embarcaciones grandes y bien armadas, y la escasez las ha encarecido. Si todo artista y Labrador hubiera podido embarcar sus efectos en cualquier género de embarcaciones, Manila hubiera estado siempre replete de todo y a precios muy bajos, amontonándose en ella cuanto pueden trabajar tres millones de almas.” (204)
[xxii] “Para que se vea cómo se hace el corso, no quiero omitir una anecdotilla, que lo manifiesta con evidencia. Hace cuatro años que acompañé yo al Sr. Alcalde mayoar de este partido a la visita de él; estando en Mulanay, le llegó un parte de Guinayangan, en que el Gobernadorcillo de dicho pueblo le decia cómo una gran porción de pancos de moros bloqueaban el pueblo y le pedía prontos auxilios. Habiendo sabido que estaban en dos lanchas y dos falúas en Catanavan, nos trasladamos allá al momento para pedirle al Comandante fuse a socorrerlos. After a series of delays and evasions by that commander, the Moros were able to escape the potential trap.
“Este collonería causó la quema de Guinayangan y pérdida de las más almas y algunos cautiverlos; causó también le destrucción de las pocas sementeras de Calavag y Apar,” with more at risk if it had not been for the resolute action of the Alcalde mayor. The commander did in fact pay for his lack of zeal: “No tardó mucho en perder su lancha Susara y a él le cogieron cautivo y a pesar de las diligencias, que hizo el Gobierno por rescatarlo, parece murió en el cautiverio, justo castigo por los males, que otros sufrieron por su cobardía.” (205-206)
[xxiii] “… la mayor porción de los que la hacen no están avecindados en Mindanao, ni en Joló; viven el tiempo que no piratean en varios parajes de las islas, poco frecuentadas, como tiempo que no piratean en varios parajes de las Islas, poco frecuentadas, como Burias ….” (207)
[xxiv] “Las circunstancias actuals no creo permitan al Gobierno alejar tanto sus fuerzas de Manila.” (207)
[xxv] “De suerte que estoy enteramente persuadido que con los sesenta pancos, que propongo, en tres o cuatro años quedamos libres de moros y el ciudadano natural navega hasta en barquillas, como sucede actualmente en la parte del Sur de esta provincia; los de Mulanay, Catanavan y Pitogo vienen a esta Cabecera con ellas y antes había ocasiones, que estaba interrumpida la comunicación cuatro y cinco meses seguidos y jamás venían sin venir armados y con mucho riesgo. No se ha logrado lo dicho, sino que Tayabas, que no tenía barco alguno, tiene ya varios y se extienden a las provincias inmediatas con su comercio.” (208)
[xxvi] “¡Qué aspect tan risueño y agradable presenta este proyecto a todo hombre humano, amante de su nación, de sus semejantes, del orden, de la tranquilidad! Le Agricultura, Industria y Comercio tomará un vuelo prodigioso; el ciudadano, que solo ha puesto la mano en los tres ramos dichos, con trémulo esperanza de que llegue a madurez ninguno por las piraterias moriscas, benedecirá las providencias acertadas de u Gobierno sabio y vigilante, que despreocupado de cuantas ideas erradas han tenido sus antecesores en la material, he acertado con el único medio de facilitar a los ciudadanos Filipinos su bienestar; exterminados de las islas los piratas …” (209)
[xxvii] “Muchas veces he pensado que, si la siembra de cotton se generalizara más en las Islas, supuesto que dudo haya terreno en que no se dé, tanto el del arbusto, como el del árbol, y se tejiesen mantas, pañuelos, naguas (sic) o sayas, como se llaman en esta tierra, lanas y otros tejidos, de que nos surten los chinos y (sic) ingleses, no solo habría para paroveernos de todo esto, sin extracción de plata, sino que es de esperar superabundase para extraer infinito para Europa y la América, aun por los mismos extranjeros; mucho más si se perfeccionasen los telares y se pusiesen máquinas en todas las provincias para despepitarlo pronto y a poca costa. Yo he visto tejidos de las Islas, que no ceden a ninguno en su género; entre otras piezas he visto un pañuelo tejido en Manila, que se podia meter en una cascara de nuez, a pesar de ser de una vara en cuadro; he visto sayas tan buenas como las de costa. El darles el color consistente me parece fácil procurando informarse cómo dan en la costa el negro celestre, encarnado y morado y los demás en otros países donde los afirmen bien.
“El no haberse verificado hasta ahora puede haber consistido en lo caro de las primeras materias y mano del artista; pero en lo sucesivo, perdidas las Américas, es regular escasee mucho la plata y, por consiguiente, baje mucho el precio del trabajo del fabricante. Yo estoy persuadido que, si a los efectos del País se les da salida pronta y con conveniencia, o bien por los extranjeros o por los nacionales, se quitan los óbices que puedan entorpecer las manufacturas, prohibiendo con rigor, a los Jefes Políticos la preferencia, con la que se toman ellos la exclusive, llegarán las Islas al grado de prosperidad, que prometen la fertilidad de esta tierra y el deseo de sus habitantes de satisfacer su lujo y sus comodiades. Yo bien veo que estas ventajas no pueden conseguirse en u momento, pero no miro tan lejos el estado, que indico. Como la Junta procure con eficacia lo que depende de ella y exije el bien de los habitantes de este emporio, tres millones de brazos bien empleados, en un terreno feraz en que las primeras materias pueden sobreabundar, son capaces de prosperar a un grado incalculable. Los Señores comerciantes de las Islas empezarán de Nuevo esta Carrera, olvidándose de la rutina de Acapulco que no ha hecho más bien a las islas que dejar con el situado y viveres comprados por los dichos y otros gastos de casa, la suficiente plata para pagar los tributos [italics in the published essay] y otras cargas, quedando siempre el común tan pobre como antes, pasando el grueso a China y la costa, sin haber servido un solo peso para activar la mano fabricadora de nuestros colonos. Teniendo nosotros efectos para cargar, no solo nuestros navios sino muchos más extranjeros, que vengan por ellos, se proverán las Islas de lo necesario, que nos traigan con cambios, quedando mucho remanente para avivar la Industria.
“No he podido ver sin una emoción agradable los primeros cargamentos mandados a Europa y aunque creo que no serán los más lucrativos, ahora se impondrán a fondo de los efectos que lo sean y en lo sucesivo se hará con mucho conocimiento. Todas las circumstancias propenden a nuestra felicidad con tal que no aflojemos a las primeras dificultades, que se presenten, conservando el teón necesario y algo más, que nos es propio, aun en paroyectos nocivos, como probare al fin para seguir la Carrera empezada. El tiempo puede abrirnos otra vez el comercio de la América y haceerlo con más ventaja, que otra cualquier nación por ser los individuos de ellas de nuestro mismo idioma, adunándolo con el que tengamos ya con Europa.” (203-204)
[xxviii] “… que jamás sera útil providencia alguna que coarte a el Labrador y [sic] industrioso la venta de sus géneros. … Esta misma reflexión puede server para otro cualquier ramos: el Gobierno conténtese con protejerlos, exterminando lo que los entorpezca, pero deje libre la mano del agricultor o propietario.” (186)
[xxix] “…que ponga el Gobierno mucho cuidado en sus atribuciones con respect al ciudadano, para que sea bueno y útil y se le deje el manejo de sus intereses, que, como dice nuestro refrán, ‘más sabe el loco en su casa, que el cuerdo en la ajena’ ….” (186) He later (189) comments on the deleterious effects of provincial governors trying to force Filipinos to plant coconuts and the attempt in Tiaong (191-192) by the Compañía de Filipinas to introduce cotton cultivation.
[xxx] “Buen ejemplo tenemos en el azúcar y otros ramos, que se sale de ellos con ventaja y pronto.” (186)
[xxxi] “…proporcione medios de que vendamos nuestros efectos y quite trabas y verá si el indio ciudadano es indolente, como comúnamente, sin criterio, está caracterizado.” (186)
[xxxii] “A pesar de haber aqui bastante, atrae poca plata al pueblo, porque apendas hay ciudadano que no lo tome y en sus casamientos y fiestas se gasta sin economia, pero evita que salgan del pueblo dos mil pesos.” (187)
[xxxiii] “Ya lo he dicho y lo repito: que no hay necesidad de órdenes para que un ramo indigeno de las Islas llegue a su mayor aumento; basta sólo que tenga consume pronto y a precios cómodos.” (191)
[xxxiv] “ramificaciones en todas las provincias inmediatas, el foco en Manila y sus alrededores ….” (192)