Franciscan Attempts to Ameliorate Curate Misbehavior©
Bruce Cruikshank
December 2020
Spanish Franciscans served in the Islands between 1578 and 1898. In the Philippines, they often were expected to serve as parish priests in the lowlands or as missionary priests in hill missions. These men were devoted to the ideals of St. Francis. They served as members of the Provincia de San Gregorio Magno, de Religiosos Menores Descalzos de la Regular y más estrecha Observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco en las Islas Filipinas. They lived as members of a church, creed, organization, and tradition that expected them to live a life of dedication full of demanding tasks. Their commitment expected them to remain steadfast regardless of their human fragility, sickness, and loneliness. They would spend the rest of their lives in a culture foreign to them with languages and cultures other than those they grew up with. They were expected to live devout and devoted lives in an enervating climate with a demanding schedule and sometimes stressful duties punctuating what might at times have seemed one day after another tedious day.
Spanish Franciscans in the Philippines differed among themselves in talent, health, personality, diplomatic skills, and devotion. They varied too in how well they lived up to their ideals and duties as parish priests. They belonged to an organization and were regularly measured and critiqued on how well they were performing and following the rules of their faith and calling. The most common opportunity for review and correction was when the Provincial or his agent made a visita to the parishes every eighteen months or so. As one source indicated, La visita es el medio más oportuno para sanar lo enfermo, para fortificar lo enflaquecido y conservar lo bien ordenado en su primitivo vigor.[1] Specific records of individual failings and corrections or punishments seem to have been destroyed as a matter of routine when the friar died.[2]
Provincials also sent letters to all parish-based Franciscans to correct practices or situations that he had observed were more common than simply individual shortcomings. These letters, sent parish to parish, were intended to bring the members of the group back to a stricter adherence to the common rules and expectations of the Province. The intent was to correct and focus the parish-based Franciscans on their vows and commitments: Les recomienda la obligación de corresponder a la vocación y de tendera la perfección.[3] Somewhat rarer are the letters with only praise for the Franciscan parish priests based on observations of the Provincial. This one from 1784 indicates general approval of what was seen during the last visita:[4]
Hemos visitado (CCHH) la maior parte de los Conventos, y Misiones por mi …
propria Persona … y doy muchas gracias a Dios nuestro Señor de veér que los
he hallado tan pacificos, tan concertados, y en VVCC una grande union fraternal,
un esmero sin igual en el cumplimiento de sus obligaciones … Esto es lo que
mas agrada, y alegra el Corazon de un Prelado Superior el ver, y saber que sus
Subditos viven bien arreglados a la observancia de su instituto, y que cumplen
exactamente con sus obligaciones conformando sus obras con las palabras, que
esto es andar, y vivir en verdad.
Copies of some of these circular letters to Franciscan parish priests have survived. They show Franciscan dedication to the ideal, the rules of proper behavior, and the anticipated commitment to correct misbehavior in order to more faithfully fulfill their ideals as Franciscan priests in the Philippine colony. They point to areas of laxness in living lives dedicated to the ideals of poverty, humility, and sacrifice. They suggest that the issues raised were sufficiently wide-spread to merit a collective reprimand and summons to correction and reform.
A Provincial wrote in 1633 of the importance of this correction process and the ideals that it tried to reinforce and reinvigorate for Franciscans working in parishes in the Philippines:[5]
Todas estas advertencias ruego a Vds. las observen y cumplan porque
qualquier defecta y falta que aya en lo referido lo tengo de castigar con rigor
sin perdonarada de las penas, que nra. Constituciones determinan, pero lo cierto
es, que si Vds. no aspiran a la perfeccion y procuran conservar el rigor con que
nros. primeros Padres fundaron esta sta. Proa. poco, a poco, se iratado
desmoronando y cajendo, sin que los Provinciales, puedan Remedi allo por
mucho que zelen. Lo qual digo porque entiendan Vds. que si no nos damos por
entendidos, ni es por no saberlo, ni por quererlo, sino por no poder mas por la
falta que ay de Religiosos. Y assi amonesto i pido encarecidamente a Vds.
procure cada qual ser Proal. de si mesmo y de su convento teniendo siempre en
la memoria el zelo y spiritu con que dexamos nras. Provinciales, y nras. Patrias,
que no puede ser mayor desgracia que aver hecho un tan largo viage i peligroso
sea decer causa de generar de la perfeccion i rigor que pretendimos quando
recibimos nro. sancto habito.
The letters and their criticisms reveal something about the experience of the Franciscan Province. In portraying shadows they give depth and fullness to objects and experiences that would otherwise be seen as two-dimensional or stereotypical. More importantly, in my view, they allow us to look through Franciscan eyes and glimpse the complexity of the Filipino pueblo under Spanish political and ecclesiastical administrations.
There were eight sets of concerns which appeared most commonly. They ranged from propriety in
· contacts with women,
· relations with Filipino pueblo officials,
· commitment to poverty,
· simplicity and dress,
· money and fiesta celebrations; to
· whipping,
· staffing of church and rectory, and
· daily and weekly routines
A common theme was Franciscan awareness of the importance of their public reputation, of how their fidelity to vows, behavior, and appearance might be perceived. Here is an example from 1771:[6]
Ordenase (dice [the Regla]) que ningun Religioso entre en Casas de Indias, o
Mestizos Casados con Indios, ni en Manila, ni fuera de Manila.
Estoy informado, el que ay algunos que quebrantan esta ordenacion
con frequencia, amonesto a los tales sino se previenen con la enmienda, el que
se prevengen para tolerar la pena, que alli mismo se intima. Haganse cargo los defectuosos, que a mas del propio peligro contraminan a sus proximos con su
escandalo. Ni sirve de escusa dice Kerchove el alegar la pureza de conciencia,
menos preciando el que digan, o no los hombres, por que no se compadece la
conciencia buena, con perdida de la propria fama, y con deshonor de todo el
Cuerpo de la Religion, el que debe evitar, y huir por derecho natural.
Franciscans were concerned with personal reputation and the honor of the Franciscan Province in the Philippines. Many of the admonitions and conerns expressed below will be directly tied to these preoccupations. All speak to personal faith and routines to reinforce self-discipline, commitment, and public reputation.
Women and Public Perception
How was a friar of the Franciscan Province, sworn to celibacy[7] and public decorum, expected to interact with the half of his parishioners were women? The basic rule was set out in one of the earliest surviving constitutions of the Province, from around 1635:[8]
2. Y guardense los frayles de hablar con mugeres, ni entrar en sus casas, sino
fuere con vrgente necesidad y con licencia del Prelado, y esté el compañero de
manera que se puedan ver, y si en esto fuere alguno defectuoso, sea castigado
grauemente, segun la grauedad del exceso, como lo disponen las Constituciones
generales.
We find that concern with occasions of private contacts with women is repeatedly voiced through the years of the Franciscan guardianship of pueblos were under Spanish rule. Here is an example from 1718:[9]
Es medio muy importante evitar la Conuersazon, familiaridad, y platicas que
algunos religs se dize, an tenido con Muxeres, y que aun Juzgo no cesan: y
que quisiera y deseo con todo afecto (aunq. no hallo cosa de consideracion
que reprehender y advertir en el punto) Se desterrara en totum de nros
Ministerios y Porterias, sino es quando la preciso necesidad, y charidad lo
piden, y no se puede escusar teniendo muy en la memoria lo que nro Padre
Sn Franco nos manda en su regla: que no tengamos sospechosas Compañias, o
consejos de Muxeres, evitando qualquiera familiaridad, que pueda dar
fundamento alguno al proximo, para sospechar, que somos yncontinentes ….
And, from 1783:[10] … que celemos con el maior cuidado su Observancia, lo que executaremos, y castigaremos con rigor al que a ello faltare, por ser mui justo, y arreglado a razon, y conducente a nuestro estado, especialmente la subida de las mugeres a los Conventos …. Six years later another Provincial emphatically made a similar point:[11] … por ningun manera, ni pretexto alguno se permita suban mugeres a los Conventos de las Doctrinas, y sus Visitas …. And another, from 1795, speaks to the issue along with notice of some of the pretexts that were advanced against occasions for inappropriate contact:[12]
Por mas mandatos, que se han repetido, prohiviendo suban las Mugeres a los
Convtos o Casas parrochiales, no se a cortado hasta ahora este pernicioso abuso,
siendo mas frequente en las provincias remotas, y Misiones que se hallan
distantes de la Vista de los Prelados; Ya pretextando que no son Convtos y ya
eludiendo las leyes con varias interpretaciones: hago animo de satisfacer en la
Visita a qualquiera que dudase, si los Prelados Regulares pueden, o no mandar,
no se permita este exceso, por lo que Zelare este particular como corresponde.
Interaction with Filipino Officials
Franciscans were the parish priests, powerful and influential. But they were also participants in the social, economic, and political world of the pueblo. Sometimes they were significant actors, sometimes they were marginalized, sometimes they essentially existed off stage as Filipino lives and dramas played out without their knowledge or permission. Politically, socially and economically, the pueblos were ruled by the more powerful Filipino families. Some of these families might have had relatives who occupied positions of significance as gobernadorcillos and assistants; or as church officials. These families ruled the pueblos, subject only to personal fate, vagaries of weather and crops, market forces, Spanish power, competing families, and the ability to manipulate or evade clerical knowledge or interference.
Franciscans had instructions how to deal with municipal officials, “Los principales, y cabeças deven ser tratados con respecto y benevolencia ….”[13] This admonition was fundamental, as we see in one of the compilations of rules and instructions for the Franciscan Province, the Baculo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas, dating from 1686 and revised around 1740.[14] The parish priest needed sagacity, neither so rigid that he offended nor so lenient that he was laughed at. If one were perceived to be hostile to the pueblo officials, no one would obey him. It was a difficult line to follow. One had to avoid offending or confronting the officials even while obeying the mandate to protect the poor. One had to learn how to operate within the customs of the pueblo to have influence.[15]
The difficulty was increased when the priest recognized that the poor were being exploited by the pueblo officials, especially when those officials were working hand in glove with the alcalde mayor to profit from monopoly trade, exactions of tribute and labor, and bribes:[16]
Quando el Ministro viere algun Governadorcillo y lo mismo Caveza
de Barangay o Principal muy amigo de los Alcaldes mayores, y serviciales es
menester mirar les mucho a las manos, porque de ordinario se conserve esta
amistad a costa de los pobres, como lo he experimentado varias vezes.
And if the priest did confront official injustices, the higher officials might send multiple complaints to the Franciscan Provincial, forcing him to restrain the priest or engage in a high stakes political conflict.
Parish priests also had to be cautious about public appearance and perceptions of familiarity with Filipino individuals and families, whether pueblo officials or not. Here is a reminder from the late eighteenth century of the prohibition of visiting Filipino homes except in cases of the administration of last rites or to visit the ill:[17]
Zelare con el maior cudado la observancia de la Ley 148. fol. 99. de nuestras
ordenaciones en orden a no subir a las Casas de los Yndios sino en los casos,
que obligue el empleo de parrocho, para administrar los Santos Sacramentos
y consolar los enfermos, pues nada se sigue de bueno de entrar y salir en casas
de Yndios, y se va haciendo bastante general la inobservancia de esta ley tan
prudentemiente establecida.
Indeed, the official Franciscan view was that nothing good would come from disregard of this rule. Nonetheless, apparently, such visiting was commonly done, even at the risk of gossip, rumor, or adverse political interpretations of such familiarity.
Again, there was an official Franciscan policy of maintaining a formal and respectful distance from gobernadorcillos and other municipal officials in recognition of Filipino amor propio and for sound political reasons. Pueblo officials could make the priest’s tasks more difficult within the pueblo. Moreover, pueblo officials might have lucrative alliances with alcaldes mayor who in turn could also make pastoral duties more burdensome.
Poverty and Modesty
The Franciscans who served in the Philippines were committed individually and collectively to poverty. In the Philippine context, this meant a near absolute shunning of personal handling of money or other forms of wealth. They did not own haciendas and were not permitted to participate in trade.[18] The Franciscans in the Philippines were perhaps singular in their emphasis on and commitment to poverty, their choice to eschew ownership and manipulation of property and wealth. Since the Franciscans of the Philippine Province were not allowed to receive, disburse, or manipulate property or specie, they instead appointed lay persons to act as their agents in collecting alms and administering finances. Handling of coin as well as buying and selling were strictly forbidden to the parish priests, as we see from this excerpt from the 1635 Constitution:[19]
9. En cada conuento de esta Prouincia aya vn sindico, nombrado por nuestro
hermano Prouincial que pueda trocar y comutar las cosas de la Orden, y no
para reciuir las limosnas pecuniarias, las quales se pongan en quien el dante
quisiere, y no en el sindico, sauo si el dante le nombrare, no por razon de
sindico, sino de hermano espiritual.
The general term and office for these agents (used by Franciscans at every level from the pueblo to Manila and to representatives for the Province in Mexico and Spain) was the Sindico (sometimes spelled Syndico), a steward or trustee for funds and in-kind donations. The Franciscans underscored the necessity of making sure that funds and alms were kept and carefully registered by the Sindicos due to “la torcida, y falsa intelligencia de muchos Españoles, y Naturales acerca del destino de dichas Limosnas.”[20]
At the pueblo level, appointments of these agents were ostensibly made by the Provincial, but in fact he gave the Franciscan pueblo priests the “Patentes de Syndicatos con los nombres en blanco,” leaving it to the ministers to choose among the “mas aptos Indios, que tienen los Pueblos.” One had to choose carefully, for the person must be one who would be respected in the pueblo. Changing ones mind and replacing your choice was not a good tack to take given the offense that would be inflicted on the one replaced.[21] In 1691, a Provincial wrote the the King that “por razon de su Instituto, o Reglas y Breves Apostolicos esta obligado atener en cada uno de sus conventos, un sindico, o mayordomo,[22] que lo es de su Sanctidad, pues en su nombre, y en el de la Yglesia Romano recibe, y percibe todas las limosnas pertenecientes a dichos conventos, y con su intervencion se gastan, y consumen los menesteres de ellos.” These men were “Indios naturales de los mismos Pueblos, y de ordinario en lo antiguo los que se hallavan de mas razon, y prinzipales, y de mejor confianza por la que se necessitava para la buena quenta de lo que estava a su cargo.”[23]
We find a reminder in 1789 that “se manda que en todos los Conventos ayga un Sindico, que reciva, guarde, commute, y expenda las limosnas de Estipendios, y demas Ovenciones.” The next paragraph continues with unmistakable emphasis: “Se ordena, que el Religioso, ya sea Prelado, ya sea Subdito, que reciviere, guardare, o gastare dinero en sus necesidades, o las del Convento, por si, o por otra persona, que la del Sindico, sea castigado con las penas del propietario.”[24] These Filipino stewards were fundamental to the proper management of the rectory, essential for the Franciscan parish priest to live in conformity to the rules regarding poverty.
Wearing the Habit in the Heat
The Franciscans in the Philippines were bound by rules regarding footwear, clothing, and use of horses. We see this clearly stated and emphasized in the 1635 constitution:[25]
1. Porque toda la guarda de nuestra profession consiste principalmente en la
obseruancia de la sancta pobreça, por tanto se ordena y manda que todos los
frayles anden descalços, y el que traxere sandalias sin licencia del Guardian, por
primera vez las lleue al cuello, y por la segunda, haga vna diciplina en comunidad,
y si los Prelados las vbiessen de traer de ordinario, sea con licencia en escripto de
nuestro hermano Prouincial.
The next section of this constitution proceeded to specify quality, size, and appearance of the habits, with uniformity expected among the friars. One habit per friar was the basic rule, but a backup was permitted.[26] Beds too were regulated, “Y las camas de los frayles sean conformes a todos los demas pobres y humildes, vsando algun petate, manta y almohada pobre de sayal.”
One of the more unusual reprimands I found in my research was the late eighteenth century concern, fifth in a list of eight concerns, with wearing of a kimono or quimono [spelled Quimon here]:[27]
No es menor el abuso que se va introduciendo, particularmente en las provincias
remotas, en el uso del Quimon, y aun este nada modesto, no teniendo mas forma
de habito algunos en los Conventos, y aun suelen salir del mismo modo a paseo,
que el Quimon dicho sobre la tunica, sin capilla, ni cuerda, y por que esta forma
es contraria a la que se nos manda en la regla, siendo igualmente precepto, que
obliga sub gravi, el mantenerse siempre con la forma del habito, y aun es disputable,
si se debe conservar para dormir, y aunque quieran alegar el excesivo calor, no es disculpa que la escuse, pues aun en las enfermerias ay habitos prevenidos para los enfermos, el que usan en las enfermedades, para no faltar a este precepto, prevengo,
que aunque disimislare esten con tunica, capilla, y cordoncito en la Celda para su desahogo, de ningun modo tolerare, que aunque sea arriva se pasen la maior parte
del dia con la tunica sola, y el Quimon sobre puesto, por no ser esta la forma del
habito, y menos disimulare, sea donde fuere, salgan a paseo, ni baxen a la Porteria
sin el habito de sayal.
Buying and Selling; Adornment of Rectories
The church and rectory were owned by the pueblo and the Roman Catholic Church. Parish priests were merely custodians with no ownership rights, as we see repeated three times in this 1798 argument by an unnamed Franciscan author:[28]
Que los Beneficiados Clerigos no son dueños, sino unos meros administradores
de sus rentas beneficiales.
… que la opinion que hace á los Beneficiados Clerigos mera Administradores
de sus rentas, para mi, es mas probable que la contraria ….
Digo, que un Parroco Regular es un mero Administrador, ó dispensador de los
bienes de su beneficio, en cuio nombre los distribuye ….
Franciscan rules, with a commitment towards poverty and public humility strongly enjoined against excessive adornment or modifications of this property, as we see in the 1635 Constitution:[29]
4. Ningun Guardian o Presidente haga obra en el conuento o pueblo, deshaga las
ya hechas, que sean notables o causan nouedad, sin licencia de nuestro hermano Prouincial; y declase ser obra notable, la que se apreciare en quarenta pesos, y el
que lo contrario hiciere, sea suspenso de su oficio por tres meses.
In 1729, the representative of the Provincial made the same point, linking commitment to poverty with the implied acknowledgment that property of the church and rectory were possessions of the pueblo:[30]
Y para que ningun Religioso pueda sacar de Convto alguno Alhaxa,
Ropa, embarcacion, o qualquiera cosa que sea, por ser esto contra la Sta
Pobreza, y uso estrecho de las cosas conque nos havemos criado Mando,
expresamente, que, ningun Religioso de qualquier estado, o condicion que sea,
saque de Convto alguno, con animo de guardarlo, o llevarlo a otro, ni retenerlo,
con intencion de pedir despues licencia para usar de ello: Embarcacion, Cavallo,
frasguera, qualquier genero de ropa, alhaxa o vasija del Convto por minima que
sea: ni limosna alguna; sino es la precisamte necesaria para pagar la gente de la
embarcacion, y gastos del camino; y declaro, ipso facto, por propietario el que
en alguna manera, fuere contra alguna de las cosas dichas; por ser como son expresamente contra nuestra voluntad; para cuyo efecto, anulo, y revoco,
qualesquiera Licencias concedidas por qualquier Prelado inferior, o Subdito
nuestro.
Finances and the Annual Fiesta
Every year the pueblo would celebrate the fiesta for the patron saint of the community,”the liturgical and popular fiesta par excellence.”[31] Balquiedra explains that the expenses of the celebration were supported by funds collected by the pueblo’s mayordomo de los bienes de la comunidad, “a government offical constituted to collect from every house a certain amount of rice during harvest time” (375-76). Balquiedra continues that the amount collected “depended upon the means of the families, the poor being completely absolved from the obligation,” with a third of the total “set aside for the expenses of the three principal feasts.”
Franciscan parish priests were repeatedly cautioned against using punishments to generate more funding for these feasts, as here in 1715:[32]
Hazemos saber a todos Vcs como estando de Visita en esa Provincia
[the Camarines] nos dieron noticia de algunos excesos, que algunos
particulares religiosos cometian sobre las cobranzas de las Limosnas, que
les pertenece, por las tres festividades, y otra funciones Ecclesiasticas,
castigando con rigor de azotes publicamente a los deudores de alguna, o
algunas de las dichas Limosnas lo qual advertimos charitativamente de
palabra no hiciesen, ni usasen de dichos medios ….
Even the extravagance and sums spent received attention by Provincials of the Franciscans, as we see here in 1795:[33]
Son excesivos los gastos que se han ocasionado en algunas Fiestas de los
Pueblos, que llaman Pintacasi; por consider a los Religiosos, que existen
fuera de la conprehension [sic] del termino señalado a los Colaterales, y
por que serán responsables en la Visita eclesiastica, si cargan a las Yglesias
semejantes gastos, que Verdaderamente son superfluos, y en la Visita
regular lo deben ser del mismo modo; pues no ay razon para permitir a los
Doctrineros con suman a su arbitrio en polvora, y otras bagatelas cantidad
de plata, cargandola a la Doctrina o Convento, disponiendo de ella, como si
fueran Dueños y Señores Absolutos; les prevengo se arreglen a la moderacion
corespondiente, no Convidando a otros que a los Colaterales, ni gastando mas
que lo necessario, a una moderada Mesa, teniendo presente la S.ta Pobrezas
que hemos profesado.
Whipping
While I have discussed whipping elsewhere,[34] it is important to report the expectation that Franciscan clerics would have Filipinos whipped for certain infractions. The quantity of lashes was specified in fundamental texts, such as (from the Baculo[35]) fifty lashes to a woman who left her husband; or for someone who did not go to Confession when mandated by the Church, 44 lashes for the first offense and fifty for the second time. For those who did not regularly attend church services on Sundays and during the fiestas, “sin tener impedimiento bastante,” twenty-four lashes the first time and fifty thereafter. If one ate meat on Fridays, ones punishment was to be twenty-four lashes in public the first time and fifty the second. A document from 1703 reports that a Franciscan personally whipped a houseboy in the rectory who had not attended Mass during festive days—six lashes. We are told that that his attendance thereafter was regular.[36]
The whipping was not to be done by the priest personally but rather by the Filipino fiscal celador. Clearly, though, the punishment was ordered by the priest and that fact must have been apparent both to the victim and those witnessing the flogging. We will see below, for 1789, a suggestion that this restriction on personal, clerical wielding of the rattan might not have been universally followed. We saw already, above, personal whippings by a priest in the punishment of the house boy in 1703. Regardless, the thought that whipping was a common punishment and that priests ordered or did it is a shock in the 21st century. We live in different times, as one 20th-century Franciscan scholar observed:[37]
… whipping played a significant role in Spanish culture in the eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries. It was part of the domestic, social, and
religious life of the people. Children were whipped at home and in the schools.
Criminals were flogged in prisons. Servants were beaten by their masters.
Some Franciscans had reservations regarding the quantity of lashings, cautions regarding who administered the lashes, but few if any seem to have debated the fundamental soundness of whipping a parishioner. Here, for instance, is a Provincial writing in 1681:[38]
… se me ocurre advertir y mandar a VVCC que nuevos accidentes que se han
ofrecido y noticias individuales que han tenido los Ministros de Justicia de su
Magestad que residian en esta ciudad en que le dan cuenta por extenso de lo
que se obra en ordena los ministerios de todas las Religiones como me la han
dado a mi en particular (por la merced que me hacen) que es advertir en los
excesos que ha habido en los castigos de los indios y repartimientos que se han
hecho con titulo de las obras, de todo lo cual tienen individual noticia. Por tanto
mando a todos VVCC que por ningun pretexto, ninguno de los Religiosos de
nuestra obediencia castigue a ningun indio en mas de doce azotes en caso que
la culpa lo merezca y por ningun caso ni acontecimiento pase de ahi, y de ser la
culpa de esta dicha pena sean remitidos a los ministros de justicia de dichos
pueblos para que segun sus costumbres sean castigadas poniendoles las penas
que merecen pues nosotros no podemos castigar como Jueces sino como Padres
y aunque la constitucion admite ad summum veinticinco azotes en Culpa grave
por las causas que tengo referidos, conviene minorarlos por ser necesario al buen
gobierno de esta Provincia con advertencia que cualquiera que exceda de dicho
número será castigado y corregido con el mismo exceso sin que le valga ninguna
exencion.
Presumably the ceiling on number of lashes ended with the end of this Provincial’s term and the lack of “heat” from government officials responding to Filipino complaints. However, we do have a brief mention in 1789 of concern for “cruelty” associated with some flogging ordered by Franciscan clerics:[39]
La crueldad conque algunos castigan a los Naturales ya por si, ya por otros[40] me
sirve de muchissima pena afficcion, y desconsuelo; y assi los encargo la enmienda,
y que se regulen a lo que previenen los estatutos. Deven entender los tales, que no
hay ningun derecho, que los conceda semejante autoridad; y que solo como Padres
pueden con moderacion castigar los defectos, y que averiguare esto con particular
cuidado; ya hé dicho del modo con que el buen Ministro puede hacer fruto en su
Pueblo.
Spanish colonial officials seldom, I imagine, concerned themselves with moderating scourging. Here is an Alcalde mayor writing in 1703 advocating public lashes in the doorway of the church for errant behavior when being registered for the census (and thus for tribute payments and labor requisitions) during Easter week:[41]
… save que en todos los dias festibos se zierran las puertas de las Yglecias, antes
de acavar la Missa, y que despues por el Padron de Confeziones, unas Vezes el
Ministro, y otras el Zelador los ba llamando y alque no haviendo, no siendo con
justa caussa le amonestan, por la primera, segunda vez, y a la tercera le mandan
al zelador le de seis, o dose azotes en la Porteria, o puerta de la Yglecia …
Franciscan clerics in the Islands essentially had only words, social and pastoral pressure, labor duties and whipping to enforce discipline upon those who violated rules of the priest and church. In 1635, the Constitution of the Province stated what could not be used to enforce obedience and what then were left to ensure punishment and subsequent obedience:[42]
17. Ordenase que en ninguna manera penen los ministros a los indios en
dinero, cera, mantas, ni otra cosa semejante a esto, salvo en azotes o trabajo
corporal, y si fuere necessario, ponerlos en casa del fiscal, y el que lo contrario
hiciere (si no fuere con licencia de nuestro hermano Provincial) sea suspenso
de su oficio por tres meses.
Among the reasons for sentencing a parishioner to be whipped would presumably have been for the vices of as gambling and drunkenness. After all, Franciscans were very concerned by what they saw as the vices of drinking to excess and gambling with cards or at cockfights:[43]
Dos vicios mas principalmente tienen destruidos a los Indios. El uno
es la embriaguez; el otro el Juego. Sobre que deve de las mucho el Ministro
ya enseñando, ya persuadiendo, ya castigando, ya amenazando; y aun que
absolutamente, no se les puede priven, de que celebren sus bodas, y
Baptismos con vino, pues aun los entierros se necen con el … No menos
destruccion les causa los Yndios el vicio de el Juego pues ha avido Yndio que
juega a su muger, y a una hija dalaga; y sino huviera sido por un Religioso
grave se las llevara el que las havia ganado. Son infinitos los casos, y trabajos,
que Yndios han sucedido por el Juego.
Social costs from gambling, particularly in card games, could be significant, as I have discussed elsewhere.[44]
With this concern regarding Filipino drinking and gambling in mind, it is perhaps not surprising that the Franciscan Province had strong admonitions against card playing among its priests. Here is a Franciscan Provincial writing in 1718 regarding clerical behavior and gambling:[45]
Lo segundo que a Uds advierto, aunque no por particular motivo, es la total
negazion al juego de los Naypes, tan impropio de pobres Hijos de nro P. S.
Francisco, y de tan poca, o ninguna edificazion para los Seculares; que sin
Jugar plata o otro interes temporal, que es Cosa notoriamente escandalosa,
y siendo solo por diversion, devemos evitar, o no dar motibo a que Juzguen
del religioso puede ocuparse, o se ocupa en dho Juego por algun ynteres,
Como de ordinario acostumbran los Seculares, de que pueden ynferir, e
ynfieren que el religioso que juega a los Naypes, lo hara por el motivo que
ellos mismos; y assi para que por ningun modo se les de occasion de
murmurar, o sospechar hago la presente advertencia a Vcds. Y reproduzgo de
nuebo los mandatos de los demas Prelados ... por evitar el mal exemplo que
de lo Contrario, sea seguido, y puede seguir en qualesquiera tiempos.
Excessive drinking by Franciscan clerics was also a concern, as we see in this brief injunction from 1789:[46]
No podre tampoco disimular, si acaso encontrase alguno que se exceda
en la bebida; pues es evidente, que los tales son incapaces de poder administrar,
y que los daños y defectos, que pueden executar en la administracion de los
Santos Sacramentos son irreparables.
Staffing the Church and Rectory
There seems to have been a tendency to overstaff positions in the church and rectory. In some cases this was probably to protect individuals from forced labor obligations owed to the pueblo and colonial government. There were limits to how many positions were permitted, limits set both by the Franciscans and by the government. Here is a reminder to follow the rules, sent out by the Provincial to his parish priests in 1741:[47]
Por que estoy informado, que en algunos Pueblos a demas del fiscal
mayor, o Celador, que concede el Rey, tienen quatro fiscalillos mas, con el
titulo de Ayudantes, y que estos estan reservados de Polos; y fuera de estos,
tienen los quatro Tanores, que concede el Rey Nuestro Señor (que Dios Guarde)
para el servicio de los Conventos, sin atender el grave daño, que se hace a los
Pueblos, tendiendo reservados de Polos a quatro Yndios mas, y lo que puede
resultar con los Alcaldes, y otros Jueces si lo llegan a saver, Mando expresamente,
que se quiten dichos quatro fiscalillos, y solo sirvan los Tanores; y si por algun
contingente o conveniencia de los Ministros, quisieren conservar dichos quatro
fiscalillos, se quiten luego al punto los quatro Tanores; y sirvan, y gocen las
reservas de dichos Tanores, los quatro fiscalillos, y no de otra manera. Y de todo
esto haré averiguacion en la Visita, para ver si se observa.
Daily and Weekly Routines, Public and Personal
Good pastoral behavior is rooted in routines of meditation and prayer. We see this from the beginning, such as this excerpt from the Constitution of 1635:[48]
2. Ordenase, que todo el año se tengan dos oras y media de oracion mental; la
una despues de maitines, la otra despues de completas, a la qual preceda un poco
de leccion de algun libro deuoto, y la otra media se tendra despues de prima.
This admonition appears to have been directed to those who knew local languages well enough to preach, counsel, and converse adequately with their parishioners. Another source suggests that for Franciscans new to the Islands, language studies would be paramount, as we see in these counsels for any Religioso recien llegado a esta Provincia:[49]
Deve aprovechar el tiempo que es precioso, gastandolo en el estudio, principalmente de la Theologia Moral, y Ydioma de los naturales; si la
obediencia le pusiere en lo Tagalo, no ay que andar bajeando por muchos artes
sino aplicarse al de el Padre Verdugo, que se tiene por el mas usado, y claro, y
despues de haver comprehendido a esta podra usar de el Impresso por el Padre
Fray Francisco de San Joseph, Dominico, y no antes, por que se confundira; con
el arte dicho de el Padre Verdugo, un Bocabulario, un Confessonario, y algun otro
libro Tagalo de los muchos, que ay Impressos, tendrá bastantes libros para estudiar
esta lengua, sin tomarlo tan a pechos que cobre hastio gastando dos horas por la
mañana, y dos por la tarde en el estudio de la lengua ….
The writer proceeds in the very next section to emphasize how best to learn the language: study directly from those who are the “mejores maestros de su Idioma,” the Filipino parishioners themselves:
La buena pronunciacion, y asentuacion de la lengua ha deser el
principal cuidado de el Ministro: esta se adquiere mas con el buen oydo,
que con el buen estudio, atendiendo a como le hablan los Indios, porque en
muchos vocables operian los Ministros antiguos mas como quiera que los
mesmos Indios son los mejores maestros de su Idioma, a ellos se deve estar
y procurar imitar su asentuacion y pronunciaciion huyendo de modos de
hablar demasiadomente reynados, y por reglas exquisitas, que raro europea
imita legalmente sin faltar en la asentuacion o tonadilla con que ni el que lo
habla, ni el que lo oye lo entiende y se frustra el fin principal, que es la
explicacion de el Sancto Evangelio y doctrina que deve administrar muy
clara e inteligible a sus Indios el verdadero Ministro fuera de ser reprehensible
en divinas Letras. No se desevide en aprehender los vocables mas inhonestos,
que tiene el Idioma, que aprender para huyr dellos equivocarse con otros
sus asonantes y que se vian los Indios de el Ministro, como les ha sucedido
a muchos con estas pocas advertencias paciencia, y perseverancia, y
encomendandose a Dios su Magestad le auydara, para que salga buen
Ministro, y en breve pueda imitar a otros que a los tres meses de tierra la
han predicado y administrado a los Indios.
After three months of careful language study, observation, and practice, some Franciscans would be ready for parish work. Years would follow, often working in relative isolation in backwater parishes. Good habits and personal discipline might erode over time, perhaps especially when serving alone in a rural parish away from the culture and climate of youth and early manhood. A routine for the experienced priests of twice daily spells of prayer might have helped focus and refresh dedication and commitment to ideals and self-sacrifice.[50] We find reminders of this self-discipline through the decades, indicating both its importance to the organization and individual as well as the tendency to fall away due to loneliness, the often enervating climate, occasional sickness, and the struggles of ministering a parish with a dispersed population with its own priorities.
Reinforcing individual routines of prayer and study would have been conferencias morales, attempts to gather friars together for exercises and discussions to reinforce commitment and focus. A Provincial emphasized their importance among eight points in a group letter at the end of the eighteenth century:[51]
Primte. No puedo tolerare el abandono general, que de poco tiempo a este parte
se a introducido en la Prov[inci]a acerca de las Conferencias morales, ya sea
por desidia, o ya por evitar la Competencia con los Vicarios foraneos sobre la
precedencia en proponerlas y presidirlas; y no califando por justa esta etiqueta
para privar a los Religiosos del bien inponderable que resulta de ellas, si se
tienen con formalidad, y como corresponde, mando que se tengan con arreglo
a nras leyes Municipales, proponiendolas el mas graduado, y presidiendolas
con preferencia al Vic.o Foraneo, si lo hubiese en aquel distrito, en atencion a
que las conferencias obligan a los Regulares, y es punto, que tambien pertenece
celar al Prelado regular precisive, que sus subditos tengan, o no la Cura de
Almas, Y por que pueden valerse del Cap.o de la residencia, sobre el que no
tenga facultades, el Religioso Cura, que por este motivo no concurra las
mandara escritas, como se a acostumbrado por impedimiento de Doctrinero,
o distancia del Pueblo a donde verificarse.
A Provincial in 1783 explicitly linked study with Conferencias Morales:[52] Ya encargue en nuestra primera Patente a VVCC la aplicacion a el estudio de Moral, y del Idioma, y el tener las Conferencias como disponen nras. Leyes ….
There was also the expectation that the Franciscan parish priest would interact through preaching and teaching in a regular way with his parishioners. One of the most fundamental routines was to review and teach the Doctrina Christiana, as we see in this statement by the Provincial in 1718:[53]
La Predicazion, buen exemplo y Doctrina Christiana que Devemos
enseñar a los Yndios, estoy noticiado, que muchos de Vds, Cuydan de
ponerlo en execuzion; pero que no faltan Algunos negligentes, me es preciso
animarlos y exortar … que a lo menos los Domingos y fiestas tengan
obligazion los Curas a explicar a sus feligreses la Doctrina Christiana ....
There were also the daily routines, particularly for the school children, as we see here from a reminder from the Provincial in 1777:[54]
En atencion a las necesitades presentes de nuestra Santa Provincia,
como a todos VVCC es constante, y para que Dios nuestro Señor nos asista
en toda para poderle servir, tengo por conveniente mandar que dexando en
su vigor el estilo que pueda haver en los Pueblos de que los muchachos de
la Escuela salgan rezando el Rosario por las Calles de parte de tarde todos
los dias si el tiempo no lo impide: El que procuren que esta Santa Devocion
tantas veces mandada por nuestros Antecesores la practiquen mas principalmente
los dichos muchachos con el Maestro de la Escuela, assistiendo tambien toda la
gente joven de ambos sexos, que pueden concurrir en todos los Sabados y
Domingos por la tarde, y en estos dos dias procurará el Religioso Ministro asistir
tambien si sus ocupaciones no se lo impiden para que de este modo se animenlos
del Pueblo a tan Santa Devocion en honor de Maria Santissima Madre de Dios,
y Señora nuestra, y lograr su intercesion, su amparo, y Patrocinio en todas
nuestras necesidades, para el mejor servicio de Dios, de Nuestra Santa Madre
la Yglesia, de las Christiandades que están a nuestro Cargo, y de la Conversion
de todos los Infieles.
Conclusion
It is a credit to the Franciscans in the colonial Philippines that they addressed directly the common tendency of members of an organization to go through periods of decline in ideals and performance. All organizations apparently experience this phenomenon, along with periodic rebirths of commitment and dedication. The comments in these circular letters are revealing, with issues probably not applicable to most of the Franciscans who were on the list of addressees but still significant enough in occurrence and participation to warrant mention and mandate correction.
Spanish Franciscans served imperial Spain in the Philippines from 1578 to 1898. Three hundred and twenty-one years of service would certainly have seen individuals who slipped or had periods of lax commitment. The examples (mainly from the eighteenth century), which I found and share here, are presented not to crow and not to indict. None of us, given our human condition, are completely without fault and inconsistent behavior. All organizations probably have problematic members, periods of decline, and mechanisms to bring back commitment and discipline. It is notable that the Franciscans in the Islands recognized the pattern and resolutely tried to correct slippages from the ideal.
[1] P. Fr. Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Informe del P. Francisco Antonio Maceyra sobre varios puntos de los que convendría tratar en el Concilio provincial de Manila,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 30 (1928), 375-97; here 390, quoting Maceyra.
[2] I base this conclusion on the clear statement from heads of the Franciscans in Spain and in Mexico in 1618 that was circulated among the Franciscans in the Philippine parishes in 1619: Archivo Franciscano Ibero-Oriental (AFIO henceforth) 10/1, Padre Antonio de Trejo, Vicario General. Orden para que se quemen los procesos formados contra los religiosos que conste haberse corregido o fallecido. Intimada a la provincia por el Comisario de Nueva España Fr. Diego de Otalora. Documento original con sello en lacre. 7 June 1618. Intimación: 6 February 1619. Ms., 1 fol.
[3] AFIO 291/10, Carta Circular de Fr. Juan Rino de Brozas, acompañando la Tabla. Sampaloc, 1 December 1736.
[4] AFIO 79/30, P. Fr. Santiago de la Cabeza, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 29 October 1784, 5 ff.; here, f. 1v. Spelling and most abbreviations left as represented in the manuscript.
[5] AFIO 79/1, P. Fr. Antonio Gregorio, O.F.M. Circular-Patente. Pangil, 13 November 1633. I have retained original spellings and abbreviations and transcribed as accurately as I could.
[6] AFIO 79/22, P. Fr. Manuel de San Agustin, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 1 June 1771, 4 ff.; here, f. 3v. Abbreviations, punctuation, and spelling are reproduced as they were in the manuscript (I do not understand the reference to “Kerchove” but assume it refers to an ecclesiastical authority).
[7] I discuss the question of violations of celibacy in Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, 19-36.
[8] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64. Pérez provides the text from one of the earliest surviving constitutions, from ca. 1635, on pp. 341-58. The quotation used here is from Chapter 7, Del modo de conuersar fuera de casa, section 2, p. 349. I have retained the spelling as published.
[9] AFIO 79/9, P. Fr. Mateo de San José, O.F.M., Provincial. Patentes. San Francisco de Naga, 21 April 1718, 3 ff.; here, f. 2. Abbreviations and spelling retained from the original manuscript.
[10] AFIO 79/29, P. Fr. Santiago de la Cabeza, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 3 Aug. 1783, 10 ff.; here, ff. 4v-5.
[11] AFIO 79/32, P. Fr. Juan de La Mata, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 8 Aug. 1789, 8 ff.; here, f. 7.
[12] AFIO 79/37, P. Fr. Bernardo de la Concepcion Perdigon, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 2 ff., 12 July 1795.
[13] AFIO 79/1, P. Fr. Antonio Gregorio, O.F.M. Circular-Patente. Pangil, 13 November 1633, the fifth of five points.
[14] The Bacvlo is a manuscript in two parts found as a set of manuscripts in the Archivo Franciscano Ibero Oriental (AFIO 137/1 and AFIO 345/9). Literally it means stick or staff, as used by a pastor or bishop; current spelling would be Baculo. The citation used in Luis D. Balquiedra, The Development of the Ecclesial and Liturgical Life in the Spanish Philippines. A Case of Interaction between Liturgy, Cult of Saints and Extraliturgical Religious Pracices in the Upbuilding of the Filipino Church in Franciscan Pueblos 1578-1870 ( Ph.D. dissertation, Doctor in Sacred Liturgy, The Pontifical Liturgical Institute S. Anselmo, Rome, 1982), p. 731, is:
San Jose(ph), Francisco de.
Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas que observan los Religiosos de N.P.S. Francisco en esta Provincia de S. Gregorio el Magno de estas Islas Philipinas para su alivio nuevamente arreglado a las Constituciones, Ceremonial y Doctrina de Novicios de esta Provincia y expurgada de algunas cosas antiguas. Año de 1740. Compuesto por el M.R.P. Predicador Fr. Francisco de S. Joseph: Religioso Descalzo de la Seraphica Orden de N.P.S. Francisco y actual Ministro Provincial de la Provincia de estas Islas Philipinas. Año de 1686. En 4o sin foliar. [Ms. ends abruptly in chap. 19]. [this is AFIO 137/1]
Bacvlo de Ministros. En 4o sin foliar. [Ms. begins with chap. 19; no title page]. [this is AFIO 345/9].
The citation used by AFIO for 137/1 is P. Fr. Francisco de San José, O.F.M., Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas que observan los Religiosos de N. P. S. Francisco en esta Provincia de S. Gregorio el Magno de estas Islas Philipinas para su alivio nuevamente arreglado a las Constituciones, Ceremonial y Doctrina de Novicios de esta Provincia y expurgada de algunas cosas antiguas. Año de 1686. En 4o sin foliar.
The official citation for AFIO 345/9 is Baculo de Ministros. Libro ms., varias letras, sin fecha.
[15] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 8, Section 1.
[16] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 8, Section 8.
[17] AFIO 79/37, P. Fr. Bernardo de la Concepcion Perdigon, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 2 ff., 12 July 1795.
[18] For a comprehensive overview of the ideology of the Franciscan Province in the Philippines, see Antolín Abad Pérez, O.F.M., “El espiritu franciscano en la Institución Alcantarina,” Revista Confer, April-June-September 1969, 289-310; and Antolin Abad Pérez, O.F.M. and Cayetano Sánchez Fuertes, O.F.M., “La Descalcez Franciscana en España, Hispanoamérica y Extremo Oriente. Síntesis Histórica, Geográfica y Bibliográfica,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 59 (1999), 457-788, particularly 457-90.
[19] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64; here from Chapter 5, De la guarda de la sancta pobreça, section 9, p. 345. I have retained the spelling as printed.
[20] AFIO G/10, Libro oficial Copiador de las Tablas y Actas Capitulares, desde 27 junio 1723 al 14 junio 1764, Ms., 137 ff., 1723-1765; f. 72, 27 May 1744.
[21] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 5, Section 1.
[22] The church had another Filipino, the Mayordomo de la Iglesia, who was charged with “keeping and recording all the alms—either in money or in kind—that the people donated for the upkeep of the church,” to “maintain and protect the ritual ornaments and vestments of the church, to inspect and see to the repairs of the building and its altars, shrines, paintings, etc., as well as to provide the supplies of candles and other necessities for the Mass and the faithful.” Luis D. Balquiedra, The Development of the Ecclesial and Liturgical Life in the Spanish Philippines. A Case of Interaction between Liturgy, Cult of Saints and Extraliturgical Religious Practices in the Upbuilding of the Filipino church in Franciscan Pueblos 1578-1870 ( Ph.D. dissertation, Doctor in Sacred Liturgy, The Pontifical Liturgical Institute S. Anselmo, Rome, 1982), 765 pp.; here, 203.
[23] AFIO 7/10, Recurso al Rey del Provincial Franciscano, pidiendo reserva de Tributos y servicios personales para nuestros Sindicos. Ms., 30 May 1691.
[24] AFIO G/9, Libro oficial copiador de las Actas y Tablas y Tablas Capitulares desde 22 mayo de 1765 a 5 diciembre 1815. Ms., 197 ff., 1765-1814; here, numbers 74 and 75, f. 104, 30 May 1789.
[25] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64. Pérez provides the text from one of the earliest surviving constitutions, from ca. 1635, on pp. 341-58. The quotation used here is from Chapter 5, De la guarda de la sancta pobreça, paragraph 1. I retain the spelling found in the published text. Also see Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, n. 45, regarding use of horses.
[26] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64; here, from Chapter 6, section 17, p. 348: Ningun religioso tenga a su vso mas de un habito, pero podra vsar de otro, que esté en nombre de comunidad, para que se pueda mudar, quando tuuiere necessidad.
[27] AFIO 79/37, P. Fr. Bernardo de la Concepcion Perdigon, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 2 ff., 12 July 1795. There is also reference to concern with those who have taken to not wearing the Habit in the rectory and even around the the Pueblo and in its streets in AFIO 79/19, P. Fr. Isidro de la Santisima Trinidad, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 25 May 1750, 4 ff.; here, f. 1.
[28] AFIO 8/14, Informe Anónimo sobre el uso del estipendio de los Doctrineros. Ms., 14 ff., [1798]; here, f. 3, f. 4, and f. 14.
[29] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64. Pérez provides the text from one of the earliest surviving constitutions, from ca. 1635, on pp. 341-58. The quotation used here, spelling retained as appears in the published text, is from Chapter 5, De la guarda de la sancta pobreça, section 4.
[30] AFIO 79/11, P. Fr. José del Espiritu Santo, O.F.M., Comisario Visitador. Patente. San Diego, Polo, 29 April 1729, 4 ff.; here, f. 1v. Abbreviations and spelling retained as found in the original manuscript.
[31] Luis D. Balquiedra, The Development of the Ecclesial and Liturgical Life in the Spanish Philippines. A Case of Interaction between Liturgy, Cult of Saints and Extraliturgical Religious Pracices in the Upbuilding of the Filipino Church in Franciscan Pueblos 1578-1870, Ph.D. dissertation, Doctor in Sacred Liturgy, The Pontifical Liturgical Institute S. Anselmo, Rome, 1982, 368. I discuss the fiestas at greater length, based in large part on Balquiedra, in Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, 64-72.
[32] AFIO 79/5, P. Fr. Miguel Sánchez, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Dilao, 3 ff., 7 March 1715, f. 1. Spelling and abbreviations represented here as found in the original manuscript.
[33] AFIO 79/37, P. Fr. Bernardo de la Concepcion Perdigon, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 2 ff., 12 July 1795.
[34] Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, 44-47. Also see short references to Franciscan and Filipino voluntary flagellation in v. 1, 55 and 60-62. Also see Bruce Cruikshank, “The Ideal and the Real,” 24-36.
[35] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 10, section 4.
[36] AFIO 68/8, Instrucciones a nuestros misioneros de Filipinas acerca de la predicación y la confesión de los indios. Ms., anónimo, 1703, 14 ff.; here, f. 14.
[37] Francis F. Guest, O.F.M., “Cultural Perspectives on California Mission Life.” Southern California Quarterly, 65:1 (Spring 1983), 1-65; here, 14.
[38] AFIO 79/3, P. Fr. Mateo de la Asuncion, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente, exhorta a sus subditos a la caridad fraternal que traten con caridad a los indios, que no se entrometan en negocios seculares y que eviten todo trato con personas sospechosas. Ntra. Sra. De la Candelaria, Dilao, 3 ff., 11 June 1681; here, ff. 2-2v.
[39] AFIO 79/32, P. Fr. Juan de La Mata, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 8 Aug. 1789, 8 ff.; here, f. 8.
[40] This seems to suggest that priests did sometimes perform the flogging themselves, even though they were supposed to use the fiscal celador, as mentioned earlier.
[41] Fondo Franciscano, Biblioteca Nacional del Museo de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, Mexico, Vol. 160, ff. 16-38v; here, f. 25.
[42] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64. Pérez provides the text from one of the earliest surviving constitutions, from ca. 1635, on pp. 341-58. The quotation used here is from Chapter 7, section 17. I assume that penalties in kind were forbidden in order to avoid accusations of trade and profiteering. The distinction of course was made for Franciscan reasons, even if the parishioner might very well have preferred property transfer to a public scourging.
[43] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 9, section 3.
[44] Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, 151-52.
[45] AFIO 79/9, P. Fr. Mateo de San José, O.F.M., Provincial. Patentes. San Francisco de Naga, 3 ff., 21 April 1718. I have retained spellings and abbreviations found in the original manuscript. Reference to “Seculares” almost certainly means Filipino parishioners, but it is an unusual usage since generally in the Islands it referred to Diocesan priests. Regarding Franciscans and gambling, also see AFIO G/9, Libro oficial copiador de las Actas y Tablas y Tablas Capitulares desde 22 mayo de 1765 a 5 diciembre 1815. Ms., 197 ff., 1765-1814; here, f. 83v, 7 June 1783.
[46] AFIO 79/32, P. Fr. Juan de La Mata, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 8 Aug. 1789, 8 ff.; here, f. 8.
[47] AFIO 79/15, P. Fr. Melchor de San Antonio, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 12 October 1741, 4 ff.; here, f. 4.
[48] Lorenzo Pérez, O.F.M., “Constituciones de la Apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio,” Archivo Ibero-Americano, 31: 93 (May-June 1929), 338-64. Pérez provides the text from one of the earliest surviving constitutions, from ca. 1635, on pp. 341-58. The quotation used here is from Chapter 4, De la oracion y disciplina, point 2, p. 344.
[49] AFIO 137/1, P. Fr. Francisco de San José, Bacvlo de Parrocos y Ministros de Doctrinas …, Chapter 1, section 3. Original spelling retained.
[50] A Provincial in 1783 spoke of el recogimiento interior, y exterior como tan proprio del estado Religioso, y necesario para la perfeccion; en quanto al interior dandose al estudia de la Oracion en aquellas horas, que las precisas ocupaciones del Ministerior den tiempo para ello; y en quanto al exterior, de no pasar los limites de sus Colaterales sin licencia para ello, la que concedere siempre que siga causa para ello, todo lo qual reproduzco de nuevo, y celare su Observancia sin la menor falta …. AFIO 79/29, P. Fr. Santiago de la Cabeza, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 3 Aug. 1783, 10 ff.; here, f. 6.
[51] AFIO 79/37, P. Fr. Bernardo de la Concepcion Perdigon, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 2 ff., 12 July 1795. In 1781, a Provincial had to insist that Franciscan parish priests recognize not only the importance of study of books and language but that moral cases in the Islands were just as complex as in Spain. AFIO 79/28, P. Fr. Rosendo de la Transfiguracion, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Pandacan,19 October 1781, 6 ff. Study of languages and use of Conferencias de Moral were emphasized in 1789 as well-- AFIO 79/32, P. Fr. Juan de La Mata, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Candelaria, Dilao, 8 Aug. 1789, 8 ff.; here, v. 7v.
[52] AFIO 79/29, P. Fr. Santiago de la Cabeza, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 3 Aug. 1783, 10 ff.; here, f. 5v.
[53] AFIO 79/9, P. Fr. Mateo de San José, O.F.M., Provincial. Patentes. San Francisco de Naga, 21 April 1718, 3 ff.; here, f. 1 v. There is an even more detailed set of expectations laid out in 1733 for Saturdays, Sundays, and Easter Fridays in AFIO 17/65, P. Juan de la Cruz. Copia de la carta al Comisario General. En los conventos se explica todos los domingos la Doctrina cristiana y reza el Rosario. Prácticas piadosas. Misiones de China. Santa Ana, 20 June 1733, 2 ff.
[54] AFIO 79/24, P. Fr. José Casañes, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 20 July 1777, 12 ff.; here, ff. 10v-11. Also see Bruce Cruikshank, Spanish Franciscans in the Colonial Philippines, 1578-1898, v. 1, 37-41; and Bruce Cruikshank, “The Ideal and the Real,” 4-23. This same Provincial repeated his command a year later: AFIO 79/25, P. Fr. José Casañes, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Santa Cruz de Laguna de Bay, 29 September 1778, 6 ff.; here, f. 6. Another Provincial repeated it in 1783, linking its use of platicas to que les hagan el plantio de la Pimienta, Algodon, y demas plantas, como tambien para evitar la ociosidad el que se apliguen a otros algunos oficio, de los que les puede resultar gran Beneficio, tanto en lo Corporal, como en lo espitural. AFIO 79/29, P. Fr. Santiago de la Cabeza, O.F.M., Provincial. Patente. Manila, 3 Aug. 1783, 10 ff.; here, ff. 6v-7.