A "Newtonian" Conception of God:

Natural Theology & the Argument from Design

In the wake of the wide acceptance of Newtonian science in the early 1700s came new prestige for the arguments of natural theology. "Natural Theology" is this religious sentiment of tying nature to the properties of God the Creator. It encouraged the reading of moral lessons from nature, for Nature was interpreted to be revealing not only of His awesome skill as a maker, but also of His wisdom and benevolence. The purpose of this grand construction was ultimately for humanity, and studying nature became an avenue to glorifying the Creator and demonstrating his Providence.

Newton himself expressed these ideas in the "General Scholium" or philosophical conclusion of the Principia (appearing in the second edition of 1713),

"This most beautiful system of the sun, planets, and comets, could only proceed from the counsel and dominion of an intelligent and powerful Being. . . . This Being governs all things, not as the soul of the world, but as Lord over all . . . . We have ideas of his attributes, but what the real substance of anything is we know not. In bodies, we see only their figures and colors, we hear only the sounds, we touch only their outward surfaces, we smell only the smells, and taste the savors; but their inward substances are not to be known either by our senses, or by any reflex act of our minds: much less, then, have we any idea of the substance of God. We know him only by his most wise and excellent contrivances of things, and final causes; we admire him for his perfections; but we reverence and adore him on account of his dominion: for we adore him as his servants; and a god without dominion, providence, and final causes, is nothing else but Fate and Nature. Blind metaphysical necessity, which is certainly the same always and everywhere, could produce no variety of things. All that diversity of natural things which we find suited to different times and places could arise from nothing but the ideas and will of a Being necessarily existing."

As we discussed earlier, Robert Boyle and others had shown the way to be deeply religious and yet accepting of a mechanistic emphasis. Boyle's God was revealed in His creation, and what was revealed in nature was the wisdom, power, and beneficence of a mighty engineer. As John Ray wrote in 1692, in his The Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works of Creation, "There is for a free man no occupation more worthy and delightful than to contemplate the beauteous works of nature and honour the infinite wisdom and goodness of God."

Like so much that became labeled "Newtonian," proponents of natural theology both preceded and followed Newton. Just as importantly, their public presence was established not by Newton but by a legacy of Robert Boyle. Boyle died in 1691, leaving in his will a fund to support the public Boyle Lectures, intended to prove Christianity's validity and combat atheism. Not surprisingly, most of the lectures followed Boyle in using the book of Nature as well as Scripture. The lecturers had close ties to the developing sciences, and a few, such as Samuel Clarke, had close ties to Newton himself. Clarke's 1704 and 1705 Boyle Lectures, A Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God and A Discourse concerning the Unchangeable Obligations of Natural Religion and the Truth and Certainty of Christian Revelation, were designed to combat materialist and atheistical views arising from the new science. Most of the popular works, however, drew little on Newton's technical arguments from physics. They did accept a general worldview of inert matter acting under forces, with its mechanical principles designed by the Creator.

William Derham's lectures, for example, were published as Physico-Theology: or, A Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God, from the Works of Creation (1713). Unlike Newton, Derham turned as well to biological examples, pointing in particular to an exhaustive list of adaptive features that show Providential wisdom and benevolence in planning for every creature's needs in life. Over the next 50 years, his book was so popular as to go through a dozen editions and several foreign translations.

The "argument from design," the intellectual bulwark of the religious use of natural science, posited that the complexity and orderly purpose of nature could arise by no known law or mechanism from nature itself: it required (and thus proved) the existence of a divine creative Mind. As Ray wrote,

"There is no greater; at least no more palpable and convincing Argument of the Existence of a Deity, than the admirable Art and Wisdom that discovers itself in the Make and Constitution, the Order and Disposition, the Ends and Uses of all the Parts and Members of this stately Fabrick of Heaven and Earth: For if in the Works of Art, as for Example, a curious Edifice or Machine, Counsel, Design, and Direction to an End appearing in the whole Frame, and in all the several pieces of it, do necessarily infer the Being and Operation of some intelligent Architect or Engineer, why shall not also in the Works of Nature, that (grandeur and Magnificence, that excellent Contrivance for Beauty, Order, Use, &c. which is observable in them, wherein they do as much transcend the Effects of humane Art as infinite Power and Wisdom exceeds finite, infer the Existence and Efficiency of an Omnipotent and All-Wise Creator?" [1692: p. 31]

Nature proved His existence and provided a clue to His benevolent qualities; and thus science could be called upon to provide intellectual justification for faith. It was an encouragement to careful scientific studies of the parts and operations of the natural world.

But also like so much that became labeled "Newtonian," alternative ideas could flourish while invoking the same principles. The emphasis on the works of nature, rather than revealed religion or experience or the dogmas of an institutional Church, could allow an alternative idea of God in Nature. "Deism" is the general descriptor for belief in a divine Creator who, by establishing the structure and laws of nature, does not intervene in the world's operation. Reason is elevated, as science was seen to support such a view; God's role in human affairs is thus eliminated. Also reduced is thus the need for institutional structures or for belief in the teachings of any particular church. Thus, although followers of the Church agreed with accepting scientific arguments for the existence of God, they had to worry about the consequent rejection of traditional Christian beliefs and institutions.

Some natural theologians did argue for the alignment of scripture and science. Their view is nicely illustrated by Bernard Nieuwentyt’s Het regt gebruik der wereltbeschouwingen [The Right Use of the Contemplations of the World], published in 1715. A follower of Descartes, Nieuwentyt was worried about the skeptic’s use of the mechanical philosophy. He intended to convince "Atheists and Infidels" of the existence and wisdom of the Creator, in a world governed by design but yet with an active, interceding God. This was natural theology with a maintained emphasis on the literal word of the Bible and its scientific value. The more common view among natural theologians was to avoid arguments about the Bible. In fact the English translator of the text in 1718-19, John Chamberlayne, eliminated those passages from Nieuwentyt’s text. He was assisted in translation by ‘sGravesande, and the translation included an introduction from Desaguliers. They agreed with the argument for providential design, but were less taken with the deleted passages on scripture and revelation. Chamberlayne adapted the title to emphasize the argument for design. The Religious Philosopher; Or, the Right Use of Contemplating the Works of the Creator was then translated into French, as L’existence de Dieu, demontrée par les merveilles de la nature [The Existence of God, Demonstrated by the Wonders of Nature]. Both the English and French versions were widely reprinted and influential as a part of the mainstream of arguments from design.

The comfortable wedding of scientific and religious impulses flourished particularly in Britain, given a boost by the reputation of Newtonian science. Two of the most popular natural religion treatises were Ray's The Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works of Creation (1692) and Derham's Physico-Theology (1713). More specialized studies also were common, such as Astro-Theology and Lesser's Insecto-Theology (1740). An ecological emphasis, on the intertwining connections in nature, appeared in Linnaeus's Œconomia naturae (1749) and Politia naturae (1760). Such lessons also found expression in conventional natural histories, such as Gilbert White's highly popular The Natural History of Selborne (1788) [illustration at right], and the more specialized Introduction to Entomology (1815) of the Rev. William Kirby and William Spence. Along with individual books, the general rhetoric of natural theology pervaded much English writing about nature, and nature's lessons found their way into innumerable sermons, lectures, pamphlets, circulars, and theodicies.

The grand masterpiece that gave voice to the design argument, studies of complex parts of nature, and the interconnections was the Rev. William Paley's Natural Theology, or Evidences of the Existence and Attributes of the Deity, Collected from the Appearances of Nature (1802), which extended the influence of natural theology, especially in natural history, well into the 1800s. The work is best seen as a summation of the eighteenth-century concern with finding a middle way between skeptical rationalism and religious "Enthusiasm" (a dependence on revelation or experience alone, rejecting Church authority). Paley (1743-1805) saw excessive rationalism as a dangerous path to Deism or to doubt and even atheism, but also rejected dependence on emotion alone as a foundation for belief in God. He desired more than dependence on revelation and mere proofs from reason, and emphasized the strong inductive grounds from empirical observation. That is enough for reasonable conviction. After an academic career at Cambridge and then moving higher in the Anglican church, he turned to philosophical works in his sixties, publishing highly popular books on morals, political values, and Christianity. One way to see his Natural Theology is as the best expression of the widely held view among Newtonian philosophers, beginning with Ray and Clarke and Derham and continuing through the 1700s. For example, the analogy of a man finding a watch, and developing the argument for design had appeared a century before in Nieuwentyt’s The Religious Philosopher. Paley derives from nature two arguments – a proof of the existence of God as the Designer of the universe, and evidences for the attributes of such a God.


Excerpts from Rev. William Paley’s Natural Theology [edition of 1809, at http://www.darwin-online.org.uk/ ]

CHAPTER I. STATE OF THE ARGUMENT.

IN crossing a heath, suppose I pitched my foot against a stone, and were asked how the stone came to be there; I might possibly answer, that, for any thing I knew to the contrary, it had lain there for ever: nor would it perhaps be very easy to show the absurdity of this answer. But suppose I had found a watch upon the ground, and it should be inquired how the watch happened to be in that place; I should hardly think of the answer which I had before given, that, for any thing I knew, the watch might have always been there. Yet why should not this answer serve for the watch as well as for the stone? why is it not as admissible in the second case, as in the first? For this reason,

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and for no other, viz. that, when we come to inspect the watch, we perceive (what we could not discover in the stone) that its several parts are framed and put together for a purpose, e. g. that they are so formed and adjusted as to produce motion, and that motion so regulated as to point out the hour of the day; that, if the different parts had been differently shaped from what they are, of a different size from what they are, or placed after any other manner, or in any other order, than that in which they are placed, either no motion at all would have been carried on in the machine, or none which would have answered the use that is now served by it. To reckon up a few of the plainest of these parts, and of their offices, all tending to one result:-- We see a cylindrical box containing a coiled elastic spring, which, by its endeavour to relax itself, turns round the box. We next observe a flexible chain (artificially wrought for the sake of flexure), communicating the action of the spring from the box to the fusee. We then find a series of wheels, the teeth of which catch in, and apply to, each other, conducting the motion from the fusee to the balance, and from the balance to the pointer; and at the same time, by the

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size and shape of those wheels, so regulating that motion, as to terminate in causing an index, by an equable and measured progression, to pass over a given space in a given time. We take notice that the wheels are made of brass in order to keep them from rust; the springs of steel, no other metal being so elastic; that over the face of the watch there is placed a glass, a material employed in no other part of the work, but in the room of which, if there had been any other than a transparent substance, the hour could not be seen without opening the case. This mechanism being observed (it requires indeed an examination of the instrument, and perhaps some previous knowledge of the subject, to perceive and understand it; but being once, as we have said, observed and understood), the inference, we think, is inevitable, that the watch must have had a maker: that there must have existed, at some time, and at some place or other, an artificer or artificers who formed it for the purpose which we find it actually to answer; who comprehended its construction, and designed its use.

I. Nor would it, I apprehend, weaken the conclusion, that we had never seen a watch made; that we had never known an artist

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capable of making one; that we were altogether incapable of executing such a piece of workmanship ourselves, or of understanding in what manner it was performed; all this being no more than what is true of some exquisite remains of ancient art, of some lost arts, and, to the generality of mankind, of the more curious productions of modern manufacture. Does one man in a million know how oval frames are turned? Ignorance of this kind exalts our opinion of the unseen and unknown artist's skill, if he be unseen and unknown, but raises no doubt in our minds of the existence and agency of such an artist, at some former time, and in some place or other. Nor can I perceive that it varies at all the inference, whether the question arise concerning a human agent, or concerning an agent of a different species, or an agent possessing, in some respects, a different nature.

II. Neither, secondly, would it invalidate our conclusion, that the watch sometimes went wrong, or that it seldom went exactly right. The purpose of the machinery, the design, and the designer, might be evident, and in the case supposed would be evident, in whatever way we accounted for the irregularity

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of the movement, or whether we could account for it or not. It is not necessary that a machine be perfect, in order to show with what design it was made: still less necessary, where the only question is, whether it were made with any design at all.

III. Nor, thirdly, would it bring any uncertainty into the argument, if there were a few parts of the watch, concerning which we could not discover, or had not yet discovered, in what manner they conduced to the general effect; or even some parts, concerning which we could not ascertain, whether they conduced to that effect in any manner whatever. For, as to the first branch of the case; if by the loss, or disorder, or decay of the parts in question, the movement of the watch were found in fact to be stopped, or disturbed, or retarded, no doubt would remain in our minds as to the utility or intention of these parts, although we should be unable to investigate the manner according to which, or the connexion by which, the ultimate effect depended upon their action or assistance; and the more complex is the machine, the more likely is this obscurity to arise. Then, as to the second thing supposed, namely, that there were parts which might be spared, without prejudice to the

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movement of the watch, and that we had proved this by experiment,--these superfluous parts, even if we were completely assured that they were such, would not vacate the reasoning which we had instituted concerning other parts. The indication of contrivance remained, with respect to them, nearly as it was before.

IV. Nor, fourthly, would any man in his senses think the existence of the watch, with its various machinery, accounted for, by being told that it was one out of possible combinations of material forms; that whatever he had found in the place where he found the watch, must have contained some internal configuration or other; and that this configuration might be the structure now exhibited, viz. of the works of a watch, as well as a different structure.

V. Nor, fifthly, would it yield his inquiry more satisfaction to be answered, that there existed in things a principle of order, which had disposed the parts of the watch into their present form and situation. He never knew a watch made by the principle of order; nor can he even form to himself an idea of what is meant by a principle of order, distinct from the intelligence of the watch-maker.

VI. Sixthly, he would be surprised to hear

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that the mechanism of the watch was no proof of contrivance, only a motive to induce the mind to think so:

VII. And not less surprised to be informed, that the watch in his hand was nothing more than the result of the laws of metallic nature. It is a perversion of language to assign any law, as the efficient, operative cause of any thing. A law presupposes an agent; for it is only the mode, according to which an agent proceeds: it implies a power; for it is the order, according to which that power acts. Without this agent, without this power, which are both distinct from itself, the law does nothing; is nothing. The expression, "the law of metallic nature," may sound strange and harsh to a philosophic ear; but it seems quite as justifiable as some others which are more familiar to him, such as "the law of vegetable nature," "the law of animal nature," or indeed as "the law of nature" in general, when assigned as the cause of phænomena, in exclusion of agency and power; or when it is substituted into the place of these.

VIII. Neither, lastly, would our observer be driven out of his conclusion, or from his confidence in its truth, by being told that he knew nothing at all about the matter. He

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knows enough for his argument: he knows the utility of the end: he knows the subserviency and adaptation of the means to the end. These points being known, his ignorance of other points, his doubts concerning other points, affect not the certainty of his reasoning. The consciousness of knowing little, need not beget a distrust of that which he does know.

After several chapters of examples of the application of this reasoning, Paley rather triumphantly insists that all the cases are not in fact needed. It is not a chain of reasoning that makes the case. Rather, one example would suffice to prove the Designer, even if all the rest of the world were disorderly. That is because science knows no way to explain order and complex function arising without a designer.

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CHAPTER VI. THE ARGUMENT CUMULATIVE.

WERE there no example in the world, of contrivance, except that of the eye, it would be alone sufficient to support the conclusion which we draw from it, as to the necessity of an intelligent Creator. It could never be got rid of; because it could not be accounted for by any other supposition, which did not contradict all the principles we possess of knowledge; the principles, according to which, things do, as often as they can be brought to the test of experience, turn out to be true or false.

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CHAPTER XXIII. OF THE PERSONALITY OF THE DEITY.

CONTRIVANCE, if established, appears to me to prove every thing which we wish to prove. Amongst other things, it proves the personality of the Deity, as distinguished from what is sometimes called nature, sometimes called a principle: which terms, in the mouths of those who use them philosophically, seem to be intended, to admit and to express an efficacy, but to exclude and to deny a personal agent. Now that which can contrive, which can design, must be a person. These capacities constitute personality, for they imply consciousness and thought. They require that which can perceive an end or purpose; as well as the power of providing means, and of directing them to their end. They require a centre in which perceptions unite, and from which volitions flow; which is mind. The acts of a mind prove the existence of a mind: and in whatever a mind resides, is a person. The seat of intellect is a

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person. We have no authority to limit the properties of mind to any particular corporeal form, or to any particular circumscription of space. These properties subsist, in created nature, under a great variety of sensible forms. Also every animated being has its sensorium, that is, a certain portion of space, within which perception and volition are exerted. This sphere may be enlarged to an indefinite extent; may comprehend the universe; and, being so imagined, may serve to furnish us with as good a notion, as we are capable of forming, of the immensity of the Divine Nature, i. e. of a Being, infinite, as well in essence as in power; yet nevertheless a person.

"No man hath seen God at any time." And this, I believe, makes the great difficulty. Now it is a difficulty which chiefly arises from our not duly estimating the state of our faculties. The Deity, it is true, is the object of none of our senses: but reflect what limited capacities animal senses are.

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. . . The great energies of nature are known to us only by their effects. The substances which produce them, are as much concealed from our senses as the Divine essence itself. Gravitation, though constantly present, though constantly exerting its influence, though every where around us, near us, and within us; though diffused throughout all space, and penetrating the texture of all bodies with which we are acquainted, depends, if upon a fluid, upon a fluid which, though both powerful and universal in its operation, is no object of sense to us; if upon any other kind of substance or action, upon a substance and action, from which we receive no distinguishable impressions. Is it then to be wondered at, that it should, in some measure, be the same with the Divine nature?

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. . . Mechanism is not itself power. Mechanism, without power, can do nothing. Let a watch be contrived and constructed ever so ingeniously; be its parts ever so many, ever so complicated, ever so finely wrought or artificially put together, it cannot go without a weight or spring, i.e. without a force independent of, and ulterior to, its mechanism. The spring acting at the centre, will produce different motions and different results, according to the variety of the intermediate mechanism. One and the self-same spring, acting in one and the same manner, viz. by simply expanding itself, may be the cause of a hundred different and all useful movements, if a hundred different

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and well-devised sets of wheels be placed between it and the final effect; e. g. may point out the hour of the day, the day of the month, the age of the moon, the position of the planets, the cycle of the years, and many other serviceable notices; and these movements may fulfil their purposes with more or less perfection, according as the mechanism is better or worse contrived, or better or worse executed, or in a better or worse state of repair: but in all cases, it is necessary that the spring act at the centre. The course of our reasoning upon such a subject would be this. By inspecting the watch, even when standing still, we get a proof of contrivance, and of a contriving mind, having been employed about it. In the form and obvious relation of its parts, we see enough to convince us of this. If we pull the works in pieces, for the purpose of a closer examination, we are still more fully convinced. But, when we see the watch going, we see proof of another point, viz. that there is a power somewhere, and somehow or other, applied to it; a power in action;--that there is more in the subject than the mere wheels of the machine;--that there is a secret spring, or a gravitating plummet;--in a word, that there is force, and energy, as well as mechanism.

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. . . If, in tracing these causes, it be said, that we find certain general properties of matter which have nothing in them that bespeaks intelligence, I answer, that, still, the managing of these properties, the pointing and directing them to the uses which we see made of them, demands intelligence in the highest degree.

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. . . There may be particular intelligent beings, guiding these motions in each case: or they may be the result of trains of mechanical dispositions, fixed beforehand by an intelligent appointment, and kept in action by a power at the centre. But, in either case, there must be intelligence.

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CHAPTER XXIV. OF THE NATURAL ATTRIBUTES OF THE DEITY.

IT is an immense conclusion, that there is a GOD; a perceiving, intelligent, designing, Being; at the head of creation, and from whose will it proceeded. The attributes of such a Being, suppose his reality to be proved, must be adequate to the magnitude, extent, and multiplicity of his operations: which are not only vast beyond comparison

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with those performed by any other power, but, so far as respects our conceptions of them, infinite, because they are unlimited on all sides.

Yet the contemplation of a nature so exalted, however surely we arrive at the proof of its existence, overwhelms our faculties. The mind feels its powers sink under the subject. One consequence of which is, that from painful abstraction the thoughts seek relief in sensible images. Whence may be deduced the ancient, and almost universal propensity to idolatrous substitutions. They are the resources of a labouring imagination. False religions usually fall in with the natural propensity; true religions, or such as have derived themselves from the true, resist it.

It is one of the advantages of the revelations which we acknowledge, that, whilst they reject idolatry with its many pernicious accompaniments, they introduce the Deity to human apprehension, under an idea more personal, more determinate, more within its compass, than the theology of nature can do. And this they do by representing him exclusively under the relation in which he stands to ourselves; and, for the most part, under some precise character, resulting from that

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relation, or from the history of his providences. Which method suits the span of our intellects much better than the universality which enters into the idea of God, as deduced from the views of nature. When, therefore, these representations are well founded in point of authority (for all depends upon that), they afford a condescension to the state of our faculties, of which, they who have most reflected on the subject, will be the first to acknowledge the want and the value.

Nevertheless, if we be careful to imitate the documents of our religion, by confining our explanations to what concerns ourselves, and do not affect more precision in our ideas than the subject allows of, the several terms which are employed to denote the attributes of the Deity, may be made, even in natural religion, to bear a sense consistent with truth and reason, and not surpassing our comprehension.

These terms are; Omnipotence, omniscience, omnipresence, eternity, self-existence, necessary existence, spirituality.

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CHAPTER XXV. THE UNITY OF THE DEITY.

OF the "Unity of the Deity," the proof is, the uniformity of plan observable in the universe. The universe itself is a system; each part either depending upon other parts, or being connected with other parts by some common law of motion, or by the presence of some common substance. One principle of gravitation causes a stone to drop towards the earth, and the moon to wheel round it. One law of attraction carries all the different planets about the sun. This philosophers demonstrate. There are also other points of agreement amongst them, which may be considered as marks of the identity of their origin, and of their intelligent author.

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CHAPTER XXVI. THE GOODNESS OF THE DEITY.

THE proof of the divine goodness rests upon two propositions; each, as we contend, capable of being made out by observations drawn from the appearances of nature.

The first is, "that, in a vast plurality of instances in which contrivance is perceived, the design of the contrivance is beneficial."

The second, "that the Deity has superadded pleasure to animal sensations, beyond what was necessary for any other purpose, or when the purpose, so far as it was necessary," might have been effected by the operation of pain.

This argument for benevolence depends on a complexity as discovered by science – that all the parts of animals work together so cleverly for the use of the animal. Such a “felicity of result” must be “an exertion of benevolence creation,” and a benevolence “minute in its care, how vast in its comprehension!” [p. 455].