[NK 4/1a] Chapter Four of the Outer Annals of the Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt
Annals [for the Period] Under the Jurisdiction of the Wu, Jin, Song, Qi and Liang
Đinh mùi [227 C.E.]; (the fifth year of the Jianxing era of [the Kingdom of] Han; the sixth year of the Huangwu era of [the Kingdom of] Wu).[1]
When the Lord of Wu heard that King Sĩ/Shi had passed away, and given that Giao/Jiao Region was so far away, he divided off [the area] from Hợp Phố/Hepu northward and placed it under the jurisdiction of Guang Region, with Lü Dai as regional inspector. [The area] from Hợp Phố/Hepu southward was put under the jurisdiction of Giao/Jiao Region with Đái Lương/Dai Liang as regional inspector.[2] He also dispatched Trần Thì/Chen Shi to replace the king as governor. Dai stayed in Nanhai. Liang and Shi advanced together to Hợp Phố/Hepu. However, the king’s son, Huy/Hui, had already made himself acting governor, and sent lineage troops to resist them. (At the end of the Han, the great lineages were in disarray. Southern people led men of great lineages to unite together as soldiers for self protection. They were therefore called lineage troops.) Liang stayed in Hợp Phố/Hepu. The king’s subofficial functionary, Hoàn Lân/Huan Lin, kowtowed before Hui and remonstrated that he should receive Liang. Hui became angry, and reciprocated by killing Lin.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “Since antiquity there has never been a case of [a monarch] who has killed a remonstrating official who has not lost [his life because of it]. Chen killed [NK 4/1b] Xie Ye.[3] Qi killed Gu Xuan.[4] The cases of Chen and Qi serve as examples. So let this be a warning, for there were also those, like Shi Hui, who killed a remonstrating official and died shortly after assuming power. This was appropriate.”
[Huan] Lin’s older brother’s sons, Trị/Zhi and Phát/Fa, together with their lineage’s troops attacked Hui.[5] Hui closed himself in the citadel and tried to hold it. Zhi and the others attacked [the citadel] for several months but could not take it. They thereupon agreed to peace. Both sides stopped fighting.
However, Lü Dai received an edict from Wu to eliminate Hui. He led troops from Guang Region and raced day and night to Hợp Phố/Hepu, [from where] he then advanced together with Liang. They enticed the king’s son, Leader of Court Gentlemen Khuông/Kuang, to explain to Hui the order for him to surrender for his crimes, and [to also tell him] that although he would lose his commandery governorship, there was nothing else to worry about.[6] Dai arrived shortly after Kuang. Hui’s older brother, Chi/Zhi, his younger brothers, Cán/Gan, Tụng/Song, and others totaling six people received Dai bare-chested.[7] Dai dressed in disguise and proceeded to the commandery [offices].[8]
Early the next day [Lü Dai] had a tent erected and invited Hui and his brothers to enter one at a time. [The tent] was filled with guests. Dai got up, held the official insignia and read the edict which related Hui’s crimes. People on the left and right then [NK 4/2a] tied [Hui] up, took him out and beheaded him. The head was sent to Wuchang.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “After his father passed away, Shi Hui did not request permission, but instead assumed power himself. He also sent troops to resist orders. It was righteous therefore to punish him. However, Lü Dai’s enticing him to surrender and then killing him, was not [righteous]. Trust is a kingdom’s treasure.[9] Hui had already surrendered. Tying him up and sending him to Wuchang so that decisions about life and death could be decided by those above, while awe and trust could circulate below, would that not have been best? Sun Sheng stated that in being pliant with those afar and enabling those who are near, nothing is better than trust.[10] Lü Dai killed someone who had surrendered to seek an achievement, an exemplary man [quân tử/junzi] should censure this. From this one can know that Mr. Lü would not last. Trust this!”
Nhất/Yi, Hui and Kuang then appeared.[11] The Lord of Wu had pardoned their crimes, and together with the king’s hostage son, Ngẩm/Yin [Xin], they were all stripped of their titles and became commoners.[12] Several years later Yi and Hui [Wei] were executed for breaking the law. Kuang died of illness before this. When Yin [Xin] died, Hui’s [Wei’s] generals-in-chief [NK 4/2b], Cam Lễ/Gan Li and Hoàn Trị/Huan Zhi, led officials and people to attack Dai. Dai struck back and crushed them. Guang Region was then abolished and again made part of Giao/Jiao Region as before. Dai attacked Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, killing and capturing people in the tens of thousands.
Tân hợi [231 C.E.]; (the ninth year of the Jianxing era of [the Kingdom of] Han; the third year of the Huangwu era of [the Kingdom of] Wu).[13]
Savages in Wuxi, Wuling [Commandery in the Kingdom of] Wu, rebelled.[14] The lord of Wu, believing that the southern lands had been completely pacified, recalled Regional Inspector Lü Dai. Governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu Tiết Tống/Xue Zong reported [to the lord of Wu] that, “In the past, Emperor Shun made a tour of the south and passed away in Cangwu.[15] The Qin established the commanderies of Guilin, Nanhai and Tượng/Xiang. These four entities have thus belonged inside for a long time.[16] Triệu Đà/Zhao Tuo struck out from Panyu, and swayed into submission the chiefs of the Hundred Việt/Yue. This was the area to the south of Zhuyai.[17] Xiaowu executed Lü Jia, established nine commanderies and appointed a regional inspector for Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.[18] Prisoners from the Central Kingdom were moved in to live mixed among the people. This led people to study a little, and to become generally conversant in proper rituals and transformative teachings.[19] When Tích Quang/Xi Guang governed over Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Nhâm Diên/Ren Yan governed over Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, they set up schools and guided people in following rituals. From this point onward, for over 400 years, [NK 4/3a] the people had a good model [to follow].[20]
“However, the land is vast and the people numerous. Obstructed by mountains and forests, it is easy for disturbances to take place.[21] From what I have observed, when Hoàng Cái/Huang Gai of Nanhai became governor of Nhật Nam/Rinan, he stepped down from his chariot, and feeling that the reception prepared for him was not sufficient, he beat to death an assistant magistrate. He was subsequently chased away. Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Governor Đam Manh/Zhan Meng invited the top officials over for his father-in-law, Chu Kinh/Zhou Jing, [to have a banquet with].[22] They drank without inhibition and made merry. The [scribe of the] Labor Section, Phan Hâm/Pan Xin, got up and started to dance. He invited Jing [to do the same], but he did not get up. Xin tried to urge him strongly. Meng got angry and killed Xin. Xin’s younger brother led a group to attack Meng.[23] Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Governor Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie dispatched troops to put them down, but could not succeed. At that time, Regional Inspector Chu Phù/Zhu Fu, made much use of followers from his hometown, such as Ngu Bao/Yu Bao and Lưu Ngạn/Liu Yan, to serve as senior subalterns.[24] They fleeced the people. For one yellow croaker, they would take one hộc/hu of rice [in tax]. The people became resentful and rebelled. They attacked the regional and commandery [seats]. Fu fled out to sea. Bộ Chất/Bu Zhi successively eliminated [troublesome officials], and legal order became established. Later, Lữ Đại/Lü Dai put down Sĩ Huy’s/Shi Hui’s disturbance. He replaced senior subalterns and made clear the royal laws. His moral awe [NK 4/3b] reached across 10,000 leagues. Powerful and common people all accepted the transformative teachings.
“In observing this, [one can say that] there are certainly people who can assuage the border and calm the frontier. In selecting regional dignitaries, it is advisable to chose people who are refined.[25] In lands beyond the Wild Domain, [the degree to which] there is good fortune or calamity lies heavily [upon the regional dignitaries].[26] At present, although it is said that Giao/Jiao Region is more or less pacified, there are still inveterate bandits in Cao Lương/Gaoliang [District].[27] Meanwhile the four commanderies of Nanhai, Cangwu, Yulin and Zhuyai have still not been assuaged.[28] They unite together to rob and pillage. If Lü Dai does not return to the south, a new regional inspector who employs precise strategies and wise plans should be chosen in order to calm and assuage them. Can the situation not then be mended? If, however, it is an average person who just holds to the law and does not possess any special techniques or unique strategies, then evils will increase by the day.” The lord of Wu agreed. He appointed Lü Dai General for Holding Down the South and granted him the title of Marquis of Panyu. (It is also said that he was granted the title of Duke of Lingli, Wei Commandery.)[29]
Mậu thìn [248 C.E.]; (the 11th year of the Yanxi era of [the Kingdom of] Han; the first year of the Yong’an era of [the Kingdom of] Wu).[30]
In Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen there were again citadels that were attacked and captured. The region and the commanderies were in a state of agitation. The lord of Wu made Commandant Army Commander of Hengyang Lục Dận/Lu Yin (also called Lục Thương/Lu Shang) regional inspector and concurrent commandant.[31] [NK 4/4a] When Yin entered the area, he issued a declaration of kindness and trust. There were over 30,000 families who surrendered.[32] The region was peaceful again. Later, there was a woman in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery [named] Lady Triệu. Her breasts were three xích/chi long, and she placed them over her back.[33] She often rode on an elephant, and [from there] engaged in battle with her enemies. She amassed followers and plundered the commandery and district [headquarters]. Yin pacified her. (The Record of Jiaozhi states that in the mountains of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen there was a young woman [named] Triệu. Her breasts were three xích/chi long. She did not marry. She put together gangs to plunder the commandery and district [headquarters]. She usually wore garments made of a coarse golden cloth and tooth shoes.[34] She engaged in battle from atop an elephant. After she died she became a spirit.)
Quý mùi [263 C.E.]; (the first year of the Yanxing era of [the Kingdom of] Han; the 16th year of the Yong’an era of [the Kingdom of] Wu).[35]
In spring, during the third lunar month, at first the Wu appointed Tôn Tư/Sun Xu as governor of Giao/Jiao Region.[36] Xu was greedy and violent and caused hardships for the people. At this point the lord of Wu dispatched Đặng Tuân/Deng Xun to the commandery. Xun also transferred on his own authority thirty peacocks to Jianye.[37] The people feared that they would be conscripted for service far away. They thereupon plotted together and rebelled.
In summer, during the fourth lunar month, a commandery subaltern, Lữ Hưng/Lü Xing, murdered Xu and Xun, and requested that [the Kingdom of] Jin provide a governor and troops.[38] (Note: The Itemized Summaries has “requested officials from Wei.” The following year, the Wei relinquished the throne to the Jin, so Wei is the same as Jin.)[39] Jiuzhen and Rinan both followed suit.
In this year [NK 4/4b] [the Kingdom of] Han fell.
Giáp thân [264 C.E.]; (the first year of the Xianxi era of the lord of Wei, Cao Huan; the first year of the Yuanxing era of the lord of Wu, Sun Hao).
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Wu divided Giao/Jiao Region and established Guang Region. At that time, Wu had already become a dependent of Jin. The Jin appointed Lü Xing General of the Secure South to supervise military matters in Giao/Jiao Region, and the army supervisor in the south, Hoắc Dặc/Huo Yi, remote controlling regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.[40] [Huo Yi] had the authority to select senior subalterns at his own discretion. Yi promoted Thoán Cốc/Cuan Gu (some [texts] have Phần Cốc/Fen Gu) to the position of governor [of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi]. He led the yamen [officials], Đổng Nguyên/Dong Yuan, Vương Tố/Wang Su and others, to bring troops to help Xing. Before they arrived, Xing was murdered by the labor section official, Lý Thống/Li Tong. Gu also died (some [texts] say he got sick and died).
Ất dậu [265 C.E.]; (the first year of the Taishi era of Emperor Wu of the Jin, Sima Yan; the first year of the Ganlu era of the Wu).
The Jin emperor dispatched Mã Dung/Ma Rong of Baxi to replace [Lü] Xing. Rong became ill and died. [Huo] Yi then dispatched Dương Tắc/Yang Ji of Qianwei to replace Rong as governor.[41]
[NK 4/5a] Mậu tý [268 C.E.]; (the fourth year of the Taishi era of the Jin; the third year of the Baoding era of the Wu).
The Wu appointed Lưu Tuấn/Liu Jun regional inspector. Jun together with Area Commander-in-chief Tu Tắc/Xiu Ze and General Cố Dung/Gu Rong made three successive attacks on Giao/Jiao Region.[42] [Yang] Ji held them off each time. Yulin and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen [Commanderies] both submitted to Ji. Ji dispatched the generals Mao Cảnh/Mao Jiong and Đổng Nguyên/Dong Yuan to attack Hợp Phố/Hepu.[43] They fought at Gucheng (a citadel in Hợp Phố/Hepu) and thoroughly defeated the Wu forces; killing Liu Jun and Xiu Ze. The remaining troops scattered and returned to Hợp Phố/Hepu.[44] Ji thereupon promoted Jiong to governor of Yulin, and Yuan to governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.
Kỷ sử [269 C.E.]; (the fifth year of the Taishi era of the Jin; the first year of the Jianheng era of the Wu).
In winter, during the tenth lunar month, the Wu dispatched Army Supervisor Nhu Phiếm/Yu Fan, General for Awing the South Tiết Hủ/Xue Xu, and Governor of Cangwu Đào Hoàng/Tao Huang of Danyang to proceed by road from Jing Region, and Army Supervisor Li Ding and Army Commander Xu Cun to proceed from Jian’an by sea.[45] They were to meet at Hợp Phố/Hepu in order to attack [Yang] Ji. (Li Ding[’s name] is also recorded as Li Xu.)
In the fourth lunar month of summer, Yu Fan, Xue Xu and Tao Huang fought against Ji [NK 4/5b] at the Phần/Fen River.[46] Huang was defeated and retreated to hold Hợp Phố/Hepu, losing two generals. Xu angrily stated to Huang, “If one requests to attack bandits and loses two commanders, where should the responsibility for that lie?” Huang said, “I am a subordinate official who could not act as I desired, and the soldiers did not get along. It is this that led to the defeat.” Xu’s anger did not dissipate. He wanted to return with the soldiers. That night Huang led several hundred troops to attack Dong Yuan. They captured [Dong Yuan’s] ships [filled with] treasure and returned. Xu thereupon apologized to [Tao Huang], and appointed him to control the affairs of Giao/Jiao Region as commander-in-chief of the forward division.
Huang again proceeded by sea, and catching [Dong Yuan] off guard, made it all the way to the regional seat. Yuan put up resistance. [Tao Huang’s] generals wanted to fight, but Huang suspected that there were troops waiting in ambush at a broken bridge.[47] Deploying soldiers with long halberds at the rear, the troops then went into battle. Yuan pretended to retreat. Huang chased him, and as expected, troops lying in ambush came out. The soldiers with long halberds opposed them, and thoroughly defeated Yuan’s troops. Yuan was killed.
[Tao Huang] took the goods obtained from the treasure ships, and several thousand bolts of local brocade and gave this all to the rebel commander from Phù Nghiêm/Fuyan, Lương Tề/Liang Qi.[48] Qi offered more than 10,000 [NK 4/6a] men to assist Huang.
At that time, Yang Ji appointed his general, Wang Su, to replace [Dong] Yuan. Yuan’s valiant general, Giải Hệ/Xie Xi, was also in the citadel. [Tao] Huang got [Xie Xi’s] younger brother, Tượng/Xiang, to write a letter to Xi. He also had Xiang ride around in a one-horse carriage accompanied by fifes and drums. [Wang] Su stated, “With Xiang [getting treated] like this, Xi will definitely have a change of heart.” He thereupon killed Xi. [Xue] Xu and [Tao] Huang then captured the regional seat.
The Wu thereupon employed Huang as regional governor. Huang was a good strategist. He assisted those hard-up, and was fond of distributing largesse. He won people’s hearts. People were therefore happy to be employed by him. Wherever he went he garnered success.
Prior to this the Jin had appointed Yang Ji regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, and Mao Jiong, governor.[49] Before the official seal arrived, Ji and Jiong had both been defeated and died. [The Jin] thereupon granted the posthumous title of Marquis of Guannei to Ji, Jiong, as well as to Tùng/Song and Năng/Neng (There is no evidence for Song and Neng).[50]
The labor section official in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery, Lý Tộ/Li Zuo, protected the commandery, and submitted to the Jin. [Tao] Huang dispatched generals to attack, but could not defeat him. Zuo’s uncle, Lê Hoàn/Li Huan (also called Lê Minh/Li Ming), followed the [Wu] troops and encouraged Zuo to surrender. Zuo sharply responded by saying, “Uncle, [NK 4/6b] you have made yourself an Wu general, and I have made myself a Jin official. Let us see which side is stronger.” [Li Zuo] held the citadel and did not surrender. Only after a long time was [the citadel] finally taken.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “If officials who hold territory can have the same heart as that of Li Zuo, then this is what we can truly be called serving with loyalty.”
The Wu lord appointed Tao Huang regional inspector. He also carried the credentials of commander-in-chief for all military affairs in Giao/Jiao Region, general of the front, and regional governor. The area of Vũ Bình/Wuping, Cửu Đức/Jiude and Tân Xương/Xinchang was remote and isolated.[51] The Di Liêu/Yiliao were violent and had not submitted in generations.[52] Huang attacked and pacified them. He then established three commanderies as well as 30 districts from principalities subordinate to Jiuzhen [Commandery].[53]
The Wu promoted Huang to the position of commander-in-chief of Vũ Xương/Wuchang, and replaced him with the governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, Tu Doãn/Xiu Yun.[54] Several thousand local people requested that Huang remain, and so he was sent him back to his old post.
After the Wu lord surrendered to the Jin, he wrote a letter and sent it to Hoàng Tức Dung/Ma Xirong, ordering [Tao] Huang to submit as well.[55] Huang shed tears for several days, and then dispatched an emissary to deliver his seal [NK 4/7a] and sash to Luoyang. The Jin emperor ordered him to resume his position, granted him the title of Marquis of Wanling, and then had him serve as army-commanding general.
Huang [served] in the region for thirty years. Awe-inspiring, benevolent and straightforward, he was revered by [the people in this region of] alien customs. When he died, [people across] the entire region wailed as if they had lost their own beloved parent. The Jin emperor appointed the supernumerary cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, Ngô Ngạn/Wu Yan, as commander-in-chief and regional inspector.[56]
Shortly after Huang died, soldiers stationed in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen created disorder and drove out its governor. Their commander, Triệu Chỉ/Zhao Zhi, surrounded the commandery [seat]. Yan pacified them all. [Wu Yan] was in power for twenty five years.[57] He disseminated benevolent awe and the people in the region were at peace. He himself requested to be replaced. The Jin emperor had the supernumerary cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, Cố Bí/Gu Bi replace him. Bi was warm and refined. The entire region was fond of him. A short time later, he died. The people of the region forced his son, Tham/Can, to take control of the region’s affairs. When Can died, his younger brother, Thọ/Shou, [sought] to take control of the region. The people of the region did not agree. [However,] Shou sought and obtained control of the region. He killed the senior subaltern, Hồ Triệu/Hu Zhao, and others and tried to kill Camp [NK 4/7b] Supervisor Lương Thạc/Liang Shi. Shi fled and was able to escape. He then raised troops to attack Shou, and captured him. Shou’s mother killed him with poisoned wine.[58] Shi then took full control. (It is also said that [Shou’s] mother was likewise poisoned to death.) [Liang Shi] feared that the people would not be amenable to this. He thereupon ordered [Tao] Huang’s son, the governor of Cangwu, Uy/Wei, to serve as regional inspector. While in office, Wei won people’s hearts. After thirty years, he died.[59] Wei’s younger brother, Thục/Shu, and son, Sui, successively served as regional inspector. From [Tao] Ji to [Tao] Tuy/Sui, [members of the Tao family] served as regional inspectors. (Ji was Huang’s grandfather.)[60]
Mậu dần [318 C.E.]; the first year in the Daxing era [in the reign] of Emperor Yuan of the Eastern Jin, Sima Rui.
In the tenth lunar month of winter, the Jin emperor ordered that the regional inspector of Guang Region, Đào Khản/Tao Kan, also serve as commander-in-chief for all military affairs in Jiao Region.
Nhâm ngọ [322 C.E.]; the first year in the Yongchang era of the Jin.
Vương Đôn/Wang Dun of the Jin appointed Vương Lượng/Wang Liang regional inspector and had him attack Liang Shi. Shi raised troops and surrounded Liang at Long Biên.
[NK 4/8a] Quý mùi [323 C.E.]; the first year in the Taining era [in the reign] of Emperor Ming of the Jin, Shao.
In the second lunar month of spring, Tao Kan dispatched troops to rescue Wang Liang.[61] Before they arrived, Liang Shi captured Long Biên, and sought to take Liang’s official tally. Liang did not give it, so Shi cut off Liang’s left arm.[62] Liang said, “I am not afraid of dying, so what is cutting off an arm to me?” After ten days he died. Shi occupied the region. Fierce and violent, he lost the people’s support. Kan dispatched Adjutant Cao Bảo/Gao Bao to attack Shi. [Shi] was beheaded. The Jin emperor ordered Kan to serve as regional inspector of Jiao Region, and promoted him with the honorific title of the South-Conquering General-in-chief, Area Commander Unequalled in Honor.[63]
Not long after that, Ministry of Personnel Vice Director Nguyễn Phóng/Ruan Fang requested to become regional inspector. The Jin emperor approved this. When Fang reached Ningpu, he came across [Gao] Bao as he was preparing food. He had some of his troops wait in ambush in order to kill him. Bao realized what was happening and attacked Fang. (Fang was a clan descendent of Hàm/Xian.)[64] Fang was able to escape, but not long after he reached the regional seat, he died of dehydration.
Quý sửu [353 C.E.]; the ninth year in the Yonghe era [in the reign] of Emperor Mu of the Jin, Dan.
In the third lunar month of spring, Nguyễn Phu/Ruan Fu of the Jin became regional inspector of Jiao Region. Fu attacked [NK 4/8b] Linyi, and destroyed over fifty ramparts.[65]
(Earlier, after the Jin pacified the Wu, they recruited soldiers from Jiao Region.[66] The regional inspector of Jiao Region, Tao Huang, submitted a memorial which stated, “Jiao Region is just several thousand leagues from Linyi.[67] Its barbarian commander, Phạm Hùng/Fan Xiong, has plundered [Jiao Region] for generations, calls himself king, and has repeatedly attacked the people. [Linyi] has ties with Funan. There are so many different types of peoples. They make pacts with each other and rely on the dangerous [terrain they inhabit] to not submit. In the past, when [this area was] under the jurisdiction of the Wu, they plundered law-abiding people and killed senior subalterns. I was formerly employed by the previous kingdom [i.e., Wu], and have been stationed in the South for more than ten years. Even though I eliminated their leaders, the deep mountains and remote caves still provided places to flee. At first I had 8,000 men under my command. [However,] the land in the South is warm and moist and has many poisonous ethers. With the many years of fighting, [the soldiers] have died and reduced in numbers such that at present there are 2,400 men left.[68] Now the four seas have been united, and there is no one who does not think of submitting [to the Jin]. We should be putting away our armor and melting our weapons. Ordering a reduction [in regional troops] will present an image of weakness.[69] Alas, changes in this world come unexpectedly. I am merely the remnant of a fallen kingdom. My opinion is not worth considering.” The Jin lord followed [Tao Huang’s suggestion], and one can still see the effectiveness [of this policy].)
Canh thìn [380 C.E.]; the fifth year in the Taiyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Jin, Changming.[70]
In the tenth lunar month of winter, the governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Lý Tốn/Li Xun, occupied the region[al seat] and rebelled.
Tân tỵ [381 C.E.]; the sixth year in the Taiyuan era of the Jin.
The governor of Giao/Jiao Region, Đỗ Viện/Du Yuan, beheaded Li Xun. The region then became peaceful.[71] Yuan was promoted to the position of regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.[72] (Viện/Yuan was from Chu Diên in our kingdom. The Treatise on Jiaozhi [Jiaozhi zhi] places in the category of personages from our kingdom, and puts him after Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie.)
[NK 4/9a] Kỷ hợi [399 C.E.]; the third year in the Longan era [in the reign] of Emperor An of the Jin, Dezong.
In the third lunar month of spring, the king of Linyi, Fan Hu Da captured Rinan and Jiuzhen, and then pillaged Jiaozhi.[73] Du Yuan attacked and defeated him.
Tân hợi [411 C.E.]; the seventh year in the Yixi era of the Jin.
In the fourth lunar month of summer, the governor of Yongjia, Lư Tuần/Lu Xun, came fleeing.[74] Prior to this, Regional Inspector Du Yuan had died. (Some say that Yuan was originally from Jingzhao.[75] His grandfather, Yuan, was governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu [Commandery], and after that took up residence in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. The Jin emperor appointed his son, Tuệ Độ/Huidu, as regional inspector to replace him.) [However], before the imperial edict arrived, Xun attacked and captured Hợp Phố/Hepu, and then turned towards Giao/Jiao Region. Huidu led civil and military personnel from the region to resist Xun at Thạch Kỳ/Shiqi, and defeated [his forces].[76] Xun’s remnant troops still numbered 2,000. Remnant members of Li Xun’s gang, such as Lý Thoát/Li Tuo and others, united with more than 5,000 Li and Liao, and came to Xun’s support.[77] On the canh tý day, [Xun] arrived at the southern bank in Long Biên/Longbian. Huidu distributed all of his family valuables to the officers, and then engaged Xun in battle.[78] [Huidu’s men] threw torches which burned [Lu Xun’s] ships, while infantry fired arrows from the banks. Xun’s ships all burned, [NK 4/9b] leading to the complete collapse [of his forces]. Xun knew that he was going to die. He first poisoned his wives and sons. He then summoned the female servants and entertainers and asked, “Who will follow me?” Many said, “A little field mouse covets life. Dying is difficult.” Some said, “If Your Honor must die, how can one be willing to live?” Xun then killed all of those who declined to die, and then drowned himself. [Du] Huidu retrieved his corpse and beheaded it. His head, along with those of his wives, sons, [Li] Tuo and others were sent in a chest to Jiankang.[79]
Quý sửu [413 C.E.]; the ninth year of the Yixi era of the Jin.
In the second lunar month of spring, the king of Linyi, Phạm Hồ
Đạt/Fan Hu Da pillaged Jiuzhen.[80] [Du Huidu] attacked and beheaded him.
Ất mão [415 C.E.]; the 11th year of the Yixi era of the Jin.
In the 11th lunar month of winter, Linyi pillaged Jiao Region. A regional general defeated [its army].
Canh thân [420 C.E.]; the second year of the Yuanxi era [in the reign] of Emperor Gong of the Jin, Dewen; the first year of the Yongchu era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the [Liu] Song, Liu Yu.
In the seventh lunar month of autumn, [Du] Huidu attacked and thoroughly defeated Linyi, beheading over half [of the opposing army]. Linyi sued for peace, and [Du Huidu] agreed. All of those who had been captured [NK 4/10a] were sent back.
When Huidu was in the region, he wore coarse cotton clothes and ate vegetarian.[81] He banned licentious shrines and built schools. In years of famine he used his own salary to give aid [to those in need]. He was meticulous in governing, just as if he was managing his family. The officials and people feared and yet were fond of him. At night the city gates remained opened, and travelers on the road did not pick up items dropped [by others]. When Huidu died he was granted the posthumous title of General of the Left, and his son, Hoằng Văn/Hongwen, became regional inspector.[82]
In this year, the Jin came to an end.
Đinh mão [427 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Yuanjia era [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the [Liu] Song, Yilong.
In the fourth lunar month of summer on the canh tuất day, the [Liu] Song emperor summoned Hongwen to serve as chamberlain for law enforcement, and Vương Huy/Wang Hui to serve as regional inspector.[83] At the time, Hongwen became ill.[84] Driving a carriage himself, he headed on the road. Some encouraged him to wait until he had recovered from his illness. Hongwen stated, “We have carried the official tally for three generations. I have often desired to prostrate myself at the emperor’s court; even more so now that I have been summoned.”[85] He subsequently left, and died in Guang Region.
Tân mùi [431 C.E.]; the eighth year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.
King of Linyi Phạm Dương Mại/Fan Yang Mai pillaged Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. The regional troops attacked and pushed him back.
[NK 4/10b] Nhâm thân [432 C.E.]; the ninth year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.
In summer, during the fifth lunar month, King of Linyi Fan Yang Mai sent an emissary to present tribute to the [Liu] Song and to request permission to govern over Giao/Jiao Region. The Song emperor issued an edict in response which did not permit this given how far away [Giao/Jiao Region was from Linyi].
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “When [Meng] Ben and [Xia] Yu were young, they could not hold their own against a lame elder.[86] Linyi took advantage of a time when Our Việt did not have a leader to pillage Nhật Nam/Rinan and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and then to seek to rule over [the area]. How could it have been that Our Việt could not resist Linyi? It is just that there was no commander. Obstructions do not last forever. Eventually peace must emerge. Situations do not stay bent forever. Eventually they must extend. Lý Thái Tông beheaded the [Linyi] ruler, Sạ Đẩu/Zha Dou. [Lý] Thánh Tông captured the [Linyi] ruler, Chế Củ/Zhi Ju, and fettered 50,000 of his people, who to this day are still servants. This is sufficient to cleanse and relieve the anger and humiliation of those years of disgrace.
[NK 4/11a] Bính tý, [436 C.E.]; the 13th year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.[87]
In spring, during the second lunar month, the [Liu] Song emperor sent Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region Đàn Hòa Chi/Tan Hezhi to punish Linyi. Earlier, although the king of Linyi, Fan Yang Mai, sent emissaries to present tribute, the pillaging went on continuously. Therefore, the [Liu] Song emperor sent Hezhi to punish him. At that time there was a man from Nanyang, Tông Xác/Zong Que, whose family had been Confucian scholars for generations.[88] Only Que was fond of military affairs and would often say, “I am willing to ride the winds and smash 10,000-league waves.” When Hezhi was to attack Linyi, Que became excited and asked to follow the troops. The [Liu] Song emperor appointed him as the Martial-Inciting General, and Hezhi sent Que to lead the vanguard. When Yang Mai heard that the army had departed, he sent an emissary to relay his sentiments, return the people who had been captured from Nhật Nam/Rinan, and offer 10,000 cân/jin of gold, and 100,000 cân/jin of silver. The [Liu] Song emperor issued an edict to Hezhi [which stated that] “If Yang Mai is truly sincere, then you should let him submit.” When Hezhi arrived at the Chu Ngô/Zhuwu frontier post (Small note: Chu Ngô/Zhuwu District from the Han onward was part of Nhật Nam/Rinan. At that time there was a frontier post there.), he dispatched Administrator of the Garrison Revenue Section Khương Trọng Cơ/Jiang Zhongji and others (the garrison was the garrison of the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region) to pay [NK 4/11b] a visit to Yang Mai. Yang Mai detained him. Hezhi became furious and proceeded to lay siege to Linyi general, Phạm Phù Long/Fan Fu Long, in Khu Lật/Quli Citadel. Yang Mai sent his general, Phạm Côn Sa Đạt/Fan Kun Sha Da, to rescue him. Que’s soldiers lay waiting and attacked and defeated Kun Sha Da.
In the fifth lunar month, Hezhi and his men captured Khu Lật/Quli Citadel and beheaded Fan Fu Long. Taking advantage of this victory, they entered Tượng Phố/Xiangpu. Yang Mai led his entire kingdom to battle, with soldiers mounted on elephants one after the other in an endless array. Que said, “I have heard that foreign kingdoms have lions which awe into submission the myriad beasts.” He then took form [of a lion] and confronted the elephants, which in fact fled in surprise. The Linyi army was thoroughly defeated. Hezhi thereupon conquered Linyi. Yang Mai and his son both avoided capture. The unusual treasure [which was obtained] was boundless. Que did not take a thing. The day he returned home, his attire was plain and simple.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “If someone has talent that can be put to use, not fulfilling it is unacceptable. Why stick to the formalities [NK 4/12a] of the times? People establish their ambitions in different ways. For those whose ambition focuses on morality, fame is not sufficient to move their hearts. For those whose ambition focuses on fame, wealth is not sufficient to move their hearts. Zong Que’s ambition, was probably an ambition which focused on fame, was it not? When he returned home he did not have a single valuable. This is proof that wealth was not sufficient to move his heart. If you compare him to someone whose ambition focuses on morality, then he is not up to that level, but as for those whose ambition is focused on wealth, their style is far below.”
Đinh sửu [437 C.E.], the ninth year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.
In winter, during the tenth lunar month, on the nhâm ngọ day, Tan Hezhi quit his position and returned.
Mậu thân [468 C.E.], the fourth year of the Taishi era [in the reign] of Emperor Ming of the [Liu] Song, Yu.
In spring, during the third lunar month, Regional Inspector Lưu Mục/Liu Mu became sick and died. A man from the region, Lý Trường Nhân/Li Changren, killed the followers whom Mu had brought from the North, occupied the region and rebelled, declared himself the regional inspector.
In Autumn, during the eighth lunar month, the Song emperor appointed Nankang Administrator Lưu Bột/Liu Bo as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. When Liu Bo arrived, he was resisted [NK 4/12b] by Trường Nhân/Changren.
In the eleventh lunar month, Lý Trường Nhân/Li Changren sent an emissary with a request to surrender, and offered to demote himself to [a lower-level position] carrying out regional affairs. This was approved.
Kỷ mùi [479 C.E.], the third year of the Shengming era [in the reign] of Emperor Shun of the [Liu] Song, Zhun; the first year of the Jianyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Gao of the Qi, Xiao Daocheng.
In spring, on the first day of the third lunar month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Qi emperor appointed Lý Thúc Hiến/Li Shuxian regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Shuxian was one of Changren’s younger clansmen. Earlier, when Regional Inspector Changren died, Shuxian replaced him in carrying out regional affairs. Since he had yet to receive an official title, he sent an emissary to the [Liu] Song to request the title of regional inspector. The [Liu] Song appointed Governor of Nankang Thẩm Hoán/Shen Huan as regional inspector and appointed Shuxian as commander of the Ningyuan Army, and governor of the two commanderies of Tân Xương/Xinchang and Vũ Bình/Wuping. With Shuxian having thus obtained the court’s mandate, the people followed him, and he dispatched troops to hold strategic points and not accept Huan. Huan stayed in Yulin and died there. The Qi thereupon appointed Shuxian regional inspector [in order to] assuage the lands of An Nam/Annan.
In this year the [Liu] Song came to an end.
[NK 4/13a] Giáp tý [484 C.E.]; the second year of the Yongming era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Qi, Yi.[89]
Having received the mandate [to rule as regional inspector], Li Shuxian cut off sending tribute. The Qi emperor wished to punish him.
Ất sửu [485 C.E.]; the third year of the Yongming era of the Qi.
In spring, during the first lunar month, on the bính thìn day, the Qi emperor appointed Chamberlain for the National Treasury Lưu Khải/Liu Kai as regional inspector, and sent troops from Nankang, Luling and Shixing to attack Shuxian. Shuxian sent an emissary to plead guilty and to call off the hostilities. He also presented pure silver helmets for 20 companies [of soldiers] and peacock ornaments (pronounced “nhĩ/er,” they are ornaments made from peacock feathers). The Qi emperor did not allow this. Shuxian feared that he would be attacked by Kai, and thereupon traveled over back roads from Xiang Region to present himself at the Qi court. Kai moved in and occupied the area.
Canh ngọ [490 C.E.]; the eighth year of the Yongming era of the Qi.
In winter, during the tenth lunar month, Regional Inspector Phòng Pháp Thừa/Fang Facheng (he had replaced Liu Kai) just took pleasure in reading books. He often used the pretext (pronounced “chúc/zhu,” it means excuse) of illness and did not govern. Because of this, Senior Subalter Fu Dengzhi obtained for himself the power to govern. [NK 4/13b] He changed military and civil positions and did not let Facheng know. Secretary Phòng Tú Văn/Feng Xiuwen informed [him]. Facheng became furious. He arrested Dengzhi and put him in jail for more than ten days. Dengzhi bribed Thôi Cảnh Thúc/Cui Jingshu, the husband of Facheng’s younger sister, and got out. Then he led his followers to attack the regional seat and detain Facheng. He said to him, “Since you are ill, Your Honor, you should not exert yourself,” and imprisoned him in a separate building. Facheng had nothing to do, so he asked Dengzhi [for books] to read. Dengzhi said, “Your Honor should rest, or else your illness might break out again. How can you read books?” He subsequently did not give any. [Fu Dengzhi] submitted a memorial [to the Qi stating that] Facheng had a heart illness and could not oversee affairs.
In the eleventh lunar month, on the ất mão day, the Qi emperor appointed Dengzhi as regional inspector. Facheng returned to the [Five] Passes and died.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “Fang Facheng was fond of reading books and did not pay attention to official matters. This lead to the senior subaltern taking power for himself and changing military and civil positions. This is the calamity of a book fetish. As for dealing with [Fu Dengzhi] by [NK 4/14a] imprisoning him, this was a way to amend his faults. However, learning that he had bribed his way out and not doing anything about it is a serious fault. It is fitting that he was attacked, and he is lucky that he did not die. Hence, any excessive matter will always bring about something inauspicious.”
Nhâm ngọ [502 C.E.]; the first year of the Tianjian era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Liang, Xiao Yan.
In this year, the Qi came to an end.
Ất dậu [505 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Tianjian era of the Liang.
In spring, during the second lunar month, Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region Lý Nguyên Khải/Li Yuankai occupied the region and rebelled.[90] The aide, Lý Tắc/Li Ji, attacked and pacified him. (Earlier, Li Kai replaced Dengzhi as regional inspector. When the Qi abdicated to the Liang and had yet to extend their moral awe [to the region], he led the region to rebel. At this point, Ji led troops of the imperial clan to punish Kai and killed him.)
Bính thân [516 C.E.]; the 15th year of the Tianjian era of the Liang.
In winter, during the 11th lunar month, [the Liang emperor] issued an edict appointing Li Ji regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Ji beheaded one of Yuankai’s followers, Lý Tông Lão/Li Zonglao, and send the head to Jiankang. The region was then pacified.
[NK 4/14b] The above [covers the years] under the jurisdiction of the Wu, Jin, Song, Qi and Liang, beginning with the đinh mùi year [227 C.E.] and ending with the canh thân year [540 C.E.], a total of 314 years.
The Annals of the Former Lý
The Southern Emperor of the Former Lý. He ruled for seven years.
The emperor was ambitious at exterminating bandits and helping the people. Unfortunately, he ran afoul of Chen Baxian’s invasion and attack. He died nursing hatred. What a shame!
The emperor’s surname was Lý and his given name was Bí. He was from Long Hưng/Longxing in Thái Bình/Taiping. His ancestors were Northerners. At the end of the Western Han, suffering from military expeditions, they fled to take up residence in the Southern lands. Over seven generations they became Southerners. [Lý Bí] was skilled in civil and military affairs. At first he served the Liang, but then encountered unrest and returned to Thái Bình/Taiping. At that time the magistrate was violent and harsh, and Linyi was pillaging the frontier. The emperor raised troops and attacked them. He called himself the Southern Emperor, established a name [NK 4/15a] for the kingdom of Vạn Xuân [lit., “10,000 springs”] and made Long Biên/Longbian his capital.
Tân dậu [541 C.E.]; the first year of his reign (the seventh year of the Datong era of the Liang).
The regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Marquis of Wulin Tiêu Tư/Xiao Zi, lost the people’s support with his harshness and violent behavior. The emperor was from a line of strongmen. Naturally endowed with extraordinary talent, he could not fulfill his ambition through service. [At that time] there was a man, Tinh Thiều/Bing Shao, who was good at words who went [to the Liang] and was selected to serve as an official. The Liang minister of the Ministry of Personnel, Cai Zun, felt that there were no previous worthies in the Tinh/Bing family, and had [Tinh Thiều/Bing Shao] demoted to a gatekeeper in Quảng Dương/Guangyang. Thiều/Shao felt disgraced by this and returned to his village and followed the emperor in plotting to rally troops. At that time, the emperor was supervisor of Cửu Đức/Jiude region. He united with the strongmen from several regions, and they all responded to his call. There was a chief of Chu Diên/Zhuyuan, Triệu Túc/Zhao Su, who respected the emperor’s talent and moral virtue, and who led his followers to join him. When [Xiao] Zi learned of this, he bribed the emperor and returned to Guang Region. The emperor then went and occupied the regional citadel (that is, Long Biên/Longbian).
Nhâm tuất [542 C.E.]; the second year of his reign (the eighth year of the Datong era of the Liang).
In winter, during the twelfth lunar month, the Liang emperor sent Tôn Quýnh/Sun Jiong and Lư Tử Hùng/Lu Zixiong [NK 4/15b] to come and invade. Jiong requested to wait until autumn given that a spring pestilence was spreading. The regional inspector of Guang Region, the Marquis of Xinyu, Hoán/Huan, did not allow this.[91] The Marquis of Wulin, Tư/Zi, urged [them on]. When Zixiong reached Hợp Phố/Hepu, six or seven out of every ten [soldiers] were dead. The rest scattered and returned. Zi submitted a false memorial [in which he stated that] Jiong and Zixiong were not advancing. They were ordered to commit suicide.
Quý hợi [543 C.E.]; the third year of his reign (the ninth year of the Datong era of the Liang).
In summer, during the fourth lunar month, the king of Linyi pillaged Nhật Nam/Rinan. The emperor ordered his general, Phạm Tu/Fan Xiu, to attack and defeat him at Cửu Đức/Jiude.
Giáp tý [544 C.E.]; the first year of the Thiên Đức era (the 10th year of the Datong era of the Liang).
In spring, during the first lunar month, since the emperor had defeated his enemies, he declared himself Emperor of Southern Việt [Nam Việt]. He ascended the throne, established a new era and various official positions. He established a name for the kingdom, Vạn Xuân, in the hope that the realm [xã tắc/sheji] would endure for 10,000 generations. He had the Vạn Xuân Palace built for holding court meetings. He appointed Triệu Túc/Zhao Su as grand mentor, and Tinh Thiều/Jing Shao and Phạm Tu/Fan Xiu and others to the position of aiding generals.
[NK 4/16a] Ất sửu [545 C.E.]; the second year [of the Thiên Đức era] (the 11th year of the Datong era of the Liang).
In summer, during the sixth lunar month, the Liang apponited Dương Phiếu/Yang Piao (pronounced “chao” or “qiao”) as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region and Trần Bá Tiên/Chen Baxian as commander, [and ordered that] they lead troops to come and invade.[92] Regional Inspector of Ding Region Tiêu Bột/Xiao Bo was ordered to meet Piao in Jiangxi.[93] Bo knew that the troops feared distant campaigns and thereupon tricked Piao into staying. Piao assembled the generals to ask about their strategies. Baxian spoke first saying “Giao/Jiao region is in revolt. The problem comes from the imperial family, as it has caused filthy disturbances to take hold in several regions, with people fleeing and fighting for years now.[94] Ding Region [meaning Xiao Bo, see below] wishes to steal some temporary peace, and does not think of the larger plan. His Honor [meaning Yang Piao] received orders to lead a punitive expedition, and is carrying them out with no regard for his life. How can we not advance and let the rebels depress the people?” [Baxian] then led his followers to depart first. [Yang] Piao placed Baxian at the vanguard. When he reached the region, 30,000 people resisted him. [Those people] were defeated at Chu Diên and were again defeated at the mouth of the Tô Lịch River. The emperor fled to Gia Ninh/Jianing Citadel. The Liang troops pursued [him] and laid siege to [the citadel].
[NK 4/16b] Bính dần [546 C.E.]; the third year [of the Thiên Đức era] (the first year of the Zhongdatong era of the Liang).
In spring, during the first lunar month, [Chen] Baxian and others conquered Gia Ninh/Jianing.[95] The emperor entered Tân Xương/Xinchang in Liêu territory.[96] The Liang troops followed and garrisoned at the mouth of the Gia Ninh River.
In autumn, during the eighth lunar month, the emperor again led 20,000 men out from Liêu territory to garrison at Lake Điển Triệt. They put out many ships, such that the lake became filled. The Liang troops feared this and stationed at the edge of the lake, not daring to precede further forward. Baxian said to the generals, “Our soldiers have already [fought] long, and our generals and troops are fatigued. What is more, we are alone without any support. This has affected them deeply. If we cannot achieve victory in a single decisive battle, how can we hope to survive? We should make use of the fact that the enemy has suffered repeated defeats and their resolve is not firm. They are a rabble of Barbarians and Liêu [i.e., Di Liêu], and are easy to exterminate. This is precisely the time to do our utmost to engage in a final decisive battle to take them. There is no reason to linger, for this opportune chance will be lost.”
The various generals remained silent and no one responded. That night, the river water rose violently seven xích/chi and poured into the lake. Baxian ordered the troops under his authority to follow the current of the water and advance. The Liang followers beat drums to make a ruckus and advanced. The emperor was not [NK 4/17a] prepared at all, and was therefore crushed, and [the survivors] again escaped to Liêu. He retreated to hold Khuất Liêu Aboriginal Settlement, where he got his troops in order as he wished to again engage in battle. He entrusted General-in-chief Triệu Quang Phục/Zhao Guangfu with the task of holding the kingdom, and sent troops to attack Baxian.
Đinh mão [547 C.E.]; the fourth year [of the Thiên Đức era] (the first year of the Taiqing era of the Liang).
In spring, on the first day of the first lunar month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
Quang Phục and Baxian engaged each other with neither able to gain a decisive victory. Baxian’s soldiers were very powerful. Quang Phục estimated that he would not be able to hold out, so he retreated to hold Night Swamp [Dạ Trạch]. This swamp was in Chu Diên. It was so long around that one could not calculate the distance. It was lush with vegetation and in its center was solid land which one could occupy. With mud and mire in all four directions, it was difficult for the forces to move about. They could get places by using pole boats which they pushed over the water and grass. But if one was not familiar with the various paths, then one would get completely lost. If one accidently fell into the water, one would be killed by insects and snakes.
Quang Phục knew the network of paths. He led over 20,000 followers to garrison some land in the swamp. In the daytime they [NK 4/17b] extinguished fires so that there would be no traces of smoke. At night they used pole boats to go out and attack Baxian’s camp, killing and capturing many, while the provisions they obtained could support a long campaign. Baxian marched forward and attacked, but could not succeed. The people in the kingdom called [Triệu Quang Phục] the King of Night Swamp.
(It is said that during the time of the Hùng kings, Princess Tiên Dung Mị Nương, sailed out to sea. When her boat returned to Chử Gia Village Islet, she walked on the islet and came across Chử Đồng Tử who was naked and hiding in some bushes. She took this as a sign of a fated match and the two became husband and wife. Fearing punishment, they hid on the coast. The place they dwelled then became a trading hub. The king sent troops to punish them. Đồng Tử and Tiên Dung were afraid and waited for their punishment. Then suddenly in the middle of one night winds and rain violently commenced, smashed into the dwellings, and uprooted them. The occupants and their animals, instantaneously ascended into the heavens, leaving behind empty remains in a swamp. The people at that time called the islet “Just Like That Islet” [Tự Nhiên Châu] and the swamp, “One Night Swamp” [Nhất Dạ Trạch]. Today these old names still exist.)
The above [covers the years of] the Southern Emperor of the Former [Lý], beginning with the tân dậu year [541 C.E.] and ending with the đinh mão year [547 C.E.], a total of seven years.
The Annals of the King Việt of the Triệu
Note: the old history did not record information about King Việt of the Triệu or of King Đào Lang. Now from taking information from unofficial histories and other books, we have for the first time recorded information about his position and name, and have added a supplement about King Đào Lang in order to fill in [missing information].
[NK 4/18a] King Việt of the Triệu. He ruled for twenty three years. This includes a supplement about King Đào Lang.
He occupied a strategic place and set forth his miraculous [strategies] to destroy a formidable enemy. What a pity that he was overly fond of his daughter, and thus brought about a son-in-law calamity.
The king’s surname was Triệu and his given name was Quang Phục. He was the son of Triệu Túc/Zhao Su, and was from Chu Diên District. He was awe-inspiring and courageous. He achieved merit following the Southern Emperor on campaigns and was appointed general of the left. When the emperor passed away, he declared himself king. He established his capital at Long Biên/Longbian, but then moved it to Vũ Ninh/Wuning.
Mậu thìn [548 C.E.], the first year of his reign (the second year of the Taiqing era of the Liang).
In spring, during the third lunar month, on the tân hợi day, the Southern Emperor passed away in Khuất Liêu Aboriginal Settlement. For days he was ill from mountain miasmas and then passed away.
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “There is a line of military strategy which goes, ‘when 30,000 people unite, no one in the world can stand up against them.’[97] Here Lý Bí had 50,000 people but he still couldn’t hold the kingdom. Is this because Bí was weak as a general? [NK 4/18b] Or was it that the newly recruited troops were not up to the task of fighting? Lý Bí was an average general. It is not that he could not defeat an enemy. Instead, that he was defeated twice and then died is probably because he had the bad luck of encountering Chen Baxian’s skills at military strategy.”
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “[When] the Southern Emperor of the Former [Lý] raised troops to eradicate violence, was this not rendering obedience to Heaven? However, in the end he was defeated and died. Was that because Heaven did not want our kingdom to be at peace yet? Goodness! It is not just that he encountered Chen Baxian’s skills at military strategy. He was also faced with the violent rise in the water level which helped the position [of the Liang troops]. Was this not also because of Heaven?”
Kỷ tỵ [549 C.E.]; the second year of his reign (the third year of the Taiqing era of the Liang).
The king was based in the middle of the swamp. Because the Liang troops would not retreat, he lit incense, prayed and earnestly beseeched Heaven, Earth and the spirits [for assistance]. He thereupon obtained such auspicious items as a dragon’s claw and a helmet. [NK 4/19a] He used these to attack the bandits. From this point the spirit of the soldiers lifted and wherever they went no one could resist them.
(There is a customary tale that a divine man in Night Swamp, Chử Đồng Tử, at that time rode a yellow dragon down from Heaven, took off one of its claws and entrusted it to the king, so that he could place it on top of a helmet and to use this to attack the bandits.)
Canh ngọ [550 C.E.]; the third year of his reign (the first year of the Taibao era [in the reign] of Emperor Jianwen of the Liang, Gang).[98]
In spring, during the first lunar month, the Liang appointed Chen Baxian as Awe-Illuminating General and regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Baxian made plans to hold out for a long time. He wanted to cut off the grain supply so that [the Triệu king’s] troops would weaken and then they could be defeated. Right at that time though the Liang experienced the Hou Jing disturbance and [Baxian] was recalled. He delegated authority to the assistant general, Dương Sàn/Yang Chan, to attack the king. The king released his soldiers to attack him. Chan fought a battle of resistance but was defeated and killed. The Liang troops scattered and returned to the north. The kingdom was now at peace. The king entered Long Biên/Longbian Citadel and occupied it.
The Southern Emperor’s older brother, Thiên Bảo, lived among the Barbarians and the Liêu, declared himself to be King Đào Lang, and established a kingdom called the Kingdom of Dã Năng. Earlier, when Lý Bí fled to and occupied Khuất Liêu, Thiên Bảo, along with a general from the same lineage, Lý Phật Tử/Li Fozi, led 30,000 men and entered Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Chen Baxian went in pursuit and attacked [NK 4/19b] them. Thiên Bảo’s troops were defeated. He then got together those that remained, 10,000 men, and fled to the border of Ailao, among the Barbarian and Liêu peoples. He found that the land at Dã Năng Aboriginal Settlement, at the source of the Đào River, was rich and level and one could dwell there. He built a citadel and occupied the area. He called his kingdom after the name of the area. People urged him to become ruler, and called him King Đào Lang.
Ất hợi [555 C.E.]; the eighth year of his reign (the first year of the Shaotai era [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Liang, Fangzhi).
King Đào Lang died in the Kingdom of Dã Năng. He did not have a successor. The people encouraged Lý Phật Tử to be the successor and to lead the followers.
Đinh sửu [557 C.E.], the tenth year of his reign (the second year of the Taiping era of the Liang; the first year of the Yongding era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Chen, Baxian).
Lý Phật Tử led his followers down to the east to battle the king at Thái Bình/Taiping. They engaged in battle five times, but neither could garner a victory. Phật Tử’s troops retreated a little, thinking that the king had some special strategy planned, and then requested an alliance. Given that Phật Tử was from the same lineage as the emperor of the Former [Lý], the king did could not bear to break off relations. He therefore set a boundary at Quân Thần Islet (This is now the two communities of Thượng Cát and Hạ Cát in Từ Liêm District.). [Lý Phật Tử] occupied an area to the west [NK 4/20a] of the kingdom and moved to Ô Diên/Wuyuan Citadel (Now this is Hạ Mỗ Community in Từ Liêm District. This district has a spirit shrine to Bát Lang. This is probably a shrine to Nhã Lang.). Later, Phật Tử had a son, Nhã Lang, who sought to marry the king’s daughter, Cảo Nương. [The king] consented, and they became a happily married couple. The king was extremely fond of Cảo Nương. He had Nhã Lang stay with him as a live-in son-in-law (A husband who lives at his wife’s house is called a “live-in son-in-law.”).
Canh dần [570 C.E.]; the 23rd year of his reign (the second year of the Dajian era [in the reign] of Emperor Xuan of the Chen, Xu).[99]
Nhã Lang said to his wife, “In the past, our two fathers were kings who rivaled each other and now we are married. Is that not great? But what technique does your father have that he can hold off my father’s troops?” Cảo Nương did not detect his true intent, and secretly took the dragon-claw helmet and showed it to him. Nhã Lang plotted to change the claw. He said privately to Cảo Nương, “I have heard that the benevolence of parents is as heavy as Heaven and Earth. The two of us as husband and wife love and are kind to each other. We cannot bear to be apart. However, I must temporarily put aside what I treasure to return home.” Nhã Lang returned and plotted with his father to attack the king and take his kingdom.
[NK 4/20b] Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “Woman call getting married ‘returning.’ Therefore, her husband’s house is her house. The king’s daughter married Nhã Lang, so should she not have returned to her husband’s house? Why follow the live-in son-in-law of the Ying Qin and bring about defeat and loss?”[100]
The above [covers the years of] King Việt of the Triệu, beginning with the mậu thìn year [548 C.E.] and ending with the canh dần year [570 C.E.], a total of twenty three years.
The Annals of the Later Lý
The Southern Emperor of the Later Lý. He ruled for thirty two years.
The emperor used devious means to annex the kingdom. Just sensing the bandits, he surrendered first. From beginning to end whatever he did was unrighteous.
The emperor’s surname was Lý, and his given name was Phật Tử. He was a lineage general of the Southern Emperor of the Former [Lý]. He chased off King Việt of the Triệu and inherited the title of Southern Emperor. His capital was at Ô Diên, but later he moved to Phong Region.
[NK 4/21a] Tân mão [571 C.E.], the first year of his reign (the third year of the Dajian era of the Chen).[101]
The emperor made a traitorous pact, rallied troops and attacked King Việt of the Triệu. King Việt at first was not aware of his intent. He hastily inspected his troops, put on his helmet and stood waiting. As the emperor’s troops closed in, King Việt of the Triệu understood that he was in a difficult position and could not hold them off. So he took his daughter and fled to the south. He wanted to find a strategic place to hide. However, wherever he went, the emperor’s troops followed close behind. King Việt led his horse to the Đại Nha harbor. Blocked by the water, he sighed and said “It is over for me!” He then threw himself into the sea. The emperor arrived in pursuit, but finding no traces anywhere, returned. The Triệu clan came to an end. Later people felt [the king’s] extraordinary potency and erected a shrine to honor worship him at Đại Nha harbor (This is now in Đại An District).
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “If one looks at this with the techniques of a hegemon in mind, then the Later Southern Emperor’s attack on King Việt was a successful strategy. If one looks at it with the way of a king in mind, then it was inferior to what even dogs and swine would do. [NK 4/21b] Why was this so? When the Former Southern Emperor was in Khuất Liêu, he delegated authority over military matters to King Triệu. The king gathered together the remaining troops, and occupied a strategic place in the boggy terrain of Night Swamp. When Baxian was the most powerful man around, [the king] captured his general, Yang Chan, and the Northerners retreated because of this. At that time the emperor had burrowed himself away among the Barbarians and Liêu and was just trying to find a way to escape from the tiger’s jaws. It is fortunate that Baxian returned to the North. When [Lý] Thiên Bảo then died, [the emperor] then rallied troops and attacked King Việt. He used the trick of seeking peace, and agreed to marriage. The king treated him with sincerity, and gave him land to occupy. All of his actions came from righteousness. He made amicable relations with principle, and held audiences at proper times. Is this not the way to ensure that a kingdom can long enjoy peace? However, the evil trick of using Nhã Lang was not the proper way of human relations. In urgently seeking profit, he exterminated righteousness. In capturing the kingdom, although one could say he ‘succeeded,’ Nhã Lang died first, and he himself could not avoid becoming a captive. Was this really profit?”
[NK 4/22a] Nhâm tuất [602 C.E.]; the 32 year of his reign (the first year of the Renshou era of Emperor Wen of the Sui, Yang Jian).[102]
The emperor sent his son, Đại Quyền/Daquan to occupy Long Biên/Longbian Citadel, and Special Commandant Lý Phổ Đỉnh/Li Puding to occupy Ô Diên Citadel. (At that time the emperor’s capital was at Phong Region.)
[Emperor] Yang Su of the Sui recommended the regional inspector of Gua Region, Lưu Phương/Liu Fang from Chang’an, as someone with the strategies of a commander. The Sui emperor ordered that he be appointed area commander-in-chief of the army of Giao Châu/Jiaozhou Circuit to oversee twenty seven campaigning armies to come to invade. Fang was strict in his commands. Whoever disobeyed would definitely be beheaded. However, he was benevolent by nature. For the sick among the troops, he himself would come and offer care to them. The troops therefore cherished his moral virtue, but feared his awe. When they reached Đô Long/Doulong Ridge, they met the grass bandits, attacked and defeated them.[103] The soldiers advanced to the emperor’s camp. At first they issued a warning about the consequences [of fighting]. The emperor was afraid and requested to surrender. He returned to the North and passed away. The people erected a shrine for him at Tiểu Nha harbor as a counterpart to the shrine for King Việt of the Triệu.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “The North and the South are strong and weak each in their proper time. When the North is [NK 4/22b] weak then we are strong. When the North is strong then we become weak because of this. This is the way great powers are in the world [tiên hạ/tianxia]. If one possesses a kingdom, [one must] train and organize the military, completely prepare for the unexpected and establish defenses to protect the kingdom. One must treat bigger [kingdoms] with propriety, and smaller [kingdoms] with benevolence. In times of leisure, promote filial piety, brotherly love, loyalty and trust. Let the people in the kingdom know the righteousness of feeling close to their superiors and dying for their elders. If one then encounters bullying and invasion, cultivate [relations] with civility, use the proper words to speak, treat [them] with ritual gifts of jade and silk. If this is still not enough, then even though one is in a bind, one must fight with ones back to the wall, vowing to fight to the death, and to tie one’s fate to that of the realm. Only then will one not have regrets. How can it be acceptable that bandits arrive in a territory, and before any swords have crossed, one can get afraid and request to surrender? The emperor was weak and cowardly, and the commanders at that time did not say a word to him. This is what is called ‘having no one in the kingdom.’”
[NK 4/23a] The above [covers the years of] the Southern Emperor of the Later Lý, beginning with the tân mão year [571 C.E.] and ending with the nhâm tuất year [602 C.E.], a total of thirty two years. Taken together with the year of the Southern Emperor of the Former [Lý] and Kinh Việt of the Triệu, it is a total of 62 years.
[1] The Sanguo zhi [Treatise on the Three Kingdoms], the source which first recorded the following information, states that the events below occurred during the fifth year of the Huangwu reign of the Kingdom of Wu [226 C.E.]. The KĐVSTGCM also listed these events during that year. See Sanguo zhi [Treatise on the Three Kingdoms], Wuzhi, 4/13a; KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/2b-3a.
[2] The Sanguo zhi has here “from Jiaozhi southward” instead of “from Hepu southward.” See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 4/13a.
[3] Xie Ye was an official in the Kingdom of Chen during the Spring and Autumn Period. The king of Chen and two of his officials all engaged in intimate relations with another official’s wife, Consort Xia, and joked about it together at court. Xie Ye remonstrated against the king of Chen for this, and in return, the king allowed the two adulterous officials to kill Xie Ye. Later, Consort Xia’s son assassinated the king of Chen. See Zuozhuan, Xuangong 9; Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 5, 305; Liu Xiang, Lienu zhuan [Biographies of Exemplary Women], Chen nu Xia Ji.
[4] I have no idea who this is.
[5] While this is what is written in the Sanguo zhi, the KĐVSTGCM states that this sentence should begin “Lin’s older brother, Zhi, and son, Fa . . .” See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 4/13a; KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/3b.
[6] The Sanguo zhi and the KĐVSTGCM both record that Kuang was Shi Yi’s son, which would be Shi Xie’s grandson. Ibid.
[7] Removing one’s upper garments was a sign of submission.
[8] The Sanguo zhi and the KĐVSTGCM both record the following statement: “Dai rejected [their offer to surrender], ordered them to put their garments back on, and proceeded to the commandery [offices].” See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 4/13b; KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/4a.
[9] This statement comes from the Zuozhuan. There is a record in that work of an instance in which a commander laid siege to a citadel. He told his troops that they would leave if the citadel did not surrender in three days. Eventually a spy reported that the citadel would surrender, but that some time was needed, and that the point of surrender would come after the third day. The commander thereupon ordered his troops to leave, stating that “Trust is a kingdom’s treasure,” and that he had to maintain the people’s trust by keeping his word. The troops withdrew, and later the citadel did indeed surrender. See Zuozhuan, Xigong 25; Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 5, 196.
[10] Sun Sheng was a scholar during the Jin Dynasty (265-420 C.E.) who wrote a commentary on the Sanguo zhi which were later included in what became the standard version of that text. For the remarks here, see Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 4/13b.
The locus classicus of the concept of “being pliant with those afar and enabling those who are near” is in the Venerated Documents. See Shangshu, Wenhou zhi ming; Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 3, 619.
[11] In the Sanguo zhi and the KĐVSTGCM, Shi Hui’s first brother’s name is written with a different character than in this text, but it is pronounced the same. Meanwhile, the second brother’s name is Wei in the Sanguozhi and the Cương Mục, not Hui. Finally, the name of Shi Xie’s hostage son, mentioned in the next sentence, is recorded as Xin, not Yin. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 4/13b; KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/4a.
[12] A “hostage son” (chất tử/zhizi) is someone who was sent from one ruling family to live with another in order to seal a political alliance.
[13] There is a misprint in the original here. 221 C.E. was the third year in the Huanglong reign, not Huangwu reign, of the Kingdom of Wu.
[14] Wuling Commandery was centered in the area of what is today Hunan Province. Wuxi, meaning “five streams,” was a name that referred to five places around the current Hunan-Guizhou border area that all ended with the word “stream” (khê/xi).
[15] The Sanguo zhi states here that that Xue Zong sent this memorial to the court out of fear that the person replacing Dai would not be as capable. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/9b.
[16] What I have translated as “four entities” is literally “four kingdoms” (tứ quốc/si guo). Xue Zong apparently meant Cangwu, Guilin, Nanhai and Xiang, none of which were actually kingdoms. As for “belonging inside” (nội thuộc/neishu), this refers to their being part of what we would today label the Qin and Han empires.
[17] Zhuyai was the name of a commandery that covered the island of Hainan. This is a misprint. The Sanguo zhi has Zhuguan here. Zhuguan is the name of a commandery which the Wu created in place of Hepu Commandery. Its administrative center was to the south of the Hepu Commandery seat, in what is today Guangdong Province. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/9b.
[18] Xiaowu is Emperor Wu of the Han (r., 140-87 B.C.E.).
[19] This sentence means that people started to follow rituals (lễ nghĩa/liyi) and teachings about proper behavior (giáo hóa/jiaohua) that originated in the Central Kingdom. The ĐVSKTT omits here the following information from Xue Zong’s letter that is recorded in the Sanguo zhi:
Emperor Wu of the Han executed Lü Jia, established nine commanderies and appointed a regional inspector to control and supervise them. With [so many] long mountains and rivers, customs were not uniform. Languages also differed, such that it took multiple translations to communicate. The people were like birds and beasts. There was no distinction between the elderly and the young. They tied their hair up in a mallet and went barefoot. They donned their garments over their heads and fastened lapels on the left. When senior subalterns were appointed, even though they were there, it was as if they were not. Starting from this point, quite a few prisoners from the Central Kingdom were moved in to live mixed among the people. This led people to study a little, and to gain rudimentary knowledge of [the Chinese] language. As emissaries and their translators came and went, they observed people following rituals and transformative teachings.
See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/10a.
[20] The ĐVSKTT again omits some information here. The text in the Sanguo zhi is as follows:
When Xi Guang was in Jiaozhi and Ren Yan was governor of Jiuzhen, they taught people to plow, got them to wear caps and shoes, and established a marriage monitor. It was at this point that they learned about marriage. They set up schools and guided people in understanding the meaning of the classics. From this point onward, for over 400 years, the people had a fairly good model [to follow].
When I first arrived here, marriages in [the parts of] Zhuyai [Commandery] where there was no administration [were such that] in the eighth lunar month, when neighboring peoples got together, [young] men and women sought out [partners] that they themselves found suitable, and became husbands and wives. The parents were unable to stop this. In the two districts of Mê Linh in Jiaozhi and Đô Bàng in Jiuzhen, when an elder brother dies, his younger takes in marriage his older brother’s wife. This has been the custom for generations. Senior subalterns allow this to happen and do not prohibit it. In Rinan Commandery, men and women go naked and do not feel ashamed. From this one can say that they are simply like shameful looking insects.
Ibid., 8/10a-b.
[21] The ĐVSKTT omits one more passage here. It is as follows:
However, the land is vast and the people numerous. Inaccessible and toxic, it is easy for disturbances to take place, and difficult to get people to follow rules. District officials [should] rule with a loose reign, and the announcement of their orders [should] bring submission through its awe. In levying taxes on land and households, that which is obtained includes such valuable special objects as precious pearls, fragrant grasses, elephant tusks, rhinoceros horns, hawksbill turtles, coral, natural glass, parrots, kingfishers, and peacocks. These precious objects are in abundance. There is no need to force taxation in order to bring benefit to the Central Kingdom. However, beyond the Nine Domains the choosing of senior subalterns is often done without careful examination. During the Han the laws were lenient. Many acted without restraint. Therefore, there were many rebellions and contraventions of the law. Zhuyai’s downfall began with a senior subaltern. Seeing the people’s fine hair, he had it cut off to make wigs.
Ibid., 81b-11a. The “Nine Domains” refers to nine areas of the known world during the time of the Zhou Dynasty. At the center was the region where the emperor resided, and then as one moved outward, one would reach the boundaries of a new domain every 500 leagues.
[22] In the Sanguo zhi, this man’s name is recorded as Dan Meng, not Zhan Meng. Also, the surname Pan, mentioned below, is written with a different character in this text than in the Sanguo zhi, but is pronounced the same. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/11a.
[23] Meng died as a result of this attack. Ibid.
[24] What I am translating here as “at that time” is “hội/hui (會). However, in the Sanguo zhi this character appears as part of the place name Kuaiji (會稽), also known as Guiji, where it is pronounced as “kuai” rather than “hui.” Kuaiji was a commandery in the area of what is today Jiangxu Province. This passage in the Sanguo zhi says “Also, the former regional inspector of Kuaiji, Zhu Fu, made much use of followers from his hometown” (又故刺史會稽朱符，多以鄉人. . .). See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/11a-11b.
[25] “Regional dignitaries” (mục bá/mubo) is an unofficial reference to a regional governor. Many official titles were known by unofficial names as well.
[26] There was a concept dating at least from the time of the Zhou Dynasty that there were five domains; the core area around the capital, and then four more concentric areas, each of which submitted to the authority of the emperor in the capital. The Five Domains also decreased in ritual purity and became more “wild” as one moved away from the capital. The “Wild Domain” (hoang phục/huangfu) was the domain most distant from the capital.
[27] This was in Zhuguang, formerly Hepu, Commandery.
[28] The Sanguo zhi has Zhuguan instead of Zhuyai. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 8/12a.
[29] Wei Commander was established during the Han in the area of what is today Henan Province.
[30] The first year of the Yong’an era was 258 C.E. The year 248 C.E. corresponded with the eleventh year in the Chiwu era of the Kingdom of Wu.
[31] Hengyang was a district which the Wu established in the area of what is now Hunan Province.
[32] This figure of 30,000 is not mentioned in the Sanguo zhi. Instead, that work records that a rebel leader from Gaoliang surrendered with some 3,000 of his followers. It then states that further south over 100 rebel leaders and more than 50,000 common families also submitted. Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 16/15a.
[33] A xích/chi was about a third of a meter.
[34] “Tooth shoes” (xỉ lý/chilü) were probably shoes that were in a shape that resembled a tooth.
[35] This was the sixth year in the Yong’an era of the Kingdom of Wu, not the sixteenth.
[36] This is incorrect. He was governor of Jiaozhi. See Jinshu [History of the Jin], Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/9b.
[37] The Jinshu, where this passage originated, has 3,000 peacocks. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/9b. Jianye was a district in the area where the city of Nanjing in Jiangsu Province is today. The Wu changed its name to Jianye from Moling.
[38] According to the Sanguo zhi, these events occurred in the fifth lunar month of summer. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 3/13b.
[39] This is a reference to Zhu Xi’s (1130-1200 C.E.) Zizhi tongjian gangmu [Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], which was a summary of Sima Guang’s (1019-1086 C.E.) Zizhi tongjian [Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government]. Lü Xing requested that the Kingdom of Wei send a governor and troops. See Sangu ozhi, Wuzhi, 3/14a.
[40] The title of “remote controller” (dao lãnh/yaoling) indicated that the official could fulfill the duties for that position from afar, and did not need to be present in the actual location of appointment.
There are inaccuracies in this passage. First, Wu had not become a dependent of Jin at this point. Instead, Wu remained independent until it was conquered by Jin in 280 C.E. Also, the sentence which begins, “The Jin appointed,” should say “The Wei appointed.”
[41] Baxi and Qianwei were commanderies in the area of what is today Sichuan Province.
[42] The text has the Wu area commander-in-chief’s name as Xiu Ji, instead of Xiu Ze. This is incorrect. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/9b. I have made changes accordingly.
[43] The text has Mao Ling here rather than Mao Jiong. This is incorrect and I have made changes accordingly. See Ibid.
[44] Since they already were in Hợp Phố/Hepu, this probably means that they returned to the Hợp Phố/Hepu administrative seat.
[45] Danyang was a commandery in the area of present-day Anhui Province, and Jian’an was a commander in the area of what is today Fujian Province. Jing Region is a general term referring to the area of south-central China between the Yangzi and the Five Passes along the northern borders of Guangxi and Guangdong Provinces.
[46] This was in the area of what is today Guangdong Province.
[47] The Jinshu records that these troops were within the area of a “broken wall.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/10a.
[48] The Jinshu has here “several thousand bolts of brocade from the treasure ships they had obtained.” Also, the name of the rebel is recorded as Lương Kỳ/Liang Qi (梁奇) not Lương Tề/Liang Qi (良齊). I have been unable to identify where Phù Nghiêm/Fuyan was. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/10b.
[49] Instead of Mao Jiong, the text here as Mao Mian. Earlier it had Mao Ling.
[50] Li Song and Cuan Neng were Jin officials in Jiao Region who were killed by the Wu. The History of the Jin states that the sons of Mao Jiong, Li Song and Cuan Neng were granted the title of Marquis of Guannei. As for Yang Ji, the same texts states that he was posthumously granted “Jiao Region.” The Cuong Muc extrapolates from this that Yang Ji was posthumously granted “position of regional inspector of Jiao Region.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/11b; KDVSTGCM, Tiền biên 3/13b.
[51] According to the KĐVSTGCM, Vũ Bình/Wuping, Cửu Đức/Jiude and Tân Xương/Xinchang corresponded were in the areas of the following nineteenth-century provinces: Hưng Yên, Hà Tĩnh and Sơn Tây, respectively. See KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/14a and 3/15a.
[52] Di Liêu/Yiliao (夷獠) was a term which Chinese writers employed to refer to the “savage” or “barbarian” peoples in the southwestern part of their empire. It is rendered in the Ngô Đức Thọ translation as Di Lão. The second character can be read in that manner, and reading it as such is convenient in that it implies a possible connection with people of today like the Lao. However, who precisely this term was employed to delineate at this time in history is not clear. I therefore feel that it is more appropriate to use what was probably the common pronunciation in the past, Di Liêu/Yiliao.
[53] Instead of “Jiuzhen,” the original text follows the Jinshu and has “nine commanderies.” This is a mistake which was corrected in the KĐVSTGCM, and which I have corrected here as well. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/12a; KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/14b.
[54] I have made another correction here as the original mistakenly records this man’s name as “Tu Nguyên/Xiu Yuan,” rather than “Tu Doãn/Xiu Yun.” Ibid.
[55] The original has “Mã Tức Dung/Ma Xirong” instead of “Hoàng Tức Dung/Huang Xirong.” This is incorrect. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/12a. I have changed it here accordingly.
[56] Wu Yan’s title was “commander-in-chief of Nanzhong and regional inspector of Jiao Region.” “Nanzhong” is a term which referred in general to the area of what is today southern China, similar to Lingnan, or “South of the Passes.” This combined title of commander-in-chief and regional inspector gave Wu Yan military authority over a wider area than the region under his administrative control. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/16a.
[57] The Jinshu records that he was in power for “more than twenty years.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/16b.
[58] The Jinshu indicates that she did this under duress. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/14a.
[59] The Jinshu has “three” instead of “thirty” years. It also records that Liang Shi “invited” rather than “ordered” Tao Huang’s son to take up the post of regional inspector. Ibid.
[60] Tao Ji was Tao Huang’s father, not grandfather. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/9a.
[61] The Jinshu records that this occurred in the sixth lunar month. See Jinshu, Juan 6/21a.
[62] According to the Jinshu, it was Wang Liang’s right arm which was cut off. See Jinshu, Juan 89, Liezhuan 59/29b.
[63] Wang Liang’s biography in the Jinshu contains information which fills out this complex episode.
At first, the governor of Xinchang, Liang Shi, monopolized authority over the Jiao lands. He invited Tao Xian to serve as regional inspector. When Xian died, Wang Dun appointed Wang Ji to serve as regional inspector. [Liang] Shi sent troops to resist him, and took control himself of the post of governor of Jiaozhi. He then invited, [Xiu] Zhan [could also be pronounced Dan, Jian or Chen], the son of the former regional inspector, Xiu Ze, to carry out the affairs of the region.
In the third year of the Yongxing [should be Daxing/Taixing] reign [320 C.E.], [Wang] Dun appointed [Wang] Liang as regional inspector of Jiao Region. As Liang was about to take up his post, Dun said to him, Xiu Zhan and Liang Shi are bandits who are harming the kingdom. When you arrive, capture and behead them.” When Liang arrived in the area, Zhan retreated to Jiuzhen. The regional inspector of Guang Region, Tao Kan, sent an emissary to entice Zhan to visit Liang’s office. Liang ordered that [Zhan’s] escorts not be allowed to enter. He then arrested [Zhan].
[Liang] Shi, who was present at that time, said, “Zhan is the son of a former regional general. If he is guilty of crimes, he can be exiled. It is not necessary to kill him.” Liang said, “The gentleman is a grateful old friend, but stay out of my affairs.” He then beheaded [Xiu Zhan]. Shi got angry and left.
[Wang] Liang made secret plans to murder [Liang] Shi. He sent an assassin to kill him, but he did not succeed. [Liang Shi] then led a group and surrounded Liang at Long Biên. Tao Kan dispatched soldiers to rescue [Wang Liang]. Before they arrived, Liang was defeated. Shi tried to force Liang to hand over the official tally, but Liang held it and refused to do so. [Liang Shi] thereupon cut off Liang’s right arm. Liang sternly stated, “I am not afraid of dying, so what is cutting off an arm to me?” For more than ten days he remained indignant and then died.
[Liang] Shi occupied Jiao Region. Fierce, violent and oppressive, the entire region suffered under him. He was finally destroyed by [Tao] Kan’s troops, and his head was sent back to the capital.
See Jinshu, Juan 89, Liezhuan 59/28a-29b.
[64] This appears to be a reference to Tao Xian, mentioned in the footnote above. However, I am not sure if a clan descendent (tộc tử/zuzi 族子) could have a different surname.
[65] The Jinshu records that Ruan Fu “attacked Fan Fo of Linyi in Rinan and destroyed over fifty of his ramparts.” Fan Fo was the king of Linyi at the time. See Jinshu, Juan 8, Diji 8/8a.
[66] According to the Jinshu, the Jin “reduced the number of soldiers in regions and commanderies.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/12a.
[67] The Jinshu has “just 700 leagues from Linyi.” Other information is omitted here as well. The full passages states that, “Jiao Region is a desolate borderland. It is off all by itself. One needs multiple translations to communicate. It is a succession of mountains and sea. Its southernmost commandery [i.e., Rinan] is over 1,000 leagues from the regional seat, and just 700 leagues from Linyi.” Ibid., 12a-b.
[68] The Jinshu records that Tao Huang started out with “over 7,000” men, and ended up with “2,420.” Ibid., 12b.
[69] This sentence sounds contradictory as Ngô Sĩ Liên omitted the following intervening passage:
Now the four seas have been united, and there is no one who does not think of submitting [to the Jin]. We should be putting away our armor, melting our swords and focusing on carrying out the proper rites. However, among the people in this region, those who recognize what is righteous are few. [Most] dislike peace and enjoy causing disturbances. What is more, along the southern coast of Guang Region, among its over 6,000 leagues of twists and turns, there are as many as 50,000 households which have not submitted, while there must be another 10,000 households of people who are not under control in Guilin. As for the number of officials who have submitted, there are only 5,000 or so families. The two regions [of Jiao and Guang] are as close as lips and teeth. Only with troops can they be held down. What is more, Xinggu [District] in Ning Region is upriver, 1,600 leagues from Jiaozhi Commandery. They are connected by water and land routes, and can help guard each other. It is not advisable to reduce regional troops and present an image of weakness. Alas, changes in this world come unexpectedly. I am merely the remnant of a fallen kingdom. My opinion is not worth considering.
Ning Region was established by the Jin in the area of what is today Yunnan Province. Ibid., Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/12b-13a.
[70] This emperor’s official name was Xiaowu, not Wu. Prior to this point, Ngô Sĩ Liên provided the given names of Jin emperors. Here he has provided Emperor Xiaowu’s courtesy name, Changming. His given name was Yao. Ibid., Juan 9, Diji 9/7b.
[71] Du Yuan was the governor of Jiaozhi, not Jiao Region. Also, his defeat of Li Xun in 381 C.E. brought peace to the region, but there was also a famine that year. See Jinshu, Juan 9, Diji 9/13b.
[72] The Liangshu [History of the Liang] records that this promotion took place in 399 C.E. (see below). Liangshu [History of the Liang], Juan 54, Liezhuan 48/3b.
[73] According to the Jinshu, this occurred in the second lunar month of spring. Jinshu, Juan 10, Diji 10/3b. The Liangshu, meanwhile, provides the following additional details:
In the third year in the Longan reign of Emperor An, the grandson of [Fan] Fo, Xu Da [another version of Fan Hu Da] again pillaged Rinan and captured the governor, Gui Yuan. He then proceeded to pillage Jiude and captured its governor, Cao Bing. Governor of Jiaozhi Du Yuan dispatched the protector-general, Deng Yi, and others to attack and defeat him. Yuan was then appointed regional inspector.
Liangshu, Juan 54, Liezhuan 48/3b.
[74] Yongjia was a commandery in what is today Zhejiang Province. There is no record of Lu Xun ever serving as its governor. Lu Xun’s biography does not mention where he was from. He was the great-grandson of a Jin dynasty official, who married the younger sister of a man, Sun En, who subsequently started a rebellion. When Sun En died in 403 C.E., Lu Xun took charge of his forces and captured Guang Region, killing its regional inspector. Lu then sent an envoy to the Jin with tribute, and the court appointed him regional inspector of Guang Region. He subsequently took part in another rebellion. When that effort started to fail, Lu fled from the Jin Dynasty troops sent to defeat him by fighting his way into Jiao Region. Jinshu, Juan 100, Liezhuan 70/34a-36b.
[75] Jingzhao was a district in the Han Dynasty capital of Chang’an.
[76] According to the KĐVSTGCM, Thạch Kỳ/Shiqi was “the name of a garrison to the southwest of the regional seat of Jiao Region.” KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/24a. Also, the Songshu [History of the (Liu) Song] records that Huidu led 6,000 civil and military personnel to resist Lu Xun. They captured one of his aides and won the battle, but did not capture Lu Xun. Songshu [History of the (Liu) Song], Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5a.
[77] According to the Songshu, there were still 3,000 of Lu Xun’s remnant troops around, and remnant members of Li Xun’s gang united with members of the Li and Liao ethnic groups to number five or six thousand. Ibid.
[78] This passage omits some important information. Lu Xun gained the support of Li Xun’s remnant forces, who in turn recruited the support of warriors from the Li and Liao. Lu Xun then sent three of his officers into Long Biên/Longbien. This was apparently a ruse to make Du Huidu think that Lu Xun was submitting to his authority when in fact he was preparing for battle. Du Huidu, however, was aware of this. He offered valuables to the three men as if he believed them, but then attacked Lu Xun’s combined forces shortly afterwards. This took place in the sixth lunar month of summer. See Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5a-b; Nanshi [History of the Southern Dynasties], Juan 70, Liezhuan 60/10a.
[79] Jiankang was the Jin capital and was where Nanjing is today. I am assuming that Lu Xun had more than one wife as the Songshu records that he “poisoned his wi[ves] and son[s], more than 10 people.” Songshu, Juan 100, Liezhuan 70/36b. That same text does not explicitly indicate that Du Huidu beheaded Lu Xun’s wives or Li Tuo. Instead, in one place it indicates that this fate befell Lu Xun, his father, and his clique. Ibid., 70/36b-37a. In another it states that Du Huidu beheaded Lu Xun, his father, and Xun’s two sons and relatives. Ibid., Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5b.
[80] The Jinshu records that this took place in the third lunar month. Jinshu, Juan 10, Diji 10/13a-b.
[81] As Buddhism spread in China during this period, the practice of eating vegetarian food resonated with literati who already associated this practice with filial piety and moral behavior. For more on this, see Xia Demei, “Cong Nanchao shiren de xushiguan kan Fojiao yu Zhongguo bentu wenhua de jiaorong” [Examining the Fusion of Buddhism and Indigenous Chinese Culture from the Views of Literati in the Southern Dynasties Towards Vegetarianism], Qingdao daxue shifan xueyuan xuebao [Journal of the Teachers College of Qingdao University] 23.1 (2006): 22-27.
[82] According to the Songshu, it was Du Huidu’s “eldest son” who became regional inspector. Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/6b.
[83] This is an inaccurate rendering of the following sentence: “In the fourth lunar month of summer on the canh tuất/gengxu day, Chamberlain for Law Enforcement Wang Hui was appointed regional inspector of Jiao Region.” Songshu, Juan 5, Benji 5/7a-b.
[84] Before he became sick, he was summoned to the court by the emperor. See Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/6b.
[85] Du Hongwen’s statement was actually more elaborate than this. He stated, “For generations we have received the august benevolence [of the emperor], and for three generations we have carried the official tally. I have often desired to prostrate myself at the emperor’s court so as to reciprocate what I have received. What is more, now that I have been personally summoned, can I remain at ease? If I collapse, that will be fate.” Hongwen’s elderly mother, upon seeing her son set off in a carriage while ill, could not bear to part with him. She accompanied Hongwen to Guang Region where he died. On his deathbed, Hongwen dispatched his younger brother to the capital on his behalf. There the emperor and officials at the court deeply lamented Hongwen’s passing. Ibid.
[86] Meng Ben and Xia Yu were two warriors during the Warring States period.
[87] The KĐVSTGCM has this under the 33rd year of the Yuanjia era [446 C.E.]. See KĐVSTGCM, TB 3/27a.
[88] Nanyang was commandery in area of what is today Henan Province.
[89] His name was actually [Xiao] Ze, not Yi.
[90] According to the Liangshu, this man’s name was Li Kai, not Li Yuankai.
[91] This name should be [Xiao] Ying, rather than Huan.
[92] It looks like the person who wrote this comment believed that there was a special way to pronounce the character for “piao” in Yang Piao’s name. I have not found evidence of that.
[93] These characters are in the wrong order. This should say “Xi River” (i.e., Xi Jiang) not “Jiangxi.”
[94] Mention of the imperial family here is a reference to Marquis of Wulin Xiao Zi, as he was a member of the Liang royal family.
[95] The Liangshu, among other texts, has “Yang Piao and others” rather then “[Chen] Baxian and others.”
[96] Ngô Đức Thọ transliterates this character (獠) as “lạo.” The more common transliterations are “liêu” and “lão.” Edwin Pulleyblank’s reconstruction of older pronunciations for this character all are similar to “liêu.” See Edwin Pulleyblank, Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1991), 193.
[97] This is an altered version of a line from the Wei Liaozi, a text on military strategy from the Warring States era.
[98] This era name was “Dabao,” not “Taibao.”
[99] This era name should be “Taijian,” not “Dajian.”
[100] “Ying Qin” is another name for the ancient Kingdom of Qin.
[101] This era name should be “Taijian,” not “Dajian.”
[102] This was the second year of the Renshou era.
[103] “Grass bandits” (thảo tặc/caozei) is a derogatory term for common people who participate in a rebellion.