KĐVSTGCM 5
[TB 5/1a] The Fifth Chapter of the Prefatory Compilation of the Imperially Commissioned Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror of Việt History
(Nhâm ngọ [862 C.E.]; the third year of the Xiantong era of the Tang.) In spring, during the second lunar month, Nanzhao again raided. The Tang appointed Thái Tập/Cai Xi as military commissioner. He dispatched troops to resist them.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], when Nanzhao again raided, Wang Kuan asked for urgent assistance numerous times. The Tang emperor appointed the former surveillance commissioner of Hunan, Cai Xi, to replace him. He also dispatched a combined total of 30,000 circuit troops from Xu, Hua, Xu, Bian, Jing, Xiang, Dan, and E to help Xi in resisting [Nanzhao]. With a military force this powerful, the savages thereupon retreated.
[TB 5/1b] Note. Xu, Hua, Xu, Bian, Jing, Xiang, Dan, and E: These were the names of eight prefectures.
In summer, during the fifth lunar month, the Tang divided Lingnan into two circuits, Eastern and Western, and appointed Vi Trụ/Wei Zhou and Thái Kinh/Cai Jing as military commissioners.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], Left Mentor Cai Jing was covetous, cruel and very deceitful. The grand councilor at that time thought that he had talent as an administrator and memorialized to have him dispatched to oversee matters in Lingnan. Prior to this Lingnan had been divided into the following five jurisdictions [quản/guan], Guang, Gui, Yong, Rong and An Nam/Annan, each of which was under the jurisdiction of Lingnan. Jing memorialized [the emperor] to request that Guang Prefecture be divided off as the Eastern Circuit and Yong Prefecture as the Western Circuit, with Wei Zhou and Jing dividing the governorship [of these two areas]. Cai Xi [TB 5/2a] controlled all of the circuit troops in An Nam/Annan. Jing was jealous and feared that he would try to make a name for himself. He memorialized [the emperor] and stated that the savage soldiers had fled far away and that there were no troubles on the frontier. He then requested that the frontier troops be recalled. [Cai] Xi memorialized numerous times that groups of savages were still looking for a chance [to attack], and that they could not be left unprepared. He thereupon requested that 5,000 troops remain. [The emperor] did not listen. Xi wrote about ten potentially deadly scenarios and submitted this to the secretariat. At that time the grand councilor listened to what [Cai] Jing said, without investigating. Jing governed cruelly. People everywhere felt resentment toward him, and he was driven away by soldiers. He was demoted to revenue manager of Yai Prefecture. He was not willing to take up the position, and returned to Lingling where he was ordered [by the emperor] to commit suicide.
Notes. 1. Guang, Gui. The old history had Lian, Gui. This was incorrect.
2. Wei Zhou. He was from Wannian in Jingzhao.[1] The “Biography of Wei Dan” in [TB 5/2b] the History of the Tang [records that] Dan’s son was Zhou and that he was appointed military commissioner of Lingnan.
(Quý mùi [863 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Xiantong era of the Tang.) In spring, during the first lunar month, Nanzhao captured the protectorate. Military Commissioner Cai Xi and Inspector Yuan Weide died.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], Nanzhao led a mass of 50,000 savages to raid. [Cai] Xi requested emergency assistance, and [the emperor] ordered that 2,000 troops from Jing and Hu, and 3,000 troops from Gui Jurisdiction proceed there. Before they arrived, Nanzhao had surrounded the protectorate seat. With the relief troops not able to arrive [in time], the citadel was captured. All those around Xi having fled, he went out on foot and fought with all his might, but was hit with 10 arrows. He intended to flee in the army supervisor’s boat. With the ship having already left the shore he threw himself into [TB 5/3a] the water and died. When officers and troops from Jingnan reached the water’s edge to the east of the citadel, the Marquis of Yu, Yuan Weide, said to the soldiers, “We do not have boats. If we enter the water we are sure to die, so we are better off returning to fight with the savages. If we lose one man for every two savages it will still be advantageous.” He then led them back towards the citadel and gave full rein to the soldiers. They killed over 2,000 savages. When night fell, savage general Dương Tư Tấn/Yang Sijin came out to the rescue. Weide and others were killed. Nanzhao captured the protectorate seat two times. They killed and captured some 150,000 men. They left behind 20,000 savage troops and had the general, Sijin, occupy the protectorate citadel. The Khê Aboriginal Settlement barbarians and the Lạo all surrendered [to Nanzhao].
[TB 5/3b] Note. Yang Shen’s Record of Dian [records that] in the fourth year of the Xiantong era [863 C.E.], Nanzhao’s Meng Shilong raided Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. [The Nanzhao troops] killed and captured some 150,000 men. 20,000 troops were left behind and General Yang Sijin was ordered to occupy the area. The Khê Aboriginal Settlement barbarians and the Lạo all surrendered. In the fifth year [864 C.E.], [Nanzhao] raided Yong Prefecture, but returned in defeat. In the seventh year [866 C.E.], Military Commissioner Cao Biền/Gao Pian thoroughly defeated [Nanzhao], and again pacified Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. In examining this, [we see that] Nanzhao at the time [was under the control of] Meng Shilong.
In summer, during the sixth lunar month, the Tang abolished the protectorate and established the Provisional Prefecture of Giao/Jiao based at Haimen Defense Command. Tống Nhung/Song Rong was appointed prefect. Khang Thừa Huấn/Kang Chengxun took command of the various mobile military brigades in Lingnan.
[TB 5/4a] [According to] the Summary Record of Annan [Annan jiyao], when Nanzhao captured the protectorate citadel, the Tang ordered the various circuit troops to return to protect Lingnan Western Circuit. [The Tang] abolished the protectorate and established the Provisional Prefecture of Giao/Jiao based at Haimen Defense Command, and appointed General of the Right Palace Gate Guard Song Rong to serve as prefect of the Provisional Prefecture of Giao/Jiao, and had Military Commissioner of Wuyi Kang Chengxun take command of the various mobile military brigades in Lingnan.[2]
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], when Chengxun reached Yong Prefecture, he did not put in place sentinels. When Nanzhao led 60,000 men and was about to enter the territory, Chengxun sent troops to resist. 8,000 men from five circuits perished. Only the Tianping Army was later able to escape. Chengxun did not know what to do. Assistant Military Commissioner Li Xingsu led people [TB 5/4b] to fix moats and stockades. Right when they finished, a savage army arrived, surrounded the area and attacked for four days. When they were about to take the place, the various generals requested to attack the savage encampment at night from two directions. Chengxun did not give permission. A commandant from the Tianping [Army] strongly and repeatedly argued [with Kang Chengxun], and finally permission was granted. [The commandant] then led 300 brave troops to scale down the citadel wall by rope where they spread out to set fire to the savage encampment and behead more than 500 [savages]. The savages dispersed. Chengxun falsely claimed credit and reported this [to the emperor] who promoted [Chengxun] to acting vice director. His sons and confidants also claimed credit and were rewarded. The junior commandant who had burnt the encampment was not promoted at all. Because of this there was resentment in the ranks.
Notes. 1. Chengxun. The “Biography of Kang Rizhi” in the History of the Tang [records that] Chengxun was from Ling Prefecture and was Kang [TB 5/5a] Rizhi’s son. Because of the accomplishments of his ancestors, he was able to serve and gradually reached the position of general of the Left Army of Inspired Militancy. He was then promoted to military commissioner of Wuyi, and then was transferred to Lingnan Western Circuit.
2. Haimen. The Unified Gazetteer of the Qing [records that] Haimen Defense Command was 15 leagues to the west of what is today Bobai District, Yulin Department. It was formerly on the route to An Nam/Annan. Gao Pian trained his troops here, and they then proceeded to retake An Nam/Annan. Some say Haimen Defense Command was in Hải Dương. This is mistaking it for the seaport [hải môn/haimen] where Ngô Quyền placed pikes and attacked Hoằng Tháo/Hong Cao.
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Tang again established the protectorate at the Provisional Prefecture of Giao/Jiao, and appointed Song Rong as [TB 5/5b] military commissioner. Troops from Shandong were sent to hold it.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], the Tang’s circuit troops which came to assist An Nam/Annan were garrisoned together in Lingnan. The shipment of provisions was arduous and expensive. Chen Panshi from Run Prefecture submitted a request for large ships which could hold 1,000 hộc/hu and which could transport rice by sea from Fujian in less than a month. [The emperor] agreed and provisions for the troops were sufficient. However, some officials, claiming to be requisitioning, confiscated merchant ships. When they sailed out to sea, some sank in the [strong] winds and waves. The authorities then apprehended the log keepers and sailors and made them recompense the rice. This caused hardship for people.
[TB 5/6a] Note. Log keeper. This was the same as a record keeper. The Overview [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] notes that this was an official who kept transport logs.
(Giáp thân [864 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Xiantong era of the Tang.) The Tang had Area Military Commissioner-in-chief Trương Nhân/Zhang Yin also deal with matters in Giao/Jiao Region.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], at that time Nanzhao raided Yong Prefecture. The official Tang army was completely defeated. [Kang] Chengxun falsely claimed credit and was promoted to acting military commissioner of Lingnan. Wei Zhou knew about everything Chengxun had done and reported this to the grand councilor. Chengxun was then dismissed and replaced by Zhang Yin, while Haimen Defense Command received an additional [TB 5/6b] 35,000 troops. Yin was ordered to capture the protectorate citadel.
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Tang appointed Cao Biền/Gao Pian as Protector-general, Area Commander-in-chief, Military Commissioner, and Bandit-suppression Commissioner.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Zhang Yin stalled and did not advance [with his troops]. Hạ Hầu Ti/Xia Houzi recommended that Courageous Guard General, Gao Pian, replace him. All of Yin’s officers and troops were placed [under the command of] Pian.
Notes. The “Biography of Gao Pian” in the History of the Tang [records that] Pian was called Qianli when he was little, that he was from You Prefecture, and that he was the grandson of [Wang] Chongwen.[3] For generations the family served as palace guards. When young, he was quite serious and upright, and worked hard to master literature. When interacting with scholars he was self-confident and at ease in discussing the way to govern. People in the two armies praised him. [TB 5/7a] He served Zhu Shuming as an adjutant. Once there were two falcons flying. He pulled out his bow and when he was about to shoot he said a prayer that “If I am to become esteemed, let this hit its target.” The shot then hit both birds. The people there were greatly surprised and called him “Attendant Censor Falling-Falcon.” He was gradually promoted to the position of inspector-in-chief of the Left Army of Inspired Strategy. He distinguished himself and was transferred to [the post of] defense commissioner of Qin Prefecture. When Nanzhao captured Giao/Jiao Region, Pian was appointed to replace Zhang Yin and to defeat them.
The “Biography of Liu Zhuan” [records that] the courtesy name of Xia Houzi was Haoxue, and that he was from Qiao in Bo Prefecture.
3. Self-confident and at ease [khanh khanh/kengkeng]. Pronounced khanh/keng, it is the sound of a stone [being struck]. It also [refers to] the appearance of a petty man.[4]
4. People in the two armies. The Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] has “officials in the two capitals.”[5]
5. Falcon. Pronounced điêu/diao, it is a bird of prey from the lands of the Hồ/Hu.[6]
[TB 5/7b] (Ất dậu [865 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Xiantong era of the Tang.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, Gao Pian advanced his troops to Phong/Feng Prefecture where he attacked and defeated the savage masses.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], Gao Pian trained his troops in Haimen Defense Command, and did not advance. Army Superviser Li Weizhou disliked Pian and wanted to get rid of him. On numerous occasions he urged [Pian] to advance. Pian crossed [the sea] first with over 5,000 troops and Weizhou agreed to come with support troops. After [Pian] departed, Weizhou held back the remaining troops and did not set off. In the ninth lunar month, Pian reached Nam Định/Nanding in Phong/Feng Prefecture. Close to 50,000 savages were harvesting rice. [Pian] ambushed and completely defeated them, beheading the savage commander Trương Thuyên/Zhang Quan and others, and taking their harvest to provision the troops.
[5/8a] Note. Nam Định/Nanding. The “Treatise on Geography” from the Tang [records that] it was established in the fourth year of the Wude era/reign [621 C.E.] and was under the jurisdiction of Giao/Jiao Prefecture. The Record of the World During the Taiping Era by Yue Shi of the Song [records that] there was a Mount Đông Cứu/Dongjiu in Nam Định/Nanding District. The Unified Gazetteer of the Qing [records that] Mount Đông Cứu was in Gia Lâm/Jialin Prefecture. In examining this matter at present, [we find that] Mount Đông Cứu is in Gia Bình District, Bắc Ninh Province. Therefore, Nam Định/Nanding District was in the area of the [current] border between the districts of Gia Lâm and Gia Bình. For Phong/Feng Prefecture, see the note under the Hùng Kings [for Phong/Feng Region].
(Bính tuất [866 C.E.]; the seventh year of the Xiantong era of the Tang.) In summer, during the fourth lunar month, Gao Pian retook the administrative citadels. The Tang promoted him to the position of acting minister of the Ministry of Works.
[TB 5/8b] The History of the Tang [records that] at that time the Nanzhao savage, Tù Long/Qiulong, appointed Đoàn Tù Thiên/Duan Qiuqian as military commissioner of Thiện Xiển/Shanchan, and dispatched Dương Tập Tư/Yang Jisi to assist Qiulong in raiding. [Qiulong also] appointed Phạm Ni Ta/Fan Nixie as campaign commander of the protectorate and Triệu Nặc Mi/Zhao Nuomei as garrison commander of Phù Da/Fuxie.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], Pian advanced to attack Nanzhao and defeated them numerous times. He reported his victories to Haimen, but Weizhou concealed them, and memorialized the court that Pian was toying with the enemy and was not advancing. The emperor became furious and wanted to demote Pian and replace him with General of the Right Militant Guard Wang Yanquan. He ordered Pian to proceed to the palace. That same month Pian again roundly defeated Nanzhao, with many people killed and captured, and then laid siege to the prefectural citadel for more than 10 days. This put the savages under great pressure. When the citadel was about to fall, an official letter was received from Wang [TB 5/9a] Yanquan stating that he had set sail with Commander Weizhou’s army. Pian immediately handed over control of military matters to Vi Trọng Tể/Wei Zhongzai, and with over 100 subordinates, returned to the north.
Before this, Zhongzai had sent the junior commissioner, Wang Huezan, and Pian had sent the junior commandant, Zeng Gun, to deliver reports of victory to the Tang. When they were out at sea they looked and saw banners and flags coming from the east. They asked a passing ship and were told that a new military commissioner and army supervisor were arriving. The two men plotted together. Saying that Weizhou would surely seize their report, they hid on an island. After Weizhou had passed, they raced to the imperial capital. The Tang emperor received the report and was very pleased. He promoted Pian to acting minister of the Ministry of Works, and had him return to the defense command. When Pian reached Haimen [TB 5/9b], he then went back.
Yanquan was secretive and lazy, while Weizhou was cruel and greedy. The commanders did not want to be employed by them, so they put an end to the siege, and over half of the savages escaped. Pian arrived and again directed the officers. They attacked and captured the citadel, killing Qiulong and a local savage, Chu Cổ Đạo/Zhu Gudao, who served as a guide for Nanzhao, and beheading over 30,000. The [remaining troops from] Nanzhao fled. They then defeated the local savages from two aboriginal settlements that had joined with Nanzhao, and killed their chieftans. Savage troops then led some 17,000 people to submit.
Notes. Thiên Xiển/Shanchan: The “Biography of the Southern Savages” in the History of the Tang [records that] this was an alternate Nanzhao capital to the northwest of Giao/Jiao Prefecture.
Phù Da/Fuxie: The Unified Gazeteer of the Qing [records that] in the Protectorate of An Nam/Annan there was a Phù Da/Fuxie [TB 5/10a] District in Vũ Định/Wuding Region. The Ancient Remains of Yunnan [Yunnan Guji] [records that] there was a Fuxie Citadel in Luoci District.
In winter, during the eleventh lunar month, with the savage bandits having been pacified, the Tang established the Calm Sea Army and appointed Pian military commissioner.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], peace was finally established at this point after close to 10 years from the time that Li Zhuo harassed people and groups of savages started to create problems. The Calm Sea Army was established in An Nam/Annan and Pian was appointed military commissioner. From this time, An Nam/Annan became the Calm Sea Army Defense Command.
[TB 5/10b] Gao Pian took up residence at the administrative seat and constructed Đại La/Da Luo Citadel.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Gao Pian constructed Đại La/Daluo Citadel and established records concerning the borders, military installations, and tribute and taxes. The people in the region feared and respected him, and called him “King Cao/Gao.”
The old history [records that] Gao Pian’s La/Luo Citadel was 1,982 trượng/zhang and five thước/chi in circumference, two trượng/zhang and six thước/chi tall, and two trượng/zhang and five thước/chi in width at its base. It had a parapet wall on four sides which was five thước/chi and five tấc/cun tall, 55 towers for spotting the enemy, six outer gates, three moats and 34 walkways. He also constructed an embankment which was 2,125 trượng/zhang [TB 5/11a] and 8 thước/chi in circumference, one trượng/zhang and five thước/chi tall, and two trượng/zhang in width at its base, and built more than 40,000 houses.
Pian went on a tour of inspection to the two prefectures of Yong and Guang. Along the sea route there were many stones below the surface which obstructed transport. He [therefore] ordered the aide, Lin Feng, and the general of Hunan, Yu Cungu, to direct troops from this division and sailors, some 1,000 men, to clear it out. The edict stated, “The Way of Heaven provides assistance and the efforts of the spirits offer support. The task today of dredging the sea is to help the people. If we carry it out in an unbiased manner, what difficulties could there be?”
Feng went and began the work. During the process of dredging, there were two enormous boulders several trượng/zhang around which axes could not cut away. Suddenly there were several hundred thunderbolts [TB 5/11b] which shattered the great boulders. To the west [of this area] were two other enormous boulders which faced each other. The workers could not get them to budge. Again there were thunderbolts like before which shattered them. The harbor then became passable and was thus named “Heaven’s Awe Harbor” [Thiên Uy cảng/Tianwei gang].
Imperial Appraisal [TB 5/11a-5/11b]: Note that the History of the Tang includes Gao Pian in the biographies of rebellious officials. Because of disloyalty he encountered misfortune. What is there about him to praise? His pacification of Nanzhao was simply the result of relying on military might to conquer the people. As for the harbor he dredged, it is not clear where that was. If one says that it was in what is today Nghệ An [Province], then where is this passage? In comparing Pian’s biography [in the History of the Tang], the claim about spirits [mentioned in the old history] is an absurdity. The old history praises their support. This was simply an unsubstantiated story.
Comment. Đại La/Daluo Citadel was at Long Biên/Longbian and was built by Zhang Boyi of the Tang. Zhao Chang and Li Yuanjia each renovated it. It did not start with Gao Pian.
The old history [recorded that] Pian constructed La/Luo Citadel and built over 40,000 houses. This was probably a story that had been passed down, and was not based on fact. It is difficult to completely believe this. [The old history] also said that Pian went on an inspection tour through Yong [Prefecture] and Guang [Prefecture] where he dredged a route to the sea called [5/12a] Heaven’s Awe Harbor. In examining this, the “Treatise on Geography” in the [History of] the Tang [records that] in Bobai District there is a certain Beishu Shoal. During the Xiantong era [860-873 C.E.], Gao Pian recruited men to remove the stone obstacles so that boats could pass. The Unified Gazetteer of the Qing [records that] Bobai District is now in Yulin Department. Gao Pian’s dredging did not take place within the borders of our kingdom. Some say that Thiết Cảng Harbor in Nghệ An [Province] was also called Heaven’s Awe Harbor, but this is not true. That which the old history records is probably not correct. We have omitted this passage and append this information here for consideration.
Note. Đại La/Daluo Citadel. Zhang Boyi constructed [a citadel] in the second year of the Dali era of the Tang [767 C.E.]. Zhao Chang added to it in the seventh year of the Shenyuan era [791 C.E.]. Zhang Zhou renovated it in the third year of the Yuanhe era [808 C.E.]. [TB 5/12b] In the fourth year of the Changqing era [824 C.E.], Li Yuanjia moved the administrative seat to the Tô Lịch River and constructed a small citadel which he called La/Luo Citadel. In the seventh year of the Xiantong era [866 C.E.], Gao Pian constructed a wall outside of the main citadel which he also called La/Luo Citadel. The Unified Gazetteer of the Qing [records that] La/Luo Citadel was outside the administrative seat for Giao/Jiao Region. The [administrative center] for Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery under the Han and the Tang’s protectorate were both here. With time it fell into disuse and now its remains are difficult to find. It was where one now finds earthen ramparts in the four directions outside of the Hà Nội provincial seat. The Lý and Trần [Dynasties] made repairs from time to time, and [these structures] were also commonly referred to as La Citadel. To say that these are all the remains of Gao Pian’s [citadel] is therefore not right.
[TB 5/13a] (Ất mùi [875 C.E.]; the second year of the Qianfu era [in the reign] of Tang Xizong.) The Tang transferred Gao Pian to serve as military commissioner of Xichuan, and had Cao Tầm/Gao Xun replace him.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Gao Xun was Pian’s brother’s grandson. He became a model for soldiers from fighting it out on the front. Pian recommended [Xun] as his replacement. The Tang emperor agreed to this. Pian served in the protectorate for nine years.
(Canh tý [880 C.E.]; the first year of the Guangming era of the Tang.) In spring, during the third lunar month, garrison troops rebelled and the military commissioner, Tăng Cổn/Zeng Gun pacified them by means of a proclamation.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] originally Gun served as Gao Pian’s commandant. He was adept at administering. During the Qianfu era [874-879 C.E.], [TB 5/13b] Gun was appointed to replace Gao Xun as military commissioner. That year [880 C.E.], garrison troops rebelled. Gun’s subordinates requested that he leave the citadel to avoid [the rebelling troops]. Gun did not agree, but instead made known his moral awe and this calmed and enticed [people]. The bandits ceased [their rebellion], visited Gun and submitted to him. Gun did not punish any of them. Because of this, many troops from the frontier posts in Yong Jurisdiction submited to Gun and he accepted them all. Gun gained a reputation for administering through appeasement. People in the region called him “Minister Zeng.” He compiled a work, Record of Jiao Region [Jiaozhou ji], which was published. Gun was in the defense command for 14 years, and then in the first year of the Jingfu era [892 C.E.] of [Tang] Zhaozong’s reign, Chu Toàn Dục/Zhu Quanyu was appointed to replace Gun as military commissioner.
Comment. The old history recorded that the garrison troops rebelled and that the military commissioner left the citadel and fled. [TB 5/14a] In our examination we find that Zeng Gun had a reputation for administering. The old history was therefore probably wrong. We have corrected this based on Gao Xiongzheng’s Summary Record of Annan.
(Bính dần [906 C.E.]; the third year of the Tianyou era [in the reign] of Emperor Zhaoxuan of the Tang.) In spring, during the first lunar month, Calm Sea [Army] Military Commissioner Khúc Thừa Dụ/Qu Chengyu was granted the additional title of Jointly Manager of Important National Affairs.
The Khúc clan was from Hồng/Hong Prefecture and had been a powerful lineage for generations. Thừa Dụ was magnanimous and cherished others. The people supported him. As a local power, he took advantage of disorder to declare himself military commissioner. He then requested approval from the Tang, and the Tang granted him [this position].
[TB 5/14b] Notes. [According to] the Comprehensive Mirror [for Aid in Government], during the first lunar month of the third year of the Tianyou era [906 C.E.] of the Tang, Khúc Thừa Dụ was granted the additional title of Jointly Manager of Important National Affairs. [According to] Lê Quý Đôn’s Categorized Sayings from Vân Terrace [Vân Đài loại ngữ], Thừa Dụ was the founder of the Khúc [clan], and that Khúc Hạo/Qu Hao and Khúc Thừa Mỹ/Qu Chengmei were his descendents.
2. Hồng/Hong Prefecture. This is an old name. During the Lê it was the two prefectures of Thượng Hồng and Hạ Hồng. Now it is the two prefectures of Bình Giang and Ninh Giang. All of this is under the jurisdiction of Hải Dương Province.
(Đinh mão [907 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Tianyou era of the Tang, the first year of the Kaiping era [in the reign] of Liang Taizu.) Khúc Thừa Dụ died and his son Hạo occupied the region and declared himself military commissioner.
[TB 5/15a] Hạo relied on the old enterprise [of his father] to occupy La/Luo Citadel, declare himself [military] commissioner, and designate the various circuits, superior prefectures and prefectures. He established district magistrates and assistant district magistrates, equalized taxes on fields and abolished corvée labor requirements. He created a population register and recorded people’s names and hometowns. Tithing chiefs carried this out. His administration promoted lenience and simplicity. The people gained a respite to restart their lives.
At that time the Liang concurrently appointed Military Commissioner of Guang Prefecture Lưu Ẩn/Liu Yin as Military Commissioner of the Calm Sea Army and granted him the title of the South Pacifying Prince. Yin was based at Panyu while Hạo was based in [Jiao] Prefecture and had declared himself military commissioner. The ambitions of these two were therefore at odds.
Notes. The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Khúc Hạo was from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. During the late Tang he replaced Độc Cô Tổn/Du Gujun as military commissioner. He changed each district township into a tithing, and established a tithing magistrate and an assistant tithing magistrate [TB 5/15b] in each to collect taxes. He was in office for four years and then he died. We find that the accounts in the Summary Record of Annan and the old history are a bit different, so we have provided information from both for reference.
2. Guang Region. This was established by the Wu. See the note under the seventh year of the Datong era of the Liang [541 C.E.; TB 4/2a].
3. Panyu. See the note under the first year in the reign of King Vũ/Wu of the Triệu/Zhao [207 B.C.E.; TB 1/19b].
(Đinh sửu [917 C.E.]; the third year of the Zhenming era of Emperor Mo of the Liang.) Khúc Hạo sent his son, Thừa Mỹ, to establish peaceful relations with the Southern Han.
At that time, Liu Yin died. His younger brother, Liu Yan, succeeded him, established the name “Han” for the kingdom – what became the Southern Han - and set the era name of Qianxiang. Khúc Hạo sent Thừa Mỹ to the Han to seal good relations. In the name of establishing good relations he actually sought to spy out the true situation there.
[TB 5/16a] Khúc Hạo died and was succeeded by his son, Thừa Mỹ.
(Kỷ mão [919 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Zhenming era of the Liang.) The Liang appointed Thừa Mỹ military commissioner.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] prior to this Thừa Mỹ had sent an emissary to the Liang to seek a tally and battle-axe.[7] The Liang thereupon appointed [Thừa Mỹ military commissioner] so that he could rule over the region.
(Quý mùi [923 C.E.]; the third year of the Longde era of the Liang; the first year of the Tongguang era [in the reign] of Tang Zhuangzong.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the leader of the Southern Han, Liu Gong, sent Li Kezheng to invade. Khúc Thừa Mỹ resisted him but could not hold out and was captured.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] at first Liu Gong became enraged when he heard that Thừa Mỹ had received a tally and battle-axe from the Liang. He sent [TB 5/16b] Courageous Guard Commander Li Kezheng to lead troops to attack. He captured Thừa Mỹ and returned.
Notes. The Han ruler’s name was originally Nham/Yan, but he then changed it to Cung/Gong because a white dragon had appeared. He later felt that Gong was not advantageous and changed it to Yêm/Yan.
2. Yêm/Yan. Pronounced Yêm/Yan, it means to have an elevated and enlightened appearance. He probably created this name to indicate that a dragon was flying in the heavens.[8]
Khúc Hạo’s deputy commander, Dương Diên Nghệ/Yang Yanyi rallied troops to attack and drive out Li Kezheng.
The Summary Record of Annan [records that] after he had detained Thừa Mỹ, the Han ruler sent his general, Lý Tiến/Li Jin, to serve as prefect and to keep a hold on the prefecture with Kezheng. Dương Diên Nghệ, as one of Khúc Hạo’s former officers, gathered together [TB 5/17a] followers and attacked Kezheng and defeated him. Kezheng fled back to [the Southern] Han. The Han ruler wished to appease Diên Nghệ and gave him a title. He said to his aides, “These people are fond of creating disturbances. We can only halter and harness them.”[9]
Note. Diên Nghệ. He was from Ái/Ai Prefecture. The Summary Record of Annan had Đình Nghệ/Tingyi. Here we have changed it following the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government].
(Tân mão [931 C.E.]; the second year of the Changxing era [in the reign] of Mingzong of the Later Tang.) In winter, during the twelfth lunar month, Dương Diên Nghệ drove away Li Jin, killed Trần Bảo/Chen Bao, retook the prefecture and declared himself military commissioner.
[TB 5/17b] Diên Nghệ had the ambition to retake [the prefecture]. He trained 3,000 tough soldiers as his bodyguard. When Li Jin learned of this he immediately reported it to the Han ruler. Diên Nghệ sent troops to surround Jin. The Han ruler dispatched Recipient of Edicts Chen Bao to lead troops to the rescue, but before they arrived the citadel fell. Jin fled back [to Southern Han] and Bao laid siege to the citadel. Diên Nghệ came out to engage in battle. Bao was defeated and died. Diên Nghệ declared himself military commissioner and took control of affairs in the prefecture.
(Đinh dậu [937 C.E.]; the second year of the Tianfu era [in the reign] of Gaozu of the Jin.) In spring, during the third lunar month, Dương Diên Nghệ’s deputy commander, Kiểu Công Tiện/Jiao Gongxian, killed Diên Nghệ and replaced him.
Note. The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Kiểu Công Tiện was from Phong/Feng Prefecture.
[TB 5/18a] (Mậu tuất [938 C.E.]; the third year of the Tianfu era.) In autumn, during the ninth lunar month, Dương Diên Nghệ’s deputy commander, Ngô Quyền, rallied troops and assassinated Kiểu Công Tiện. The leader of the Southern Han, [Liu] Gong, sent his son, Hongcao, to provide assistance. Quyền intercepted and defeated him on the Bạch Đằng River. Hongcao drowned.
Ngô Quyền was from Đường Lâm/Tanglin. For generations [his family] had been aristocrats. His father, Mân/Min, had served as a prefectural governor in his home prefecture.[10] When Ngô Quyền was born, a strange light filled the room. His appearance was special, and he had three moles on his back. A fortune teller found this peculiar and said that he could become the ruler of an area. He was therefore named “Quyền” [lit., “authority”]. When he grew up he became big and tall. The light in his eyes was like lightning. He had the gait of a tiger, and was intelligent and brave. He was so strong that he could carry a cauldron. He served as a deputy [TB 5/18b] commander for Diên Nghệ. Nghệ betrothed his daughter to him. Quyền governed over Ái/Ai Prefecture. When Công Tiện killed Diên Nghệ, Quyền rallied troops from Ái/Ai Prefecture and attacked and killed Công Tiện.
[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], Công Tiện sent an emissary to buy over the support of the [Southern] Han. The Han ruler, [Liu] Gong, had the desire to take advantage of this disorder to grab control of the area. He appointed his son, Prince of Wan Hongcao, as the Prince of Giao/Jiao, to lead troops to rescue Công Tiện. Gong asked Commissioner for the Veneration of Literature Xiao Yi about policy. Yi responded that, “It has been raining heavily for weeks, and the sea route is long and treacherous. Ngô Quyền is fierce and cunning, and should not be taken lightly. The soldiers should be prudent and make good use of guides. In this way they will be able to advance.” [Liu Gong] did not listen, and dispatched Hongcao to command warships to take [TB 5/19a] Giao/Jiao Prefecture. Quyền had already executed Công Tiện and [now he] led troops to engage in battle. First he planted large pikes under the water at the estuary. Their tips were sharpened and capped with iron. He sent light boats out to begin to battle at high tide, and then feigned a retreat. Hongcao pursued them. Shortly after that the tide went down. The warships were blocked by the iron pikes and could not go back. Hongcao was thoroughly defeated, and drowned.
The History of the Five Dynasties [records that] Ngô Quyền, a former commander of Diên Nghệ, attacked Giao/Jiao Prefecture. Công Tiện came [to Southern Han] to plead for troops. Gong granted Hongcao the title of Prince of Giao/Jiao and he set off with an army to the Bạch Đằng River to attack [Ngô Quyền]. Gong encamped troops at Hải Môn/Haimen. Quyền met [Hongcao] in battle. Hongcao was defeated and died. Gong gathered together the men and returned.
Imperial Appraisal [TB 5/19a]: That which Ngô Quyền faced was a small Han pretender kingdom. Hongcao was a weakling. That there was a victory at the Bạch Đằng [River] was because of luck. What is there worth praising? Those who have faced the tactics of a Chen Baxian and have not followed in the path of Lý [Bí] or Triệu [Quang Phục], are very few indeed.
[TB 5/19b] Ngô [Thì] Sĩ stated that “The victory at the Bạch Đằng [River] laid the foundation for the recovery of the kingdom’s orthodox line. The Đinh, Lê, Lý and Trần all relied on the remnants of this achievement. The magnificence of his martial accomplishment created a splendid image for all times. How could it have been something merely worth bragging about for an age?
Notes. 1. Đường Lâm/Tanglin. This is the name of an old community. See the note under the seventh year of the Zhenyuan era of the Tang [791 C.E.; TB 4/26a-4/26b]. The Summary Record of Annan [records that] Ngô Quyền was from Ái/Ai Region. We do not know which is true.
2. Bạch Đằng River. From the Lục Đầu River in Bắc Ninh [Province] it divides and flows into Hải Dương [Province] with one course following the Mỹ River and one following Mount Châu Cốc and coming together at Đoan Lễ Community as the Bạch Đằng [River]. To its south the river borders Thủy Đường District [TB 5/20a] in Hải Dương [Province], and to its north it borders Yên Hưng District in Quảng Yên [Province]. It winds its way to the south for 29 leagues and enters the sea at the Nam Triệu estuary.
Nguyễn Trãi’s Treatise on Geography [records that] the Bạch Đằng is also called the Vân Cừ River. It is about two leagues across. Groups of mountains soar up [along it] and numerous streams connect with it. Its waves touch the heavens and trees shade its shores. It is a strategic point for defending the sea route. In the past it was here that the Ngô king, Quyền, defeated Hongcao and King Hưng Đạo of the Trần defeated the Yuan.
(Kỷ hợi [939 C.E.]; the first year in the reign of the King of the Ngô, the fourth year of the Tianfu era of the Jin.) In the spring, Ngô Quyền declared himself king and established his capital at Cổ Loa.
Ngô [Thì] Sĩ extolled [Ngô Quyền] by stating that “The king eliminated internal bandits to avenge the ruler, and wiped out external enemies to [TB 5/20b] ease the kingdom’s hardships. He established a domain and recovered the orthodox line. His achievements were magnificent.”
Note. Cổ Loa. See the note under the third year of King An Dương’s reign [255 B.C.E.; TB 1/9b].
Lady Dương was designated queen.
Lady Dương was Dương Diên Nghệ’s daughter. Earlier the Ngô king had served as a deputy commander for Diên Nghệ and [Diên Nghệ] had betrothed his daughter to him. Now she was designated queen.
The various officials were appointed, court rituals were established, and the color of robes was set.
(Giáp thìn [944 C.E.]; the sixth year in the reign of the King of the Ngô, the first year of the Kaiyun era [in the reign] of King Qi of the Jin.) The Ngô king, Quyền, passed away.
[TB 5/21a] Ngô Sĩ Liên stated that “The rise of the Former Ngô was not simply due to the achievement of a military victory. From [Ngô Quyền’s] appointment of the various officials, the establishment of court rituals, and the setting of the color of robes we can see the outlines of the model of an emperor. The kingdom did not last for long, so the results of [his] administration did not become evident. This was regrettable.”
(Ất tỵ [945 C.E.]; the second year in the Kaiyun era of the Jin.) Queen Dương’s younger brother, Tam Kha, declared himself King Bình.
Note. Tam Kha. Ngô [Thì] Sĩ’s history [records that] he was from Dương Xá [Village], Đông Sơn [District], Thanh Hóa [Province].
The Ngô king’s eldest son, Xương Ngập, fled to Nam Sách/Nance where he relied on Phạm Lệnh Công.
Earlier when the Ngô king was mortally ill, his final order was that Tam Kha should help Xương Ngập. [However] Tam Kha [TB 5/21b] usurped the throne and falsely declared himself King Bình. Xương Ngập became fearful and fled to the Nam Sách River and took up residence in Trà Hương at the home of Phạm Lệnh Công. Tam Kha treated the Ngô king’s second son, Xương Văn, as his own. When Nam Hưng and Kiền Hưng, the sons of [the Ngô king’s] concubine, were still young, they became attached to Queen Dương. Tam Kha sent Dương Cát Lợi/Yang Jili và Đỗ Cảnh Thạch/Du Jingshuo to lead troops to search for Xương Ngập. They did so three times but did not capture him. Lệnh Công hid Xương Ngập in mountain caves. Sam Kha knew this and searched further but could not find him.
Ngô Sĩ Liên stated that “Phạm Lệnh Công’s efforts were truly loyal and righteous. Tam Kha was a retainer, and he drove away the sovereign’s heir and usurped the throne. That Lệnh Công dared to hide Xương Ngập [TB 5/22a] was because he did not wish to see the Ngô line come to an end. The story of Cheng Yin and Chu Jiu appeared again here. Can anyone say that a kingdom can be great without loyal officials and righteous men?”
Notes. 1. Nam Sách River. This is in the current Nam Sách Prefecture of Hải Dương [Province].
2. Trà Hương. This is Kim Thành District. It used to be called Trà Hương, and was all under the jurisdiction of [what is now] Hải Dương Province.
3. Cảnh Thạch/Jingshuo. He was from Shunde [District], Guangdong [Province].
4. Cheng Yin and Chu Jiu. The Historical Records of Sima Qian [records that] in the third year in the reign of Duke Gong in [the Kingdom of] Jin, Tu Anjia (the Jin minister of justice) killed Zhao Dun’ son, Zhao Shuo, as well as the rest of the lineage. Shuo’s friends, Cheng Yin and Chu Jiu, braved death to hide Shuo’s son, Zhao Wu, to ensure that there would be Zhao descendents.
[TB 5/22b] (Canh tuất [950 C.E]; the third year of the Qianyou era [in the reign] of Emperor Yin of the Han.) Ngô Xương Văn attacked Tam Kha and dismissed him.
Tam Kha sent Xương Văn and the two emissaries, Dương Cát Lợi and Đỗ Cảnh Thạc, to attack two villages in Thái Bình/Taiping. When they reached Từ Liêm/Cilian [District], Xương Văn said to the two emissaries, “Our late king’s moral virtue agreed fully with people’s hearts. Of all of the orders that he issued, there was not one which they did not gladly follow. Unfortunately, he has departed from us. King Bình is unrighteous. He usurped the throne, and there is no greater crime than this. Now we have been dispatched to attack innocent settlements. If we are fortunate we will defeat them. If, however, they do not submit, what should we do?”
The two emissaries responded that “We will follow your order.” Xương Văn stated, “I would like to launch a surprise attack against King [TB 5/23a] Bình to regain the royal enterprise. Is this feasible?” The two emissaries said “Yes.” They thereupon returned to attack Tam Kha. The soldiers wanted to kill him, but Xương Văn said, “King Bình has gratitude for me. How can I dare punish him thus?” He was thereupon demoted to the Duke of Trương Dương and granted a fiefdom. Tam Kha had usurped the throne for six years.
Notes. 1. Two villages in Thái Bình/Taiping: The old history had the two villages of Đường and Nguyễn in Thái Bình. See the note under the ninth year in the reign of King Việt of the Triệu [557 C.E.; TB 4/11b-4/12a].
2. Trương Dương: The old history noted that this was Chương Dương Crossing. It is presently in Thượng Phúc District.
Tân hợi [951 C.E.]; Tấn the first year in the reign of King Nam Tấn of the Ngô, Xương Văn; the first year of the Guangshun era [in the reign] of Zhou Taizu.) Ngô Xương Văn ascended the throne and declared himself King Nam Tấn.[11]
[TB 5/23b] Xương Văn was the second son of the Ngô king, Quyền. After he had demoted Tam Kha, he ascended the royal throne. This was the Later Ngô.
He sent an emissary to welcome back his older brother, Xương Ngập. Xương Ngập was called King Thiên Sách.
Xương Ngập was met at Trà Hương. He returned to the capital and administered the kingdom’s affairs together [with Xương Văn].
Đinh Bộ Lĩnh started an uprising in Hoa Lư. The king attacked him but could not defeat him.
Bộ Lĩnh was from Hoa Lư. When he was young he had a sense of great purpose. At that time there were disturbances in the area. [Đinh Bộ Lĩnh] and his son, Liễn, went to find support from Lord Commissioner Trần Minh Công/Chen Minggong. Minh Công could see that [Đinh Bộ Lĩnh] was a special person with great capacity, and therefore [TB 5/24a] accepted him as one of his soldiers. After Minh Công died, [Đinh Bộ Lĩnh] took control of his troops and returned to occupy Hoa Lư.
King Nam Tấn and King Thiên Sách rallied troops to attack him. Bộ Lĩnh was afraid, and sent his son, Liễn, to serve as a hostage to put an end to hostilities. When Liễn arrived in the territory of the two kings, they detained him and went to attack [Đinh Bộ Lĩnh]. For over a month they could not defeat him. They thereupon hung Liễn from a pole and sent someone to tell Bộ Lĩnh that if he did not surrender they would kill Liễn. Bộ Lĩnh became furious and said, “Real men judge themselves based on their achievements. How can they act like children?” He sent more than ten archers to aim at Liễn. When they were about to shoot, the two kings became startled and said, “We strung up his son on a pole so that he would make haste and surrender. Now with him this ruthless, what benefit is there in killing [Liễn]?” They thereupon did not kill Liễn, [TB 5/24b] but instead withdrew their troops. Later Liễn returned to Hoa Lư.
Comment. Hoa Lư was in the mountainous parts of the two communities of Uy Viễn and Uy Tế in Ninh Bình [Province]. This area has mountain cliffs standing upright in all four directions. In the middle is an area of relatively flat and spacious land. The local people call it Hoa Lư Aboriginal Settlement. In examining the Summary Record of Annan we find that Hoa Lư Aboriginal Settlement was in Lê Bình District. Lê Bình District is today Gia Viễn. The heart of the grotto was about two trượng wide.[12] There was a rivulet which wound its way around to the south of Hoa Lư citadel. The Hoa Lư citadel was also in Lê Bình District. The Đinh built the citadel against the mountains with a circumference of 500 trượng. Its vestiges still remain. [TB 5/25a] Hoa Lư is where the Former Emperor of the Đinh [Đinh Tiên Hoàng] rallied his troops. Hoa Lư was in Trường Yên and was his capital. Some say that the entire [area of] the two prefectures of Yên Khánh and Thiên Quan was formerly called Hoa Lư Aboriginal Settlement and was in the Trường Yên mountains. This is erroneous.
(Giáp dần [954 C.E.]; the fourth year in the reign of King Nam Tấn of the Ngô; the first year of the Xiande era [in the reign] of Zhou Shizong.) Xương Ngập died. King Nam Tấn sent an emissary to the [Southern] Han.
At first, King Thiên Sách, Xương Ngập, arbitrarily claimed power. King Nam Tấn no longer participated in governing. There was thus a rift that emerged between the two kings. At this point, Xương Ngập died. King [Nam Tấn] then started to govern himself. He sent an emissary to request orders from [the ruler of] the Southern Han, Liu Sheng. The [Southern] Han appointed the king as military commissioner of the Calm Sea Army and [TB 5/25b] protector-general.
In the (“Noble Family of the Southern Han”) [section] of the History of the Five Dynasties [it records that] Ngô Xương Tuấn was from Giao/Jiao Region. Xương Tuấn was the son of Quyền. Quyền occupied Giao/Jiao Region. When Quyền died, Xương Ngập came to power. When Xương Ngập died, his younger brother, Xương Tuấn, came to power and dispatched an emissary to request a tally and battle-axe from Liu Sheng.[13] Sheng dispatched Palace Steward Li Yu with a banner to enlist him. When Yu reached Bạch/Bai Region, Xương Tuấn sent someone out to stop him, saying, “Pirates are causing disorder. The route is not passable.” Yu did not complete his journey.
Comment: The old history records that King Nam Tấn, Xương Văn, requested orders from the Southern Han whereas the History of the Five Dynasties has Xương Tuấn. The information is more or less the same, but the names are different. Perhaps [TB 5/26a] Xương Văn changed his name to Xương Tuấn in order to established relations with the Southern Han. At that time, the recorder did not know the details and brought about this conflict [in information]. This is a matter of our kingdom, so we take the old history as correct. As for the record in the old history that [the ruler of] the Southern Han was Liu Chang, we have found upon examination that Liu Chang succeeded to the throne in the fifth year of the Xiande era of the Zhou [958 C.E.]. In the first year of the Xiande era [the ruler] was Liu Sheng. This matter was probably not examined thoroughly in the old history.
(Ất sửu [965 C.E.]; the 15th year in the reign of King Nam Tấn of the Ngô; the third year of the Qiande era [in the reign] of Song Taizu.) King Nam Tấn, Xương Văn, went to attackThái Bình and passed away in the battle.
[TB 5/26b] King Nam Tấn led troops to attack two villages in Thái Bình. When the troops entered the area they stopped and fought from their ships. [King Nam Tấn] was hit by an archer lying in ambush and passed away. He was on the throne for fifteen years.
Ngô [Thì] Sĩ’s history [records that] at that time Chu Thái, a man from Thao Giang Commandery, obstinately refused to submit. The king personally campaigned against him and beheaded him. With this victory he became overbearing, and the corvée requirements of the two villages became more onerous.
Ngô Sĩ Liên stated that “Nam Tấn of the Ngô used righteousness to uproot treachery and recover his ancestors’ legacy. This was sufficient to appease the numinous powers of the ancestors and to ease the anger of spirits and people. Because he was compassionate and tolerant he did not punish Tam Kha for usurping the throne, he brought about his own death in the end [TB 5/27a] through the bellicose uprising in Thái Bình. How regrettable!”
The Ngô came to an end. The Ngô king, Quyền, began to rule in the kỷ hợi year and died in the giáp thìn year, some six years [939-944 C.E.]. [King] Nam Tấn, Xương Văn, began to rule in the tân hợi year and died in the ất sửu year, some fifteen years [951-965 C.E.]. This was a total of twenty one years.
(Bính dần [966 C.E.]; the fourth year in the Qiande era of the Song.) Ngô Xương Xí occupied Bình Kiều, Đỗ Cảnh Thạc occupied Đỗ Động, and with the strongmen in the district towns they all commanded troops and attacked each other.[14]
From the time that Tam Kha usurped the throne, local strongmen contended with each other. Xương Văn recovered the kingdom [but] ruled with tolerance and was not able to bring unity. When he attacked Thái Bình he could not conquer it, and died. The kingdom fell into disorder. The lineage [TB 5/27b] commander, Ngô Xương Xí, commanded followers to go and occupy Bình Kiều, and the deputy commander, Đỗ Cảnh Thạc, went to occupy Đỗ Động River, and together with the various strongmen who each occupied a territory, they all contended with each other for dominance. This continued until the time when Đinh Tiên Hoàng rose up and pacified the others, and established unity.
At first the local strongman, Trần Lãm, declared himself Trần Minh Công and occupied Bố Seaport.[15] Kiểu Công Hãn declared himself Kiểu Tam Chế and occupied Phong Region. Nguyễn Khoan declared himself Nguyễn Thái Bình and occupied Nguyễn-Family Bay in Tam Đái. Ngô Nhật Khánh declared himself Ngô Lãm Công and occupied Đường Lâm (some sources say Giao Thủy). Lý Khuê declared himself Lý Lãng Công and occupied Siêu Loại. Nguyễn Thủ Tiệp declared himself Nguyễn Lệnh Công and occupied Tiên Du. Lữ Đường declared himself Lữ Tá Công [TB 5/28a] and occupied Tế River. Nguyễn Siêu declared himself Nguyễn Hữu Công and occupied Tây Phù Liệt. Kiểu Thuận declared himself Kiểu Lệnh Công and occupied Hồi Lake. Phạm Bạch Hổ declared himself Phạm Phòng Át and occupied Đằng Prefecture. [These strongmen tried to] conquer each other. At this point Ngô Xương Xí, Đỗ Cảnh Thạc and [their followers] also occupied Bình Kiều and Đỗ Động, making a total, from start to finish, of 12 lord commissioners.
Comment: The old history records that Lord Commisioner Ngô [Xương Xí ruled] for two years and succeeded King Nam Tấn. This was probably because Lord Commissioner Ngô Xương Xí was the son of Ngô Xương Ngập. Yet upon examination we find that after Nam Tấn died Xương Xí went and occupied Bình Kiều. His position was very weak, and [TB 5/28b] he was no different from the various lord commissioners. We have therefore included him among them.
The old history also records that when Nam Tấn died the twelve lord commissioners began to contend with each other. [The account there] starts with Ngô Xương Xí and ends with Trần Minh Công. It then notes that Đinh Bộ Lĩnh declared himself King Vạn Thắng and relates the earlier story of how Bộ Lĩnh went to rely on Trần Minh Công. When Minh Công died, [Đinh Bộ Lĩnh] then took over control of his followers.
In examining this, we find that in the first year in the reign of Xương Văn [i.e., King Nam Tấn], it already notes that Bộ Lĩnh occupied Hoa Lư and the two kings [Nam Tấn and Thiên Sách] attacked but could not defeat him. Minh Công must have rallied his troops before Xương Văn had retaken the kingdom. Based on this [information], it should be that there was variation over time in the occupation of district towns [TB 5/29a] by the lord commissioners, and it was not the case that it was only after Nam Tấn died that they all rose up at the same time. However, because the old history did not have information about the dates, it just discussed it all together. Today there is no clear document which can serve as evidence. We record this information here for others to examine.
Notes. 1. Ngô Xương Xí. This was the son of King Thiên Sách, Ngô Xương Ngập.
2. Bình Kiều. It is not clear where this was.
3. Đỗ Động River. It originates in deep pools in Đàn Viên Community, Thanh Oai District, passes through such communities as Sinh Quả and Ức Lý, then winds its way to Thượng Cung Community, Thượng Phúc District, where it unites with the Nhuệ River. Ngô [Thì] Sĩ’s history notes that presently there are the old remains of a lord commissioner citadel in [5/29b] Bảo Đà Township, Thanh Oai District. Some say that the Nhuệ was also called the Đỗ Động River. This is erroneous.
4. Bố Seaport. This is a place name. In the fifth year of the Thiên Thành era of Lý Thái Tông’s reign, [the emperor] traveled to Bố Seaport for the plowing ceremony. The Nam Định Provincial Register [records that] lord commissioner Trần Lãm commanded troops and occupied [the area of what is today] Kỳ Bố Community, Vũ Tiên District, Kiến Xương Prefecture. At that time this area was still a seaport. Hence its name.
5. Phong Region. See the note under the Hùng Kings [TB 1/1b-1/2a]. The Sơn Tây Provincial Record [records that] in Phù Lập Commune, Bạch Hạc District, Vĩnh Tường [Prefecture], there are the old remains of a lord commissioner citadel. This was built by Kiểu Tam Chế.
6. Tam Đái. This is the name of a region. Now it is Vĩnh Tường Prefecture. In ancient times it was under the jurisdiction of Phong Region.
7. Nguyễn-Family Bay. This is the name of a mountain (“bay” should be “ridge”). [TB 5/30a] The Sơn Tây Provincial Record [records that] it is also called Độc Nhĩ Mountain and Biện Mountain. It is in Vĩnh Mỗ Community, Yên Lạc District. Lord Commissioner Nguyễn Khoan occupied Tam Đái and administered it from here. Hence the name.
8. Đường Lâm. This is the name of a community. See the note under the seventh year of the Zhenyuan era of the Tang [791 C.E.; TB 4/26a-4/26b].
9. Nhật Khánh. This was a member of Ngô Quyền’s clan. Đinh Tiên Hoàng pacified him. For this matter, see the tenth year of the Thái Bình era of Đinh Tiên Hoàng’s reign [979 C.E.; CB 1/11a-1/11b].[16]
10. Thủ Tiệp. Also called Lord of Ba An, he was tall and had a powerful voice. It startled those who heard it. People called him “The Honorable Thunder.” When he rallied troops he called himself Nguyễn Lệnh Công and held Tiên Du District. Later he annexed Vũ Ninh and declared himself King of Vũ Ninh. It is no longer clear where he was from.
11. Tiên Du. This is the name [TB 5/30b] of a district. Today it is under the jurisdiction of Từ Sơn Prefecture, Bắc Ninh Province.
12. Siêu Loại. This is the name of a district.
13. Tế River. This is the old name of a district. Now it is Văn Giang and it is all under the jurisdiction of Thuận An Prefecture, Bắc Ninh Province.
14. Tây Phù Liệt. This is a place name. Presently it is Tây Phù Liệt Community, Thanh Trì District, Hà Nội [Province].
15. Hồi Lake. This is in Cẩm Khê District, Sơn Tây [Province]. Cẩm Khê used to be Hoa Khê. The Sơn Tây Provincial Record [records that] Trương Xá Community in Cẩm Khê, has the remains of the citadel of Lord Commissioner Kiểu Công.
16. Đằng Prefecture. This is a place name. What the Trần called Khoái Circuit and the Lê called Khoái Subprefecture is all this area. Presently there is a shrine dedicated to Lord Commissioner Phạm in Đằng Châu Community, Kim Động District, Hưng Yên Province.
17. Trần Lãm, Kiểu Công Hãn, Nguyễn Khoan, Lý Khuê, Lữ [TB 5/31a] Đường, Nguyễn Siêu, Kiểu Thuận, Phạm Bạch Hổ. It is no longer known where these men were from.
(Đinh mão [967 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Qiande era of the Song.) Đinh Bộ Lĩnh of Hoa Lư attacked and defeated all of the lord commissioners and declared himself King Vạn Thắng [lit., “10,000 victories”].
The military strength of Bộ Lĩnh became stronger by the day. Wherever he turned he garnered quick victories. He defeated the gang of bandits at Đỗ Động River. All of the regions were pacificied and there were none among the officials or people who did not submit to him.
[According to] the History of the Five Dynasties, in the eighth year of the Dabao era [in the reign] of Liu Chang [965 C.E.], Xương Văn of Giao/Jiao Prefecture died. His aide, Lữ Xử Bình, and the prefect of Phong/Feng Prefecture, Kiều Tri Hựu, contended for power. Đinh Liễn rallied troops, attacked, and defeated them. Chang [TB 5/31b] granted Liễn the position of military commissioner of Giao/Jiao Prefecture.
[According to] the Spring and Autumn [Annals] of the Ten Kingdoms [Shiguo chunqiu] by Wu Renchen of the Qing, in the third year of the Dabao era [960 C.E.] of the final ruler of the Southern Han, Đinh Bộ Lĩnh took control of affairs in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and called himself the Đại Thắng [lit., “great victory”] King. Earlier, when Ngô Xương Văn died, his subordinate, Lã Xử Bình, caused a disturbance with Kiều Tri Hựu, the prefect of Phong/Feng Prefecture. Bộ Lĩnh led his son, Liễn, to attack. They defeated Xử Bình, and were then supported by the people.
Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “In the movements of Heaven and Earth, [after] obstruction there must be peace. After the disturbances the Northern Court [witnessed during the period of] the Five Dynasties, Song Taizu arose. The Southern Court’s 12 lord commissioners caused a riot and then [TB 5/32a] Tiên Hoàng emerged. These were not coincidences. They were [the work of] Heaven.”
Comment. That which the History of the Five Kingdoms and the Spring and Autumn [Annals] of the Ten Kingdoms record is a bit different from [what is recorded in] the old history. The eighth year of the Dabao era [in the reign of] Liu Chang is the same as the third year of the Qiande era of the Song. This is all included here for consideration.
The above begins with the third year of the Xiantong era of the Tang [862 C.E.], a nhâm ngọ year, and ends with a time equivalent to the fifth year of the Qiande era of the Song [967 C.E.], a đinh mão year, a total of 106 years.
[1] Wannian was a district in Jingzhao Commandery, which was in the area of what is today Shaanxi Province. During the Tang, this commandery (quận/jun) was changed to a superior prefecture (phủ/fu).
[2] Wuyi was in the area of what is today Zhejiang Province.
[3] You Prefecture was in the area of what is today Hebei Province.
[4] What I translated as “self-confident and at ease” is a rather obscure term which this note discusses. There are other definitions of this term.
[5] The Tang had two capital cities, Chang’an and Luoyang. Two military units defended each of these cities, a northern and southern command. The “two armies” might refer to these two commands, or the version in the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] might be correct.
[6] “Hồ/Hu” refers to non-Han Chinese peoples who inhabited areas to the northwest of China Proper.
[7] These were symbols of authority which were granted by rulers to military commanders.
[8] This character is one which Liu Gong created and which is only used in his name. The “dragon flying in the heavens” is an allusion meaning a capable ruler is on the throne.
[9] See TB 4/34a-4/34b for an explanation of “halter and harness.”
[10] Prefectural governor is a Song term, but it seems to fit here best.
[11] Nam Tấn means “Southern Tấn/Jin.”
[12] The term that I have translated here as “aboriginal settlement” (động) literally meant “grotto.” Hoa Lư was probably designated an “aboriginal settlement” at some point during the period of Chinese rule, however here reference is being made to an actual grotto, and the compiler appears to equate that grotto with the usage of the term for grotto in the name “Hoa Lư Động” - Hoa Lư Grotto/Aboriginal Settlement.
[13] These were symbols of authority that were granted by rulers to military commanders.
[14] Đỗ Động could be translated as Đỗ Aboriginal Settlement, but there is mention below of a Đỗ Động River, and it is easier to leave these terms as they are than to call that river the Đỗ Aboriginal Settlement River.
[15] The term “công” in this and the following names is often translated as “duke.” This name could thus be rendered something like “Duke Minh of the Trần.”
[16] This was the 10th year of Đinh Tiên Hoàng’s reign, the fourth year of the Thái Bình Hưng Quốc era.