ĐVSKTT NK 3
[NK 3/1a] Chapter Three of the Outer Annals of the Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt
Annals [of the Period] under the Jurisdiction of the Western Han
Tân Mùi [110 B.C.E.]; (the first year of the Yuanfeng era of the Han).
Since Our Việt was now under the jurisdiction of the Han, the Han appointed Thạch Đái/Shi Dai as governor of nine commanderies. (Under Han administration, regions [châu/zhou] ruled over commanderies.[1] With the exception of Châu Nhai/Zhuyai and Đam Nhĩ/Daner which were all out at sea, the remaining seven commanderies were under the jurisdiction of Giao/Jiao Region. [Shi] Dai was the governor of this region.[2] The Western Han situated their administrative center for officials at Long Uyên/Longyuan, that is, Long Biên/Longbian, while the Eastern Han’s was at Mê Linh/Miling, that is, Yên Lăng/Anlang.) When Dai died, Emperor Triệu/Zhao of the Han appointed Chu Chương/Zhu Zhang to replace him
At the end of the Wang Mang [period], Governor of Giao/Jiao Region Đặng Nhượng/Deng Rang, along with the [officials of] the various commanderies, closed their borders and protected themselves. The Han general, Cen Peng, who was already on good terms with Rang, wrote Rang a letter in which he discussed the moral awe of the Han [ruling] family. [Deng Rang] thereupon led governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Tích Quang/Xi Guang, and the various commandery governors, such as Du Mu and others, to dispatch an envoy to present tribute to the Han. The Han installed them all as adjunct marquises.[3] The time then was the fifth year of the Jianwu era of [Emperor] Guangwu of the Han, a kỷ sửu year [29 C.E.]. Xi Guang, a man from Hanzhong, taught the people in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi [NK 3/1b] rites and proper conduct.[4] Nhâm Diên/Ren Yan was appointed governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Ren was from Wan [District].[5] The custom in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen was to make a living by fishing and hunting. They did not know how to engage in cultivation. Yan thereupon taught the people to open new land. They cultivated every year and the people had sufficient food. For those who were poor and did not have wedding gifts, Ren ordered those at and below the position of senior subaltern to save some of their salary to assist them, and at the same time he married more than 2,000 people. After serving for four years, he was summoned to return. The people of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen erected a shrine [in his honor]. Those who had sons born all named them Ren. The South of the Passes literary style started with these two governors.
Kỷ hợi [39 C.E.]; (the 15th year of the Jianwu era [in the reign] of [Emperor] Guangwu of the Han, Liu Xiu).
Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Tô Định/Su Ding was avaricious and violent in his rule. The Trưng queen rallied troops and attacked him.
The above [covers the period] under the Han, from the tân mùi year [110 B.C.E.] to the kỷ hợi year [39 C.E.], for some 149 years.
[NK 3/2a] Annals of Queen Trưng
The Trưng monarch. She ruled for three years.
The monarch was very strong and brave. She drove away Su Ding, established a kingdom, and declared herself a monarch. However, as a female ruler she was incapable of accomplishing the re-establishment [of the kingdom].
Her name was Trắc, and her surname was Trưng. Originally her surname was Lạc. She was the daughter of a lạc general from Mê Linh/Miling District in Phong/Feng Region, and the wife of Thi Sách from Chu Diên/Zhuyuan District. (Thi Sách was also the son of a lạc general, and the two families intermarried. The Overview [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] had lạc as their surname.[6] This was incorrect.) The capital was at Mê Linh/Miling. (Mê/Mi is pronounced “mê/mi.”)
Canh tý [40 C.E.]; the first year [of her reign] (the 16th year of the Jianwu era of the Han).
In spring, during the second lunar month, the monarch suffered from the fact that Governor Su Dinh used the law to punish [her], and she sought revenge for Ding’s having killed her husband. So together with her sister, Nhị, she raised troops and captured the regional seat. Ding fled back to Nam Hải/Nanhai. [The people in] Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan and Hợp Phố/Hepu all responded [to her call]. Having more or less gained hold of the sixty five [NK 3/2b] citadels in [the area] South of the Passes, she declared herself monarch. It was at this time that she first declared her surname to be Trưng.
Tân sửu [41 C.E.]; the second year [of her reign] (the 17th year of the Jianwu era of the Han).
In spring, on the final day of the second lunar month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
Seeing that madam Trưng had declared herself monarch, had raised troops and captured citadels, and that the frontier regions were suffering because of this, the Han ordered Changsha, Hợp Phố/Hepu and Our Giao/Jiao Region to prepare vehicles and boats, repair bridges and roads, clear obstructions, and store provisions. Mã Viện/Ma Yuan was appointed as the Wave-Suppressing General and the Marquis of Fule, Lưu Long/Liu Long, as his assistant to come and invade.
Nhâm dần [42 C.E.]; the third year [of his reign] (the 18th year of the Jianwu era of the Han).
In spring, during the first lunar month, Ma Yuan proceeded along the coast, cutting a way along the mountains for more than 1,000 leagues. When he reached Lãng Bạc (The area to the west of La Citadel’s Western Street is called Lãng Bạc.), he engaged the monarch in battle. The monarch saw the power of the northern barbarian forces, and predicted that her undisciplined followers would probably not be able to hold out.[7] So she retreated to hold Cấm Khê/Jinxi (Some histories have Cấm Khê/Jinxi as Kim Khê/Jinxi.). Her followers also considered that the monarch was a female, and worried that she would not be able to overcome the enemy, so they fled. The orthodox line of the kingdom was again severed.
[NK 3/3a] Lê Văn Hưu stated, “Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị were women and with one call [the people of] Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan, Hợp Phố/Hepu and sixty five citadels from Beyond the Passes all responded. She established a kingdom and declared herself monarch as easily as turning over her hand. This shows that the position of Our Việt is sufficient to bring about the establishment of royal enterprises. How regrettable that from the Triệu/Zhao to the Ngô, for more than some 1,000 years, men just bowed their heads, tied their hands, and served Northerners. Never once did they feel ashamed that the two Trưngs were women. Oh, this is what is called giving up on oneself!”
The above [covers the period] under Queen Trưng, from the canh tý year [40 C.E.] to the nhâm dần year [42 C.E.], for some three years.
Annals [of the Period] under the Jurisdiction of the Eastern Han
Quý mão [43 C.E.]; the fourth year [of her reign] (the 19th year of the Jianwu era of the Han).
In spring, during the first lunar month, Queen Trưng and her sister, Nhị, fought [NK 3/3b] to hold back the Han. With their position isolated, all was lost. Ma Yuan pursued some of the remnants of their group, such as Đô Dương (Dương is written as Dê in the History of the Han), all the way to Cư Phong/Jufeng District where they were defeated. [Ma Yuan] then erected bronze pillars to mark the extreme border of the Han [domain]. (It has been said that the bronze pillars were in Gulou Aboriginal Settlement in Qin Region. Yuan had a pledge which went, “If the bronze pillars are overturned, Giao/Jiao Region will be annihilated.” When our Việt people passed below them they would each place a stone by them, thereby creating a hillock, out of fear that they would be overturned. Mã Tổng/Ma Zong of the Tang also erected two bronze pillars at the old Han site, to record the moral virtue of Ma [Yuan], and to clarify that he was a descendent of the Wave-Suppressor. Today it is not clear where these were. The Tả and Hữu Rivers each have one.) Seeing that Tây Vu/Xiyu District had 33,000 households, Yuan requested that it be divided into the two districts of Phong Khê/Fengxi and Vọng Hải/Wanghai.[8] The Han emperor approved. Yuan also built Kiển Giang Citadel in Phong Khê. Its wall was in the shape of an elliptical cocoon, and thus its name.[9] Our Việt thereupon came under the jurisdiction of the Han. After three years, Ma Yuan returned. The local people felt for and revered Queen Trưng [so they] erected a shrine and worshipped her. (The shrine is in Hát Giang Community, Phúc Lộc District. There is also one in the old area of the citadel of Panyu.)
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “Madam Trưng was angry at the Han governor’s cruelty. With one call to rise up, [NK 3/4a] the orthodox line of Our Việt was almost recovered. How could her courageous spirit just have appeared in her lifetime with her establishment of a kingdom and her declaration of herself as a monarch? After she died, she could ward off calamities. Whenever there were disasters such as floods or droughts, when people sought her assistance there was never a time when she did not respond. The younger Trưng sister was the same. So if it is the case that when a woman harbors a man’s moral character the spirit of heroic courage which she exhibits between Heaven and Earth does not become disheartened when her body dies, how can men not cultivate this strong and upright spirit?”
Giáp thìn [44 C.E.]; (the 20th year of the Jianwu era of the Han).
From this point onward, through the five generations and eighty two years of the reigns of Emperor Ming, Emperor Zhang, Emperor He, Emperor Shang, and Emperor An, it was only during the time of Emperor Ming, when the Nanyang man, Lý Thiện/Li Shan, governed Nhật Nam/Rinan, that there was benevolent rule and an accommodation of different customs.[10] He was later transferred to become Governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.[11]
Bính tý [136 C.E.]; (the first year of the Yonghe era [in the reign] of Emperor Shun of the Han, Bao).
Given that Giao/Jiao Region was beyond the Nine Enclosures and at the edge of the [area of the] Hundred [NK 3/4b] Việt/Yue, Governor Chu Xưởng/Zhou Chang submitted a request to establish a regional inspector. The Han Emperor appointed Chang as regional inspector to inspect the commanderies and districts.[12]
Đinh sửu [137 C.E.]; (The second year of the Yonghe era of the Han).
A savage from [the district of] Tượng Lâm/Xianglin in Nhật Nam/Rinan [Commandery] (the area of the ancient Việt Thường kingdom), Khu Liên/Qu Lian, and others attacked the commanderies and districts and killed a senior subaltern. The regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Phàn Diễn/Fan Yan, dispatched more than 10,000 regional and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen troops to the rescue.[13] The soldiers feared the long mission. In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the troops from the two commanderies attacked their own local offices. [The rebels’] position became stronger.
Mậu dần [138 C.E.]; (the third year of the Yonghe reign of the Han).
In summer, during the fifth lunar month, Attendant Censor Giả Xương/Jia Chang with the regional and commandery [forces] attacked Khu Liên/Qu Lian and his followers. They did not overcome them, and subsequently were themselves surrounded. For more than a year, rations for the soldiers could not be supplied. The Han emperor summoned the three dukes and the nine chamberlains, the hundred officials and subordinates from the Four Offices and asked then about strategies.[14] They all recommended that a general be dispatched, and that 40,000 men proceed from Jing, Yang, [NK 3/5a] Yan, and Yu.[15] Li Gu rebutted that “Many bandits are still active in Jing and Yang. Recruits have been taken from Changsha and Guiyang many times. If we stir things up again, this will surely lead to calamity. Soldiers from Yan and Yu have been sent myriad leagues away. If an imperial edict forces more of this, they will surely rebel. The southern region is hot and humid. Add to that the miasmic illnesses, and four or five out of ten will die for certain. Traversing myriad leagues, the troops will become exhausted so that when they reach Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan they will no longer be able to fight. An army can march thirty leagues in a day. However, from Yan and Yu to Nhật Nam/Rinan it is more than 9,000 leagues. It will take 300 days to reach there. Considering that each person requires five thưng/sheng of provisions, that will entail 60,000 hộc/hu of rice.[16] This is not including the rations for officers, clerks, donkeys and horses. Wherever the troops are based, they will certainly die in large numbers and there will therefore not be enough to fend off the enemy. More troops will then have to be dispatched. This is a case of cutting out one’s innards in order to mend one’s extremities. Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen is 1,000 leagues from Nhật Nam/Rinan. If officials and people from there are dispatched, they will probably not be able to handle it. So why suffer the people of the four regions [of Jing, Yang, Yan, and Yu] [NK 3/5b] to traverse 10,000 leagues?
“Formerly, Leader of Court Gentlemen Yin Jiu went to quell rebelling Qiang in Yi Region.[17] In Yi Region they had a saying that went, ‘When the Lu came it was alright. When Yin came we got killed.’[18] Later, Jiu was recalled and the troops were put under the authority of Supervisor of the Region Zhang Qiao.[19] Qiao relied on his officers and officials, and in ten days’ time he crushed the pack of bandits. This was a case in which sending a general was of no benefit, but where it was better to employ the people at the region and commandery level. It is better to chose commanders who are brave strategists, and who are benevolent and reliable to serve as regional inspectors and governors. Officials and people in Nhật Nam/Rinan should be moved to the north to rely on Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Savages can be recruited to fight each other. Gold and silk can be transported in to be used for expenses. For those who change sides and surrender, let them be rewarded with land.
“The former regional inspector of Bing Region, Zhu Liang, is brave and decisive.[20] Zhang Qiao previously had the achievement of crushing the Lu in Yi Region. They both can be employed.”
[The officials of the] Four Offices all agreed to [Li] Gu’s proposal and appointed Chúc Lương/Zhu Liang as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Trương Kiều/Zhang Qiao as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.[21] [NK 3/6a] When Qiao arrived, he issued a soothing directive, and the people all surrendered. Liang rode in a lone carriage to Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. He demonstrated his awe-inspiring prestige, and tens of thousands surrendered.
Giáp thân [144 C.E.]; (the first year of the Jiankang era of the Han).
In autumn, during the eighth lunar month, the Han emperor passed away.
In winter, during the tenth lunar month, [people from] Nhật Nam/Rinan again attacked and burned district seats. Regional Inspector of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Hạ Phương/Xia Fang, summoned those who had surrendered and assuaged them with his order.[22] He was subsequelty transferred to serve as governor of Guiyang, and was replaced by Lưu Tảo/Liu Zao.
Canh tý [160 C.E.]; (the second year of the Yuanjia era [in the reign] of Emperor Huan of the Han, Zhi).[23]
In winter, during the eleventh lunar month, people from Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery again occupied Nhật Nam/Rinan, and their followers gained in strength. At that time, Xia Fang had already been transferred to the position of governor of Guiyang. He was again appointed as regional inspector. Fang had awe-inspiring benevolence and was remarkably straightforward. When he arrived, more than 10,000 people in Nhật Nam/Rinan proceeded to surrender to Fang.
Mậu ngọ [178 C.E.], (the first year of the Guanghe era [in the reign] of Emperor Ling of the Han, Hong).
In summer, during the fourth lunar month, people from the region and Ô Hử/Wuhu savages had long been in revolt. Regional [NK 3/6b] Governor Chu Ngung/Zhou Yong could not defend against them. Lương Long/Liang Long, a man from the region, and others took this opportunity to raise troops and attack commandery and district seats. He had several tens of thousands of followers.[24]
Tân dậu [181 C.E.], (the fourth year in the Guanghe era of the Han).
The Han emperor dispatched Lanling District Magistrate Chu Tuấn/Zhu Jun, from Shangyu in Kuaiji, to save Yong.[25] On the way he passed through his home village and recruited his family militia and mobilized some 5,000 other soldiers. They proceeded along two routes. People were sent ahead to assess the situation, and to spread word of [Zhu Jun’s] moral awe in order to rattle [the rebels’] hearts. Then with soldiers from the local commanderies they pressed ahead.[26] They killed Liang Long, and those who surrendered numbered in the tens of thousands.
Giáp tý [183 C.E.]; (the first year of the Zhongping era of the Han).
Garrisoned troops of people from the region captured and killed Regional Inspector Zhou Yong.[27] A person was then dispatched to the palace to recount Yong’s crimes. When the Han emperor heard this he issued an edict calling for the selection of a capable official. The authorities recommended Giả Tông/Jia Zong, from Liaocheng in Dong Commandery, as regional inspector.[28] (Zong had earlier served as a censor.)
Prior to this, those who had served as regional inspectors [NK 3/7a] had all acted unscrupulously given that the area had such objects as precious pearls, kingfisher feathers, rhinoceroses, elephants, hawksbill turtles, fabulous incense and beautiful wood. They would enrich themselves and then request to be transferred. Therefore, officials and the people all rebelled against them. When Zong arrived in the region, he investigated the conditions of this rebellion and explained it all by saying, “Previous administrations levied taxes heavily and there were none among the people who did not become impoverished. With the capital so distant, they had nowhere to lodge a complaint, and could not make a living. They therefore banded together and resisted, but this was not a true rebellion.” Zong then sent people out to make consoling announcements, to get each person to settle into his occupation. He brought the unruly into submission, and cancelled the levying of taxes. After that, the leaders who behaved cruelly were executed, and upright officials were picked to govern over the commanderies and districts. The people were put at ease, and in the streets and harbors they sang his praise by singing, “Father Jia came late and caused us to rebel at first. Now all is at peace, and we dare not rebel again.” Zong served for three years, and was then summoned to serve as court gentleman for consultation. He was replaced by Lý Tiến/Li Jin. (Lý Tiến/Li Jin was from our Giao/Jiao Region.)
[NK 3/7a] Bính dần [186 C.E.]; (the third year of the Zhongping era of the Han).
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “In viewing history, at the times when Our Việt did not have a ruler, [the people] were oppressed by Northern regional inspectors who lacked good character. The Northern capital was far away, and there was nowhere to lodge a complaint. Without realizing it, they had conflicting feelings, but sought to reveal their sincerity like Mingzong of the Later Tang, burning incense and praying to Heaven, hoping that Heaven would quickly give rise to a sage for Our Việt, who would serve as emperor himself over the kingdom to avoid the encroachment of Northerners.
The above [covers the period] under the jurisdiction of the Han, from the quý mão year [43 C.E.] to the bính dần year [186 C.E.], for some 144 years.
Annals of King Sĩ/Shi
King Sĩ/Shi was on the throne forty years and died at the age of ninety.
The king was generous and humble, and people were fond of him. He protected all of the Việt territory, and became a power during the Three Kingdoms [period]. Bright and wise, there is sufficient [evidence] to say that he was a worthy master.
[NK 3/8a] His surname was Sĩ/Shi, his given name Nhiếp/Xie, and his courtesy name, Ngạn Uy/Yanwei. He was from Guangxin [District] in Cangwu [Commandery]. His predecessors were from Wenyang in the Kingdom of Lu.[29] At the time of the disturbances caused by Wang Mang [9-23 C.E.] at the Northern Court, they fled to Our Việt.[30] Six generations passed until the king. His father, Tứ/Si, was governor of Nhật Nam/Rinan during the reign of Emperor Huan. When the king was young, he journeyed to the Han capital to study. He followed Liu Ziqi of Yingchuan [Commandery], and focused on Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals and made annotations.[31] He was recommended as filial and incorrupt and appointed a secretarial court gentleman. For reasons related to official business, he was dismissed from office. His father, Si, expired (Pronounced khuyết/que, it means to pass away.). After that, [Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie] became a cultivated talent. He was appointed magistrate of Wuyang, and then promoted to governor of Giao/Jiao Region. He was granted the title, Marquis of Long Độ/Longdu Pavilion, and had his administrative seat at Liên Lâu (Lâu is also [written as] Lâu.[32] It is Long Biên).[33] Later the Trần granted him the posthumous title of Adept-at-Sensing Positively-Responding Numinous Great Martial King.
Đinh mãu [187 C.E.]; the first year [of his reign] (the fourth year in the Zhongping era of the Han).
The king had three brothers, Nhất/Yi, Vĩ/Wei and Vũ/Wu. Regional Inspector Chu Phù/Zhu Fu [NK 3/8b] was killed by barbarian bandits. There was unrest in the region and its commanderies. The king thereupon requested that Yi serve as governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, Wei serve as governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, and Wu serve as governor of Nam Hải/Nanhai. The king was generous in nature and humble to his subordinates. The people of the kingdom were fond of him and all called out “king.” Famous Han scholars, numbering in the hundreds, fled calamity and came to rely on him [for protection].
Canh thìn [200 C.E.]; the 14th year [of his reign] (the fifth year in the Jianan era of Emperor Xian of the Han, [given name] Xie).
Regional Inspector Lý Tiến/Li Jin reported to the Han Emperor that, “In all of the lands bounded [by the seas], there is no one who is not the Monarch’s servant. At present, all who serve at the court are scholars from the Central Region. I have never heard of the rewarding and encouragement of men from afar.” The import of his comments was moving, and he cited much evidence. The Han emperor issued an edict to the effect that men from our region who had attained the degree of filial and incorrupt or of a cultivated talent could fill [the positions of] senior subalterns in our region, but could not take up positions in the Central Region. Jin wrote again, saying, “As for men who have attained the degree of filial and incorrupt, please treat them according to their talent, like the erudites from the twelve regions.”
[NK 3/9a] The authorities, fearing that this man from afar was being preposterous and slandering the Central Court, did not grant his request. At that time, Lý Cầm/Li Qin, a man of Our Việt, was an imperial bodyguard at the palace. He then asked Bốc Long/Bu Long and five or six others from his village to prostrate with him before the palace on the first day of the lunar year, the day when [the Emperor] held an audience with [representatives from] the 10,000 kingdoms, and he said, “The Emperor’s benevolence is not [distributed] equally.” The authorities asked why, and Cầm/Qin stated, “Southern Việt/Yue is very remote, and is not covered by the August Heaven nor supported by the Sovereign Soil. Therefore, nourishing rains do not fall, and cool winds do not blow.” These words expressed sincere hardship. An edict was issued to console [the people in Southern Việt/Yue] by appointing one of our cultivated talents to serve as Magistrate of Xiayang, and one filial and incorrupt to serve as Magistrate of Liuhe. (Cầm/Qin was a man from Giao/Jiao Region.)
Later, Lý Cầm/Li Qin reached the position of metropolitan commandant. Trương Trọng/Zhang Zhong became governor of Jincheng [Commandery].[34] As such, our Việt talents came to be promoted the same as our Han counterparts. Lý Tiến/Li Jin and Lý Cầm/Li Qin opened the way for this.
([Trương/Zhang] Trọng/Zhong was a man from Nhật Nam/Rinan.[35] Earlier when he visited Luo[yang] it was the occasion of the great banquet on the first day of the lunar year. Emperor Ming of the Jin [r., 323-325 C.E.] asked, “Is it true that people in Nhật Nam/Rinan look toward the north to see the sun?”[36] Trọng/Zhong responded that, “Presently among the commanderies there is Yun [lit., “clouds”]. It is not necessarily the case that this is true.[37] As for the climate being warm and the sun’s shadow falling straight down on people, [NK 3/9b] that is true.” Note that during the Yuanjia era [424-453 C.E] of Emperor Wen of the [Liu] Song[’s reign], in an expedition to the south against Linyi, a sundial was set up, and in looking at it, [it was found that] the sun was nine tấc/cun and one phân/fen to the north of the dial.[38] In Giao/Jiao Region the shadow was three tấc/cun and three phân/fen to the south of the dial. Giao/Jiao Region is 6-7,000 leagues from Luo[yang] by water. If you subtract the twists and turns [of the water route], the number should go down by 1,000 leagues. In the twelfth year of the Kaiyuan reign of the Tang [724 C.E.] the solar equinox was measured in Giao/Jiao Region. The shadow was three tấc/cun and three phân/fen to the south of the dial. This is about the same as what was measured during the Yuanjia reign. Wang Chong’s Lunheng records that “Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery is some 10,000 leagues from Luo[yang]. It is south of the sun.” Lý Thuyên/Li Quan stated that “From the An Nam/Annan administrative seat to Chang’an is 7,250 leagues.” Mạnh Quán/Meng Guan stated, “If you measure it against the [lands in the] four direction, An Nam/Annan is definitely the Central Kingdom’s furthest territory.”)
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “An exemplary man cannot dispense with eloquence. In the past, if Tông Miệt/Zong Mie had been eloquent, he would have rotted away together with the grass and trees.[39] If Lý Cầm/Li Qin had not been eloquent, how could he have been chosen to serve [in government], and how could the North have come to know about the special talents of Our Việt? This is why eloquence cannot be dispensed with. In any case, these comments are made here in reference to talent. As for Yan Yuan and Min Ziqian, one cannot say this.”[40]
[NK 3/10a] Đinh hợi [207 C.E.]; the 21st year [of his reign] (the 12th year in the Jianan era of the Han).
Viên Huy/Yuan Hui of the Han wrote to Director of the Imperial Secretariat Xun Yu and said, “The lord administrator of Giao/Jiao Region has vast knowledge and excels at executing administrative matters. [Although] in the midst of unrest, he has held the commandery together for more than 20 years with no incidents on this frontier. The people have not lost their occupations [due to warfare], and travelers have all benefited from this good fortune. Although Đậu Dung/Dou Rong controlled Hexi, how could he have surpassed [Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie]?
“When taking a break from official matters, he is fond of reading texts [such as] the Spring and Autumn Annals and Mr. Zuo’s Commentary. I queried him about places where the information is sparse or without evidence, and he responded to all of my doubts with model explanations, dense with meaning. He is also fully conversant in the main ancient and current interpretations of the Venerated Documents.[41]
“With his brothers in the commanderies, [Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie] rules mightily over this remote region, 10,000 leagues away. The awe of respect [that he presents] is unsurpassed. He departs and arrives to the sound of bells and musical stones, which present a scene of grandeur. With whistles and drums and flutes playing, chariots and mounted horses fill the road. There are several tens of Hu men who come to the wheels and light incense. Wives and concubines ride in curtained carriages, and his sons and younger brothers are followed [NK 3/10b] by mounted soldiers. At that time, all value and respect him, and the myriad savages are terrified into submission. Commandant Tuo could not surpass him.”[42] (Hui resided at that time in Giao/Jiao Region.)
The Han emperor then dispatched Trương Tân/Zhang Jin to serve as regional inspector. (Jin assumed office in the sixth year of the Jianan era [201 C.E.].) Jin was fond of ghosts and spirits. He often wore a crimson turban and read Daoist texts. He played a drum and the zither. He lit incense and read Daoist texts, saying that it could him transform [into an immortal]. He was killed by his general, Khu Cảnh/Qu Jing, and the regional governor of Jing Region, Liu Biao, then sent Lingling Magistrate Lại Cung/Lai Gong to replace Jin. When the Han emperor heard that Zhang Jin had died, he presented the king with a [document] stamped [by the emperor] which stated, “Giao/Jiao Region is a remote territory amongst the south’s rivers and seas. From above [the Emperor’s] benevolence cannot be declared, while below, [the people’s] righteousness is obstructed. Now the traitorous bandit Liu Biao has sent Lai Gong to spy on the southern land. I presently appoint you Commandant for Appeasing the South with authority to oversee the seven commanderies and to serve as governor of Giao/Jiao Region as before.”
The king dispatched the subofficial functionary, Trương Mân/Zhang Min, to present tribute at the capital. At that time All Under Heaven was in disorder. Roads were cut off. However, the king did not stop presenting tribute. [The Emperor] again issued an order [for Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie] to be appointed General [NK 3/11a] for Calming Distant [Places] and granted the title, Marquis of Long Độ/Longdu Pavilion. Later, the governor of Cangwu, Wu Ju and Gong both left. [Wu Ju] raised troops and attacked Gong, who fled back to Lingling.
Canh dần [210 C.E.]; the 24th year [of his reign] (the 15th year in the Jianan era of the Han).
The king of Wu, Tôn Quyền/Sun Quan, dispatched Bộ Chất/Bu Zhi to serve as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. When Zhi arrived, the king led his brothers to receive orders. The king of Wu rewarded the king [with the position of] general of the left. Later, the king sent his son Ngẩm/Yin (pronounced “ngẩm/yin”) to serve as a hostage at Wu. The king of Wu appointed him governor of Wuchang. The king’s other sons in the south were all granted the title of leader of court gentlemen. The king also enticed Ung Khải/Yong Kai (pronounced “khải/kai”) and other powerful people from Yizhou to bring the people from their commandery, thereby getting those far away to come and submit.[43] The king of Wu was even more [pleased with Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie] and promoted him to general of the guards, granting him the title, Marquis of Long Biên/Longbian.
Each time the king dispatched an envoy to pay a visit to Wu, he delivered various types of incense and fine linen in large amounts. There was not a year when he did not provide such preciosities as pearls, giant cowry shells, natural glass, kingfishers, hawksbill turtles, rhinoceros [horns] and elephant [tusks], [NK 3/11b] and such special fruits as bananas, oranges and longan. He also presented in tribute several hundred horses. The king of Wu then wrote a letter in which he offered great praise in response.[44]
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “Through his generosity and his humility towards subordinates, King Shi was able to win the love of people and usher in an age of abundance. He was also clear as to what was right, and understood the times. Although his talent and courage did not match that of Martial Emperor Triệu/Zhao, his adapting to conditions and serving someone more powerful in order to protect the territory can be considered wise. What a shame that his heir did not succeed in maintaining the enterprise, thereby causing the Việt territory which had become completely prosperous to again be divided. How sad!”
Bính ngọ [226 C.E.]; the 40th year [of his reign] (the fourth year in the Jianxing era of the Later Lord of [the Kingdom of] Han; the fifth year in the Huangwu era of Sun Quan of Wu).
The king passed away. At first he became sick and then was dead for three days when an immortal, Dong Feng, gave him a medicinal tablet, administered with water. He held [Sĩ Nhiếp’s/Shi Xie’s] head and [NK 3/12a] rocked it. Shortly after that [Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie] opened his eyes and moved his hands. The color in his face gradually started to return. The next day he was able to sit up. With the passage of four days he was able to speak again, and then all was back to normal. (Feng’s courtesy name was Changyi, and he was a person from Houguan. See the Biographies of the Arrayed Immortals [Liexian zhuan]. Houguan was the name of a district. It is in Fuzhou.)[45]
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated that “Our kingdom became familiar with the Poetry and Documents, performed rites and ritual music, and became a domain of manifest civility from the time of King Sĩ/Shi.[46] Is it not the case that his meritorious accomplishments were not just bestowed on that age, but extended distantly to later generations? Is this not magnificent? That his sons did not resemble him, is the crime of his sons. There is a story that has been passed on through the generations that during the final years of the [Eastern] Jin [317-420 C.E.], some 160 years after the king had been buried, people from Linyi attacked. They opened his grave and saw that his body and faced looked as if he were alive. They became terrified and closed it up again. The local people believed he was a spirit. They set up a shrine and worshipped him, calling him King Sĩ/Shi the Immortal [Sĩ Vương tiên]. It is probably that his refined khí/qi did not decay that he was able to become a spirit.”[47] (The spirit shrine is at the old citadel of Long Biên.)
[NK 3/12b] The above [covers the reign of] King Sĩ/Shi, from đinh mãu [187 C.E.] to bính ngọ [226 C.E.], some 40 years.
[1] I follow Hucker in the administrative terminology that I use. Unfortunately he uses “region” to refer to two different administrative units that existed during the Han, bộ/bu and châu/zhou. The first were “province-size areas into which the empire was divided from 106. B.C.[E.] to c. 10 B.C.[E.], and the latter denoted a “jurisdiction of intermediate coordination between the central government and a cluster of neighboring Commanderies” that was established c. 10 B.C.E. See Hucker, 178 and 390.
[2] This is a mistake. Governors (thái thú/taishou) ruled over commanderies, not regions. The earlier type of region (bộ/bu) during the Han was ruled by a regional inspector (bộ thứ sử/bu cishi). The later type of region (châu/zhou) during the Han was ruled by a regional inspector (thứ sử/cishi) or regional governor (châu mục/zhoumu). See Hucker, ibid, and the KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/6b.
[3] This was a title of nobility which the Han granted for merit in serving the dynasty. See Hucker, 311.
[4] Hanzhong was the name of a commandery that was in the area of what is today the southern part of Shaanxi Province and the northwestern part of Hubei Province.
[5] This was in the area of what is today southwestern Henan Province and northern Hubei Province.
[6] This is a reference to a Yuan-era work compiled by Wang Youxue, the Zizhi tongjian gangmu jilan [Overview of the Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government].
[7] What I have translated as “northern barbarian” is “lỗ/lu” (虜). It was a term which Chinese writers employed to refer to the nomadic peoples who lived to the north and northwest of their empire.
[8] The original actually has Tây Can/Xigan (西干) rather than Tây Vu/Xiyu (西于). This is incorrect, and I have changed it here.
[9] “Kiển/Jian” refers to an elliptically shaped cocoon.
[10] This is a reference to the Han Dynasty emperors Di (r., 58-75 C.E.), Zhang (r., 76-88 C.E.), He (r., 89-105 C.E.), Shang (r., 106 C.E.), and An (r., 107-125 C.E.).
[11] The KĐVSTGCM records that he was transferred to Jiujiang, a commandery in the area of what is today Jiangxi Province. See KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/15a.
[12] The Nine Enclosures (cửu vi/jiuwei) was another name for the Nine Continents (cửu châu/jiuzhou), or the nine sections into which the earliest Chinese empires were reportedly divided.
[13] The KĐVSTGCM says that “Fan Yan dispatched more than 10,000 troops from the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.” See KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/19a. Such a statement fits better with the comment below about “troops from the two commanderies.”
[14] At the time, these “Four Offices” were the Office of the General-in-chief [Da jiangjun fu], Office of the Defender-in-chief [Taiwei fu], Office of the Minister of Education [Situ fu], and the Office of the Minister of Works [Sikong fu]. The “hundred officials” is a generic term for officials.
[15] These are all old names for different parts of what is now China. Jing refers to an area centered around the modern provinces of Hubei and Hunan. Yang was in what is today Shanxi Province, while Yan was in the area of southwestern Hebei and northern Shandong. Finally, Yu refers to part of present day Henan Province.
[16] These terms refer to measurements of grain. There were 100 thưng/sheng in each hộc/hu.
[17] Yi Region [Yizhou] was in present-day Sichuan Province. The Qiang were an ethnic group which lived in that region.
[18] Lu was a term that was used to refer to the Xiongnu and other nomadic peoples who lived to the northwest of China. Here it refers to the Qiang.
[19] The KĐVSTGCM corrects this title. It should be regional inspector. See KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/21a.
[20] Bing Region [Bingzhou] was in the area of what is today Shanxi and Hebei Provinces.
[21] The text says here that the officials “had to” agree rather than “all agreed.” This does not match what is in the original sources. See also the KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/21b.
[22] The History of the Later Han records that Liu Fang was regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Hou Hanshu, Juan 116, Nanman Xinnanyi Zhuan di 76.
[23] This year was actually the third year of the Yanxi era in the reign of Emperor Huan of the Han.
[24] The History of the Later Han refers to Liang Long as a Jiaozhi “bandit” (giặc/zei), and that he and his followers cooperated with the governor of Nanhai, Kong Zhi. Hou Hanshu, Huang Pugao, Zhu Yong Liezhuan di 61.
[25] Lanling District was in what is today Shandong Province. Kuaiji was a commandery in the area where today Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces meet.
[26] The History of the Later Han has “seven commanderies” rather than “local commanderies.”
[27] The History of the Later Han records that “In the first year of the Zhongping era, troops garrisoned in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi rebelled. They captured the regional inspector and the governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, and declared themselves the Cassia Heaven Generals [Guitian Jiangjun].” Hou Hanshu, Liezhuan 61, Jia Zong Zhuan.
[28] Dong Commandery was in the area of what is today Shandong Province.
[29] The Kingdom of Lu was a kingdom during the Spring and Autumn Period [770-476 B.C.E.] in the area of what is today Shandong Province.
[30] Wang Mang was an official who overthrew the Han Dynasty and established his own dynasty, the Xin, during these years.
[31] Yingchuan was a commandery in what is today Henan Province. Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals [Zuoshi chunqiu] is Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu zuozhuan], a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, one of the Five Classics. This is the only mention of Liu Ziqi in the standard histories.
[32] The first “lâu” mentioned here is 漊, and the second is 樓.
[33] I am following Ngô Đức Thọ’s transliteration of this place name. It is also often pronounced Luy Lâu. However, the first character (嬴) is actually pronounced “doanh/ying.” I am not sure when or how it came to take these other pronunciations.
Scholars today do not think that it was in the same place as Lông Biên. Ngô Đức Thọ states that it was in Thuận Thành District in what is today Bắc Ninh Province.
[34] Jincheng Commandery was in the area of what is today Gansu Province.
[35] The KĐVSTGCM quotes the Lingnan yishu [Former Writings from South of the Passes] to say that Zhang Zhong was from Hợp Phố/Hepu but they he was appointed to serve as accounts clerk retainer for Nhật Nam/Rinan. KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/27a.
[36] The emperor asked this question because Rinan literally means “south of the sun.”
[37] The KĐVSTGCM is clearer here, and has the following sentence: “There are commanderies called Yunzhong [lit., ‘in the clouds’] and Jincheng [lit., ‘golden citadel’].” KĐVSTGCM, TB 2/27b.
[38] The passage here is following the Xin Tangshu [New History of the Tang], however it omits some information and this makes the text difficult to understand. The Xin Tangshu says,
“. . . in an expedition to the south against Linyi, a sundial was set up, and in looking at it, the sun was to the north of the dial. In Jiao Region, the [sun’s] shadow was three tấc/cun to the south of the dial. [In] Linyi, it was nine tấc/cun and one phân/fen [to the south of the dial].
Xin Tangshu [New History of the Tang], Juan 31, Zhi di 21 Tianwen, 11a-b. This texts also says that the water route from Luoyang to Giao/Jiao Region was 9,000 leagues, not 6-7,000.
[39] Zong Mie was an unsightly but wise and virtuous man from the Kingdom of Zheng during the Spring and Autumn Period. One day an officer from the Kingdom of Jin visited Zheng, and Zong Mie wished to meet him. Given his appearance, however, Zong Mie chose to stand below the chamber where the officer was drinking, together with the dishwashers. Nonetheless, Zong Mie did eventually utter one line, and it was apparently so perfect that the Jin officer immediately knew that it was spoken by Zong Mie, having previously heard of his eloquence. See Zuozhuan, Zhaogong 28, or Legge, The Chinese Classics, V, 727.
[40] Yan Hui and Min Ziqian were two disciples of Confucius who were well-known for their virtuous behavior. Ngô Sĩ Liên’s point here is that virtuous behavior trumps all other considerations.
[41] These are references to the Chunqiu, Zuo zhuan and Shangshu or Shujing.
[42] The ĐVSKTT presents this last paragraph as if it was part of Yuan Hui’s letter. However, the earliest text to record this information, the Sanguo zhi [Treatise on the Three Kingdoms], makes it clear that the quote should end with the previous paragraph. The beginning of the final sentence above—“At that time, all value. . . . ”—is also ungrammatical if it is rendered as part of the letter, as I have done so here in following the text, and is further proof that this paragraph is not quoting Yuan Hui.
[43] Yizhou Commandery was in the area of what is today Yunnan Province.
[44] The Sanguo zhi states that “One time he also presented in tribute several hundred horses.” Hence the king of Wu’s letter in response. See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi 4/12b.
[45] The Sanguo zhi says that Feng’s courtesy name was Junyi and the source that is cited for this information is Ge Hong’s Shenxian zhuan [Biographies of Spirits and Immortals]. See Sanguo zhi, Wuzhi, 4/11b. Fuzhou was, at this time this text was compiled, a prefecture in the area of what is today Fujian Province.
[46] The “Poetry and Documents” is a reference to the Classic of Poetry [Shijing] and the Venerated Documents [Shangshu], also known as the Classic of Documents [Shujing].
[47] Need to explain what khí/qi is.