KĐVSTGCM 1

KĐVSTGCM 1

[TB 1/1a] The First Chapter of the Prefatory Compilation of the Imperially Commissioned Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror of Việt History

The Hùng King founded the kingdom and called it Văn Lang with its capital at Phong Region.

The leader of the Hồng Bang clan was called King Kinh Dương. He was reportedly the first sovereign of Our Việt. He begot Lord Lạc Long. The [Hùng] King was Lord Lạc Long’s son.

Originally, Di Ming, a third generation descendent in the clan of the Fiery Emperor Shen Nong toured the south to the Five Passes, and took as his consort the Vụ Tiên maiden.[1] She gave birth to a son, Lộc Tục, who had sagely virtue. Di Ming specially cherished him and wished to pass the throne on to him. Lộc Tục insisted on conceding the throne to his older brother, [Di] Yi. Di Ming thereupon appointed Di Yi as heir apparent to rule over the north, and invested [TB 1/1b] Lộc Tục as King Kinh Dương to rule over the south.

King Kinh Dương had a son, Sùng Lãm, who was called Lord Lạc Long. Lord Lạc Long married Âu Cơ, who gave birth to 100 sons. These were the ancestors of the Hundred Yue.[2] The eldest was encouraged to serve as the Hùng King. He succeeded to the sovereign throne and established a kingdom called Văn Lang, with its capital at Phong Region. The position passed through 18 generations, all of which were referred to as Hùng Kings.

At that time, when the people went in the water they were often injured by serpents. The king taught them to use ink to draw images of aquatic monsters on their bodies. From this point onward they were no longer harmed. This is probably when the custom of tattooing began.

Comment: Phong Region. The old history notes that this is equivalent to Bạch Hạc. The “Treatise on Geography” in the [History of the] Tang [records that] “Phong/Feng Region [TB 1/2a] governs over five districts.” Yue Shi’s Record of the World in the Taiping Era [Taiping huanyu ji] from the Song [period] states that “Phong/Feng Region is [the former] Thừa Hóa/Chenghua Commandery and was in ancient times the Kingdom of Văn Lang.”[3] In which case, Phong Region should be the same as the area which Vĩnh Tường and Lâm Thao prefectures in Sơn Tây province cover today. The fact that there is Hùng King Mountain and Hùng King Shrine in Sơn Vi District is further proof of this. We cannot just point to the record of Bạch Hạc. Also, Di Ming never went on a tour of the south. The statement about him marrying the Vụ Tiên maiden is absurd. We have provisionally included it here to note the doubts about it.

Notes: 1. Gave birth to 100 sons. The old history states that Lord Lạc Long married Di Lai’s daughter, named Âu Cơ, who gave birth to 100 sons, or as is commonly told, 100 eggs. Then one day Lord Lạc Long said to Âu Cơ, [TB 1/2b] “I am of dragon stock and you are of the immortal kind. Just as water and fire annul each other, so would it be difficult for us to be together.” He thereupon parted with her. 50 sons were divided off to follow their mother and return to the mountains, while 50 followed their father to dwell in the south. The eldest was encouraged to serve as the Hùng King, and the sovereign throne was transmitted onward.

2. Passed through 18 generations. Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan [records that] before Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi had commanderies and districts there were lạc fields which followed the rising and falling of the floodwaters. Those who opened these fields for cultivation were lạc people. Those who ruled over these people were lạc kings. Those who assisted were lạc generals. They all had bronze seals on green ribbons. This was called the Kingdom of Văn Lang/Wenlang. Its customs were pure and simple, and tying knots was used for administration. It was passed down through [TB 1/3a] 18 generations.[4]

Imperial Appraisal [TB 1/2a-1/2b]: The Classic of Poetry states, “And thereupon gave birth to 100 sons.”[5] This is just a comment in praise of many sons. In examining the truth one finds that there was never such a number, let alone 100 eggs! Otherwise, how would they be different from birds and beasts? Could they still be considered human? Although there are the accounts of swallowing a mysterious egg and stepping on a giant’s footprint, these are still not as absurd as this.[6] All of this began in those stories of beings with the body of a snake and the head of a man, or with the body of a man and the head of a cow, and are equally as ridiculous and ungrounded!

Divided the kingdom into 15 regions.

The kingdom was first divided into the following fifteen regions: Giao Chỉ, Chu Diên (pronounced “viên”), Vũ Ninh, Phúc Lộc, Việt Thường, Ninh Hải, Dương Tuyền, Lục Hải, Vũ Định, Hoài Hoan, Cửu Chân, Bình Văn, Tân Hưng, Cửu Đức, and the one called Văn Lang was where the king had his capital. His kingdom pressed against the Southern Sea to the east, and came up against Ba and Shu to the west. To the north it reached Lake Dongting, and to the south it touched Hồ Tôn.[7]

[TB 1/3b] Comments: Before the Trần and the Lê, the territory of the realm reached the sea in the east, had a border with Yunnan to the west, Champa to the south, Guangxi to the north, Guangdong to the northeast, and Lão Qua to the southwest. In consulting the information recorded in the Characteristics of the Territorial Administrations of All Under Heaven and the Famous Sites of the Realm, we find that An Nam reached the sea in the east, Yunnan and Lão Qua to the west, Champa to the south, and Guangxi to the north. This is more or less the same.[8]

Then the current dynasty’s arrayed sages established a royal enterprise in the southern reaches. [TB 1/4a] Great Emperor Thế Tổ pacified this sacred realm, and came to possess all Việt.[9] The eastern border is the great sea. [The realm] borders Yunnan to the west, Cao Man [i.e., Cambodia] to the south, and Guangdong and Guangxi to the north. The vastness of the realm is unprecedented. However, it is still separated from Dongting, Ba and Shu by a great distance. The old history is therefore inaccurate when it records that the kingdom of Văn Lang came up against Ba and Shu to the west and reached Lake Dongting to the north.

Lake Dongting is between Hubei and Hunan. It is clearly to the north of the area of the Hundred Yue. Ba and Shu were separated [from our land] by Xi and Dian (in present-day Yunnan), and did not share a border. The old history thus exaggerated. This along with the later affairs with the King of Thục/Shu are probably all groundless, and have never been [TB 1/4b] proven. What is more, the division into 15 regions all took place within the area of Giao Chỉ and Chu Diên. There was not a single region to the north of that area. This is a proven mistake.

Note: 15 regions. Nguyễn Thiên Túng has an annotation to Nguyễn Trãi’s (pronounced “trãi”) Treatise on Geography [Dư địa chí] which states that Sơn Nam (the area of present-day Hà Nội, Nam Định and Hưng Yên) is where the ancient Giao Chỉ Region was. Sơn Tây is where the ancient Chu Diên and Phúc Lộc Regions were. Kinh Bắc (present-day Bắc Ninh) is where the ancient Vũ Ninh Region was. Thuận Hóa (from present-day Hải Lăng in Quảng Trị to Điện Bàn in Quảng Nam) is where the ancient Việt Thường Region was. An Bang (present-day Quảng Yên) is where the ancient Ninh Hải Region was. Hải Dương is where the ancient Dương Tuyền Region was. Lạng Sơn is where the ancient Lục Hải Region was. Thái Nguyên and Cao Bằng [TB 1/5a] is where the ancient Vũ Định Region’s internal and external areas were. Nghệ An is where the ancient Hoài Hoan Region was. Thanh Hóa is where the ancient Cửu Chân Region was. Hưng Hóa and Tuyên Quang is where the ancient Tân Hưng Region was. Bình Văn and Cửu Đức are not mentioned.

In the “Treatise” [section of] the History of the Jin, we find that the Wu established Cửu Đức Commandery where present-day Hà Tĩnh Province is.

Annotations in the old history state that Hồ Tôn was the kingdom of Champa, or the area of present-day Bình Định.

Imperial Appraisal [TB 1/4a-1/4b]: According to the Comprehensive Gazetteer of the Great Qing [Da Qing yitong zhi], Guangxi along with Hunan, Hubei, Yunnan and Sichuan together constitute the land of the ancient [kingdoms of] Chu and Shu. How can one know where [the territory] reached? There is much information that Việt histories have long lost, and which can no longer be determined. Most matters are like this.

Established official titles.

When [titles were] first established, ministers were called lạc marquises; generals were called lạc generals; officials were called bồ chính; princes were called quan lang; and princesses were called mỵ nương. From one generation to the next fathers passed [the throne] on to their sons. This was called the way of the father [phụ đạo].

[TB 1/5b] Emperor of Tang, Yao, ordered Xi Shu to take up residence in Nam Giao/Nanjiao to order the summer transformations.

The “Statutes of Yao” in the Classic of Documents [record that Yao] “also ordered Xi Shu to take up residence in Nam Giao/Nanjiao to put in order the summer transformations, and to respectfully record the extreme limit of the sun’s shadow. When the day is at its longest and the constellation Antares appears is when mid-summer can be determined. The people move about, the feathers of birds thin, and beasts change their coats.”[10]

Notes: 1. Nam Giao/Nanjiao. Mr. Cai’s commentary [states] “Nam Giao/Nanjiao is in the south, the area of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.”

2. Summer transformations. [Mr. Cai’s commentary also states] “these are the changes that take place in summer when plants grow luxuriantly.”[11]

Zheng Qiao’s Comprehensive Treatises [records that] “Xi Shu resided in Nam Giao/Nanjiao and ordered the summer transformation in order to establish mid-summer.”[12]

First dispatched an emissary to the Tang and presented a divine tortoise.

[TB 1/6a] Lü Xiang of the Jin’s Prefatory Compilation of the Itemized Summaries [states that] “In the fifth year of Tang Yao’s reign, a mậu thân year, the Việt Thường/Yueshang clan came to the court and presented a divine tortoise.”[13]

Note: Divine tortoise. Zheng Qiao’s Comprehensive Treatises [records that] During the time of Tao Tang [i.e., emperor Yao], there was a clan in the south called the Viet Thường/Yuechang, who required multiple translations to come to the court to present a divine tortoise. It was probably 1,000 years old, and more than a meter across. On its back it had recorded in tadpole script information about events since the beginning of time. Yao ordered that this be recorded, and called it the “tortoise register.”

Dispatched emissaries to the Zhou to present a white pheasant.

The Records of the Historian [states that] in the sixth year of the reign of King Cheng of the Zhou, a tan mão year, the Việt Thường/Yuechang clan from the south of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, came through [TB 1/6b] three translations to present a white pheasant. Zhou Gong stated, “Moral virtue does not reach [as far as your home]. The sovereign has not bestowed gifts [upon you]. No governmental orders have been issued [pertaining to you]. The sovereign has not made you a vassal.” The translator then replied, “Elders in our kingdom said that there have been no severe winds in the skies nor rough waves on the seas for three years already, and that this means that there is a sage in the Middle Kingdom. We thereupon came to present ourselves at his court.” Zhou Gong made offerings at the ancestral temple.

The emissaries lost their way back. Zhou Gong granted them five carriages, each of which was made such that it could detect the direction of the south. The emissaries rode in these carriages along the coasts of Phù Nam/Funan and Lâm Ấp/Linyi. After a year they reached their kingdom.[14]

[TB 1/7a] Notes: 1. Phù Nam/Funan. The Essentials of Geography [records that] “Phù Nam/Funan is a big island in the western part of the Southern Sea, and is part of Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. It is to the southwest of Lâm Ấp/Linyi. Nhật Nam/Rinan is a distance of 7,000 leagues to the north, and it is over 3,000 leagues to the west of Lâm Ấp/Linyi. The kingdom is over 3,000 leagues across.”[15]

2. Lâm Ấp/Linyi. This is the name of a country. See the entry below for the ninth year of Emperor Mu of the Jin’s reign [359 C.E.].

The King of Thục/Shu, Phán/Pan invaded. The King jumped into a well and died. The kingdom of Văn Lang came to an end.

The Hùng King had a daughter called Mỵ Nương. The King of Thục/Shu heard about her, and dispatched an emissary to request her hand in marriage. The [Hùng] King wished to consent, but the lạc marquises stopped him, saying “He has designs on our [land], and is just using marriage as [TB 1/7b] a pretext.” [The king] thereupon declined. The King of Thục/Shu became very angry, and ordered his descendents to destroy the kingdom of Van Lang. One grandson, Thục Phán/Shu Pan, was courageous and resourceful. He repeatedly attacked the Hùng King. The Hùng King’s army was valiant and his generals brave. Each time they went into battled they defeated [Thục Phán/Shu Pan], and said “We have divine power. Is Thục/Shu not afraid?” They then indulged in wine and food for entertainment, and did not maintain their defenses. When the Thục/Shu soldiers then arrived, [the Hùng King] was still in a drunken slumber. As they were about to capture him, he spat out blood and jumped into a well. His followers dropped their swords and surrendered. Văn Lang came to an end.

Comment: The outer annals of the old history [state that] starting from the time when Kinh Dương Vương of the Hồng Bàng clan was invested in the nhâm tuất year, [TB 1/8a] which was coterminous with Di Yi’s [rule], and continuing until the final generation Hùng King died in the 57th year of the reign of King Nan of the Zhou [258 B.C.E.], a quý mão year, was [a period of] 2,622 years. We do not know where this information comes from. We retain it here for reference.

(Giáp thìn [267 B.C.E.]; the first year in the reign of King An Dương of the Thục; the 58th year in the reign of King Nan of the Zhou.) With the Thục King now possessing Văn Lang, the kingdom’s name was changed to Âu Lạc, and the capital set at Phong Khê.

The old history [records that] that the king’s surname was Thục/Shu, his given name Phán/Pan, and that he was from Ba Thục/Ba Shu. When the King annexed Văn Lang, he changed its name to Âu Lạc, and set up a capital at Phong Khê.

[TB 1/8b] Comment: Thục/Shu was already destroyed by Qin in the fifth year of the reign of King Shenjing of the Zhou [316 B.C.E.]. So how could there again be a king? Especially when there was Qianwei (now part of Yunnan), Yelang, Qiong, Zuo and Ranmang (ancient southwestern barbarians, now part of Yunnan) separating [Thục/Shu and Văn Lang] by 2-3,000 leagues. How could Thục/Shu pass all the way over these kingdoms to annex Văn Lang?

The old history records that the grandson of the King of Thục/Shu was Phán/Pan, and it also says that King An Dương’s surname was Thục/Shu, his given name was Phán/Pan, and that he was a Ba Thục/Ba Shu person. Perhaps beyond the border to the northwest, near Văn Lang, was someone surnamed Thục/Shu, and [the old history] mistook him for the King of Thục/Shu. This cannot be known. But to call him the King of Thục/Shu and to say that he was a Ba Thục/Ba Shu person is not correct.

[TB 1/9a] Notes: 1. Phong Khê. This is the ancient citadel of Cổ Loa in the Đông Ngàn distrct, Bắc Ninh province.

2. Âu Lạc. Gu Xifeng’s Treatise on Geography [records that] Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was called Lạc Việt/Luoyue by the Zhou and Tây Âu/Xi’ou by the Qin. So the Tây Âu Lạc/Xi’oulue were to the west of Panwu.[16]

Huang Cen’s Record of Jiao and Guang [records that] in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi there were lạc fields that relied on the rise and fall of the tide. The people who lived off these lands were called lạc marquises. [The people who ruled over] each district called themselves lạc generals. Later the son of the King of Thục/Shu led an army to attack the lạc marquises. He called himself King An Dương, and ruled from Phong Khê.

(Bính ngọ [255 B.C.E.]; the third year in the reign of King An Dương of the Thục; the 1st year in the reign of the Sovereign of the Eastern Zhou.) In the third lunar month of spring, Loa Citadel was completed.

[TB 1/9b] The King constructed a citadel in Phong Khê. It covered an area of 1,000 meters [trượng]. It wrapped around like the shape of a spiral shell [loa], and was called Loa Citadel. It was also called Tư Long Citadel.

Notes: 1. Loa Citadel. [According to] Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan, Loa Citadel is in Đông Ngàn District, [and its name] comes from the fact that it wraps around like a spiral shell. Its construction was begun by King An Dương. It wound around in nine layers and was also called Khả Lũ Citadel. Inside the citadel, the remains of King An Duong’s palace are still extant.

2. Tư Long Citadel. People of Tang called it Côn Luân/Kunlun Citadel in reference to its tall walls.

[TB 1/10a] (Đinh hợi [214 B.C.E.]; the 44th year in the reign of King An Dương of the Thục; the 33rd year in the reign of the First Emperor of the Qin.) The Qin sent Tu Sui and Shi Lu to invade Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan and establish Tượng/Xiang Commandery.

At that time the Qin saw benefit in Việt’s/Yue’s numerous pearls and gems, and desired to make that land into districts and commanderies [of the Qin realm]. [The Qin] mobilized as soldiers fugitives, substitute sons and merchants from each circuit. Commandant Tu Sui commanded them. Shi Lu excavated a canal to transport provisions. They went deep into Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan, and captured the area of Lục Lương/Luliang, establishing Quế Lâm/Guilin, Nam Hải/Nanhai and Tượng/Xiang Commanderies, and sending exiles to guard [the area]. The Việt people all entered the forests. None were willing to be employed by the Qin. They secretly established exceptional individuals as generals and attacked the Qin people, assassinating Tu Sui.

[TB 1/10b] Notes: 1. Shi Lu excavated a canal to transport provisions. [According to] Ou Daren’s Former Writings from Lingnan [Lingnan yishu], Shi Lu’s ancestors were Việt people. When the Qin attacked the Hundred Yue, they had Commandant Tu Sui divide his troops into five armies, and dispatched Lu to transport rations, excavate a canal and open up a route for the movement of provisions. Lu found it difficult to move provisions from the water source at Yangshan (under the jurisdiction of Panyu) as some of the water flowed north into the Churong River, while the lower reaches of the Zangke flowed into the sea. He thought of obstructing the current with stones so that the water would rush out onto the sand and crush the stones there creating a depression. The water from the Xiang River was diverted and it raced 60 leagues. 36 locks [TB 1/11a] were built. Each time a boat entered though a lock it would be closed to let the water gradually accumulate. In this manner [a boat] could ascend through mountainous terrain, and channels were built for descending. Boats made use of this, and the water was also used to irrigate fields. It was called the Lingqu [lit., Marvelous Canal]. From the Song, Yue Shi’s Record of the World in the Taiping Era [records that], the Qin dug a canal in Xingan District (now under the jurisdiction of Guizhou) which extended 20 leagues to the south. The source of the Li River starts on the northern side of Mount Zhe and then flows to the northwest to the southwestern area of the district where it meets the Lingqu for five leagues before dividing off. This is where in the past the Qin ordered Censor Lu to dig a canal from Lingling to Guilin.

2. Lục Lương/Luliang. Ru Chun stated that “In Giang Nam/Jiangnan, the Orthodox Interpretation says that [TB 1/11b] Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan people live mainly in mountains [sơn lục/shanlu] and are cruel and violent [cường lương/qiangliang] by nature. Hence the name Lục Lương/Luliang.”[17]

3. Quế Lâm/Guilin, Nam Hải/Nanhai and Tượng/Xiang Commanderies. The Song-era Various Replies from Beyond the Passes [Lingwai daida] by Zhou Qufei states that this is the ancient lands of the Hundred Yue. From the time that Qin Shi Huangdi united All Under Heaven, cut through mountain [forests] and opened up roads, the lands of Yang and Yue were conquered and became Nam Hải/Nanhai, Quế Lâm/Guilin and Tượng/Xiang Commanderies. Present-day Guangxi was the Qin’s Quế Lâm/Guilin; Guangdong was the Qin’s Nam Hải/Nanhai; Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was the Qin’s Tượng/Xiang Commandery.

When Emperpor Wu of the Han pacified Nam Hải/Nanhai, he separated Quế Lâm/Guilin into two: Uất Lâm/Yulin and Thương Ngô/Cangwu. He separated Tượng/Xiang Commandery into three: Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, and Nhật Nam/Rinan. He also pared off extra parts of [TB 1/12a] Nam Hải/Nanhai and Tượng/Xiang Commanderies to make Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery.

Then crossing the sea from Xuwen [District in Hepu Commandery, the Han] captured Hainan’s two commanderies of Zhuyai and Daner, and appointed a regional inspector at Giao/Jiao Region.[18]

The Han divided [this region] into nine commanderies. This looks like more [land] than the Qin, but the area under control was the same. There was just one regional inspector at Giao/Jiao Region.

During the Wu [Dynasty, the region] was then divided into two. It was from this time that the names Giao/Jiao and Guang were established. At that time, Giao/Jiao was administered from Long Biên/Longbian, and Guang from Panyu. The structure remained the same as in Han times, with the one exception that the Office of the Commander changed location.

Tang Gaozong was the first to establish the Protectorate of An Nam/Annan in Giao/Jiao Region. In the current [Song] Dynasty’s Huangyou reign [1049-1053 C.E.] a Military Commission was established in Guilin. The Western [TB 1/12b] Circuit Military Commission came into being at this time. Now Bagui, Panyu and Long Biên/Longbian stand together like the legs of a tripod, which again follows the way things were under the Qin.[19]

Addendum: The old history [records that] at that time, Lý Ông Trọng, a man from our kingdom’s Từ Liêm [District] in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was two trượng and three thước tall.[20] He went to serve the Qin and eventually promoted to metropolitan commandant.[21] He lead troops to garrison Lintao and awe the Xiongnu.[22] When [Lý Ông Trọng] became old, he returned to his village and died. The First Emperor found him to be an extraordinary man. He had [Lý Ông Trọng’s] image cast in bronze and placed at the Outer Palace Gate in Xianyang.[23] It could hold several tens of men, who would secretly rock it back and forth. The Xiongnu believed that it was the living commandant, and dared not trespass. Later [TB 1/13a], when Zhao Chang was Protector-General of Giao/Jiao Region, he would often dream at night of talking with Ông Trọng about the Spring and Autumn Annals and Master Zuo’s Commentary.[24] He then visited [Lý Ông Trọng’s] old residence. He had a shrine set up and commemorated him. Later, at the time when Cao Biền/Gao Pian defeated Nam Chiếu/Nanzhao, [Lý Ông Trọng’s spirit] often responded by assisting with the submission [of rebels]. Biền/Pian renovated the shrine, had an image carved in wood and called this the Commandant Lý Shrine.

Notes: 1. Lý Ông Trọng. Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan [records that] Lý Ông Trọng was two trượng and three thước tall. He was perspicacious and solemn, and was different from common people. When he was young, he served as a district sub-official functionary. He was flogged by a local inspector. He signed and said, “So this is what my life has become!” He then entered the Middle Kingdom, studied texts and history, and served the Qin. The First Emperor [TB 1/13b] had him lead troops to garrison Lintao and awe the Xiongnu. The Qin found him to be extraordinary. After he died an image was cast in bronze and placed at the Outer Palace Gate in Xianyang. It could hold several tens of men. When the Xiongnu arrived in Qin [territory], when they saw this, they believed it was alive. The Unified Gazetteer of the Great Qing and Lu Bosheng’s Record of the Territory of Guang [Guangyu ji] both have Nguyễn Ông Trọng/Ruan Wengzhong.

2. Commandant Lý Shrine. This still exists and is in Thụy Hương Community, Từ Liêm District, Hà Nội [Province]

3. Lintao. This is the name of a district. During the Qin it was under the jurisdiction of Longxi Commandery. Now it is the Qing’s Lintao Prefecture in Shaanxi [Province].

4. Nam Chiếu/Nanzhao. See the note under the sixth year of the Huichang era of Tang Wuzong’s reign [846 C.E.; TB 4/35a-4/36a].

[TB 1/14a] The Qin appointed Nhâm Ngao/Ren Xiao as commandant of Nam Hải/Nanhai and Triệu Đà/Zhao Tuo as district magistrate of Long Xuyên/Longchuan.

The Qin had Xiao and Tuo take command of 50,000 convict troops and garrison the Five Passes. Xiao and Tuo subsequently schemed to cut off the region [from the empire] and occupy it.

Notes. 1. Long Xuyên. This is the name of a district which was under the jurisdiction of Nam Hải/Nanhai [Commandery]. Now it is the area of Xunzhou [in Guangdong Province].

2. The Five Passes. Deng Deming’s Record of Nankang [Nankang ji] states that “As for the Five Passes, the Tailing mountain pass is the first of the Five Passes. It is located at Dayu. The Qitian mountain pass is the second of the Five Passes. It is located at Guiyang. The Dupang mountain pass is the third of the Five Passes. [TB 1/14b] It is located at Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen (present-day Thanh Hóa Province). The Mengzhu mountain pass is the fourth of the Five Passes. It is located at Linhe. The Yuecheng mountain pass is the fifth of the Five Passes. It is located at Shi’an.” Pei Yuan’s Record of Guang Region [Guangzhou ji] states that, “The Five Passes are Dayu, Shi’an, Linhe, Guiyang and Jieyang. Today they are all within the borders of the Two Guangs [i.e., Guangdong and Guangxi Provinces].” Fang Yizhi stated that “Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen is too far away. This must be a later saying.” Zhou Qufei’s Varies Replies from Beyond the Passes [records that] “From the time of the Qin, the various explanations of the Five Passes have all employed the names of mountains. In examining this, we find that there are five routes through the mountains. They are not necessarily mountains themselves. From Fujian’s Ting [River] moving into [TB 1/15a] Xunmei in Guangdong is the first. This is one [route]. From Nanan in Jiangxi and crossing the Dayu and entering Nanxiong is the second. From Hunan’s Chen [District] (pronounced “chen”) entering Lian is the third. From Dao [Region] entering Guangxi’s He is the fourth. From Quan [Region] entering the Jing River is the fifth.”

(Tân mão [210 B.C.E.]; the 48th year in the reign of King An Dương of the Thục; the 37th year in the reign of the First Emperor of the Qin.) Ren Xiao and Zhao Tuo of the Qin came and invaded. The Thục King and Tuo made peace, and the troops were recalled.

When Zhao Tuo came to invade, he stationed his troops at Mount Tiên Du in Bắc Giang. The king led his troops to resist Tuo. At that time, Xiao and the navy were on the Tiểu River. [Ren Xiao] became ill and returned, entrusting his forces to Tuo. Tuo moved his encampment to [TB 1/15b] Mount Vũ Ninh. The king divided off the land to the north of the Bình River to make peace. Hostilities were thus suspended and both sides pulled back.

The old history [records that] when Zhao Tuo came to invade, he stationed his troops at Mount Tiên Du in Bắc Giang, and fought with the king. The king shot using a divine crossbow, and Tuo fled in defeat. At that time, Xiao and the navy were on the Tiểu River. He became ill and [had to] return, saying to Tuo, “The Qin is finished. Find a strategy to destroy Thục and you can establish a kingdom.” Tuo knew that the king had a divine crossbow, and could thus not be defeated. He retreated to Mount Vũ Ninh, and dispatched an envoy to make peace. The king was pleased, and divided off the land to the north of the Bình River for Tuo, and the land to the south for himself to govern over.

Tuo sent his son Trọng Thủy/Zhongshi as a hostage, who subsequently requested to get married. The king had his daughter, Mỵ Châu, marry him. Zhongshi thereupon [TB 1/16a] coaxed Mỵ Châu to let him view the divine crossbow, at which point he secretly changed its trigger. Then using the excuse of visiting his parents, he returned to the north. In parting with Mỵ Châu he stated, “When I come back, if by chance the two kingdoms are no longer at peace, how will I be able to identify where you are so that we can meet again?” Mỵ Châu replied, “I have a goose-down brocade quilt which is always by my side. At each intersection I will pull out goose feathers to mark [the right direction] so that you will be able to know where I am.” Zhongshi returned and informed Tuo. Tuo thereupon decided to invade.

Notes: 1. Mount Tiên Du. Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan [records that] Mount Tiên Du, also called Mount Lạn Kha, is in Tiên Du District. On its peak are stones that looked like chess pieces. There is a legend that once a woodcutter [TB 1/16b] saw two immortals playing chess there. His axe handle then rotted without him noticing it.[25]

2. Tiểu River. A small river in the protectorate, it was later erroneously labeled Đông Hồ Landing. It is not clear at present where it was.[26]

3. Mount Vũ Ninh. According to Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan, Mount Vũ Ninh was in Vũ Ninh Region. On its peak is Tỉnh Thủy Ridge. The ridge has a stone snake called Ngọc Kinh. Vũ Ninh is today the Vũ Giang District.

4. Bình River. This is the Thiên Đức River. It is a branch on the east bank of the Lô River. It connects with the Bình Than River, and is also called the Đông Ngàn River.

5. Divine crossbow. The outer annals of the old history [record that] originally when the King was building Loa Citadel, each time something was built it would then collapse. [The king] prayed for assistance. Right when construction ensued, a divine being [thần nhân] appeared [TB 1/17a] at the south gate. The king asked him [about the construction], and he replied, “Wait for the Thanh River emissary to arrive.”

The next morning a golden turtle appeared floating down the river. It spoke in human words, and called itself the Thanh River emissary. The king was delighted, invited [the turtle ashore], and asked why the citadel kept collapsing. The golden turtle told [the King] the technique for eradicating evil spirits. The construction of the citadel was then completed in just half a month. Once it was completed, the golden turtle bade farewell. The king thanked it, and requested the means to protect against foreign bullies. The golden turtle shed a claw and gave it to [the king]. The king ordered that his official, Cao Lỗ, make a crossbow using the claw as a trigger, and named it the Potently-Radiant Golden-Claw Divine Crossbow. With a shot the enemy could be held off. However, this story is ridiculous, and today it is dismissed.

The “Treatise on Southern Yue” in Yue Shi’s Song-period Record of the World in the Taiping Era [records that], [TB 1/17b] when King An Dương was ruling over Giao/Jiao Region, Commissioner Tuo raised an army and attacked. King An Duong had a divine man named Cao Thông who assisted him. [Cao Thông] made a crossbow which when fired once could kill 10,000 Yue troops, and when fired three times, could kill 30,000 men. Tuo understood why this was, and returned to encamp in Vũ Ninh. He then sent his son, Zhongshi, as a hostage, and to seek peace. Later, King An Dương did not treat Cao Thông well, and [Cao Thông] left.

King An Dương had a daughter named Mỵ Châu. When she saw Zhongshi’s handsome looks and graceful bearing, she coveted him. Later, Zhongshi coaxed Mỵ Châu to let him see the divine crossbow. Mỵ Châu showed it to him. He thereupon [TB 1/18a] destroyed its trigger, and dispatched a messenger to inform Tuo. [Zhao Tuo] again raised an army and attacked. When the troops arrived, King An Dương fired the crossbow like before, but the crossbow failed. [King An Dương’s] followers fled in every direction, and [Zhao Tuo] defeated [King An Dương].

(Quý tỵ [208 B.C.E.]; the 50th year in the reign of King An Dương of the Thục; the 2nd year in the reign of Ershi of the Qin.) Zhao Tuo of the Qin again invaded. The king was defeated, fled and died. Thục came to an end.

Imperial Appraisal [TB 1/18a]: [The King of Thục] was victorious because of a marriage, and met defeat because of a marriage. How swift and accurate is the rightful response of the Way of Heaven.

At first, Ren Xiao become ill. Before dying he said to Tuo, “The Qin is unjust, and All Under Heaven suffers. I have heard that Chen Sheng and others have rebelled. The people are not sure where to place their loyalty. This area is remote and distant. I fear that groups of bandits will encroach upon us all the way here. I would like to raise an army and cut off the mountain roads in self defense, and then wait to see what changes [TB 1/18b] the vassals take. Panyu (what the Han called Nancheng) is backed by mountains and blocked off by water. It stretches from east to west for several thousands of leagues. There are quite a few men from the Middle Kingdom there who can provide assistance, so one can establish a kingdom. None of the officials in the commandery have the skills to take on this task. I have therefore specially summoned you to tell you this.

[Ren Xiao] then drafted a document which made Tuo the Commandant of Nanhai. After Xiao died, Tuo issued a summons to the officials guarding the Hengpu, Yangshan and Huangxi border posts which said, “The bandit troops are coming. Quickly cut off the mountain roads, and amass troops for self-protection.” Whatever region or commandery the summons made it to, the officials there all responded. Thereupon [Tuo] gradually used legal orders to execute the officials that the Qin had appointed, and had his relatives and followers govern over the area.

Tuo launched an attack on the king. The king did not know that the trigger on his crossbow was gone. He laughed self-assuredly [TB 1/19a] as he played chess, saying, “So Tuo is not afraid of my divine crossbow?” When Tuo’s troops neared, the king raised his crossbow, but the trigger was gone. He was then defeated and fled. He placed Mỵ Châu on a horse and fled to the south. Zhongshi recognized the trail left by the goose feathers and pursued them. When the king reached the coast, with no escape, he entered into the sea and perished.

Notes: The King of Thục’s shrine is on Mount Mộ Dạ, Hương Ái Community, Đông Thành District, Nghệ An Province.

The Thục came to an end. Starting in the giáp thìn year [257 B.C.E.] of King An Dương’s reign and extending to the quý tỵ year [208 B.C.E.] of King An Dương’s reign when it came to an end, was a total of 50 years.

(Giáp ngọ [207 B.C.E.]; the first year in the reign of King Vũ/Wu of the Triệu/Zhao; the third year in the reign of Ershi of the Qin.) Zhao Tuo established himself as the King of Southern Việt/Yue [Nam Việt/Nanyue] with his capital at Panyu.

[TB 1/19b] The king’s surname was Zhao, and his given name Tuo. He was from the Han [district of] Zhending. At that time he had annexed Lâm Ấp/Linyi and Tượng/Xiang Commandery, and established himself as the King of Southern Việt/Yue.

Note: Panyu. In ancient times it was part of Nanhai [Commandery]. Today it corresponds to the area of Guangzhou Prefecture in Guangdong Province.

(Quý mão [198 B.C.E.]; the 10th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the ninth year in the reign of Emperor Gaohuang [of the Han].) King Zhao ordered two commissioners to take control of the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.

Having attacked and eliminated King An Dương, Tuo, the King of Southern Việt/Yue, ordered two commissioners to take control of the two commanderies [TB 1/20a] of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.

Notes: 1. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. This covered the area of the ancient regions of Giao Chỉ, Chu Diên, Phúc Lộc, Vũ Ninh, Ninh Hải, Dương Tuyền, Lục Hải, Vũ Định and Tân Hưng. The Zhao established a commandery here, with control over 10 districts. Later there were various changes. It corresponds to the area of what is today covered by the provinces of Bắc Kỳ.

2. Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. This covered the area of the ancient regions of Cửu Chân, Hoài Hoan and Việt Thường. The Qin established Tượng/Xiang Commandery here. The Zhao established a commandery, with control over 12 districts. During the Yuanding era [116-111 B.C.E.] of the Han Dynasty, the five districts of Tỉ Cảnh/Bijing, Lư Dung/Lurong, Tây Quyển/Xijuan, Tượng Lâm/Xianglin and Chu Ngô/Zhuwu were divided off to establish Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. The remaining seven districts of Tư Phố/Xupu, Cư Phong/Jufeng, Đô [TB 1/20a] Bàng/Dupang, Dư Phát/Yufa, Hàm Hoan/Xianhuan, Vô Thiết/Wuqie and Vô Biên/Wubian became Cửu Chận/Jiuzhen Commandery. The Wu, Jin, Song and Qi followed this. The Liang changed it to Ái/Ai Region. Later there were various changes. It corresponds to the area of what is today Thanh Hóa, Nghệ An, Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị and Thừa Thiên.

(Ất tỵ [196 B.C.E.]; the 12th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the 11th year in the reign of Emperor Gaohuang [of the Han].) The Han dispatched an emissary to grant the King a seal.

After the Han [emperor] pacified All Under Heaven, [he] heard that Zhao Tuo was already ruling as a king over Việt/Yue. [He] therefore dispatched Lu Jia to appoint Tuo as the King of Southern Việt/Yue, bestow a seal and a tally for envoys to carry as identification, and to get him to bring peace to the Hundred Yue so that they would no longer plunder and cause destruction. When the emissary arrived, the king met him squatting. [Lu] Jia stated, “You are originally a [TB 1/21a] Han. Your relatives and graves are all in Zhending. Now you go against Heaven’s nature, abandon your cap and sash, wish to become strong here and oppose the Han as an enemy kingdom. Is this not a blatant error? The Qin lost power. Outstanding men rose in succession, but the Han Emperor was the first to enter the pass and occupy Xianyang. Taking up arms in Ba Shu, he eliminated Xiang [Yu]. In the span of five years all within the seas was pacified. This was not the work of man, but was established by Heaven. The Han Son of Heaven has heard that the King is ruling as king here, and is not helping the Son of Heaven eradicate violent rebels. His generals wished to transfer their troops southward, but the Son of Heaven, feeling pity for the common people who have just suffered through hard times, called this plan off. He has sent an emissary to bestow upon the King a seal. The King should welcome [the emissary] on the outskirts of the city [TB 1/21b], face northward and declare himself a vassal, but instead he relies on his newly created but still unstable [territory of] Việt/Yue to offend the Son of Heaven’s emissary. If the Han hear of this they will dig up your graves, eliminate your entire clan, and send an army to Việt/Yue. What will the King do then?”

The king quickly stood up and said, “I have lived here a long time and have completely forgotten the proper rituals and propriety.” He then asked Jia, “Who is the more capable and virtuous, Xiao He, Cao Can or I?” [Lu Jia] stated, “You, King, it seems are more capable and virtuous.” [Zhao Tuo] then asked, “Who is the more capable and virtuous, the Han emperor or I?” Jia stated, “The Emperor has continued the enterprise of the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, and rules over the Middle Kingdom. The people of the Middle Kingdom are counted in the millions, and its land extends for myriads of leagues. Its goods are abundant and its people wealthy. It is ruled over by a single family. Since the beginning of time, there has never been anything like [TB 1/22a] this. At present, King, your people do not exceed 100,000, and they are scattered among the mountains and along the sea. It can be compared to one of the Han’s commanderies, but how can one compare it to the Han?” The king laughed and said, “I regret that I did not begin my uprising in the Middle Kingdom, and therefore rule as king here. How can I not be on a par with Han [emperor]?”

[Zhao Tuo] had Jia stay for several months, and said to him, “In Việt/Yue there is no one to talk to. With your arrival I have been able to daily learn of things that I had never heard of before.” He granted Jia a sack filler worth 1,000 pieces of gold. When Jia returned, [Zhao Tuo] again gave him a thousand pieces of gold.

Note: Sack filler. This is a sack filled with precious gems.[27]

(Mậu ngọ [183 B.C.E.]; the 25th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the fifth year in the reign of Empress [Lü] of the Han.) In the spring, the Zhao King, Tuo, declared himself an emperor and sent an army to attack [TB 1/22b] Changsha.

At that time, Empress Lü of the Han prohibited the sale at Southern Việt/Yue border markets of articles made of iron. When the King heard this he said, “Emperor Gao established me in my position. Our envoys exchanged visits and goods. Now Empress Lü, having listened to slanderous officials, sees a divide between Han and Việt/Yue and has cut off the sale of goods. This must be the scheme of the king of Changsha. He desires to rely on the moral sway of Han in his plan to annex and rule over our kingdom so as to increase his own prestige.”

[The king] thereupon established himself as the Emperor of Southern Việt/Yue, and sent troops to attack the border areas of Changsha, where they captured several commanderies and then returned.

(Canh thân [181 B.C.E.]; the 27th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the seventh year in the reign of Empress [Lü] of the Han.) The Han sent the Marquis of Longlü, Zhou Zao, to attack. [TB 1/23a] Not able to cross the [Five] Passes, the mission was called off.

The Han sent Zhou Zao to attack Việt/Yue to avenge the operation against Changsha. At that time it was hot and humid, and many soldiers fell sick. Unable to cross the [Five] Passes, the attack was called off. The king thereupon used his military might and wealth to get Minyue and Tây Âu/Xi’ou to agree to serve as vassals. From east to west, [his realm now stretched] for more than 10,000 leagues. He rode in a gold-topped carriage with streamers on the left, and exercised the authority of an emperor, on par with the Han.[28]

Note: Tây Âu/Xi’ou serve as vassal. According to Yan Shigu, the Tây Âu/Xi’ou were the Lạc Việt/Luoyue. The Tây Âu/Xi’ou were a part of the Lạc Việt/Luoyue. This speaks of their becoming a vassal of Southern Việt/Yue.[29]

[TB 1/23b] (Nhâm tất [179 B.C.E.]; the 29th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the first year in the reign of Emperor Wen of the Han.) The Han again dispatched Lu Jia. The King thereupon sent a letter [enabling] the exchange of emissaries as before.

When Emperor Wen of the Han ascended the throne, he appointed officials to guard the tombs of the king’s relatives in Zhending, and to make annual offerings. He also enlisted [the king’s] brothers to serve in honored positions, and bestowed much upon them. He asked Grand Councilor Chen Ping who could serve as an emissary to Việt/Yue.[30] Ping said that Lu Jia had regularly served as emissary to Việt/Yue under the previous emperor. The Emperor appointed Lu Jia as Superior Grand Master of the Palace, and a receptionist as his vice [emissary], to grant the king a letter which stated, “It is with great earnestness that I inquire of the King of Southern Việt/Yue, who has suffered at heart and fully exerted his good intentions. I am the son of a collateral branch of the house of [TB 1/24a] August Emperor Gao. I was expelled to the north where I took up a post in the border area of Dai. So far away, cut off from information and living in ignorance, I never once transmitted a letter [to you]. August Emperor Gao abandoned his officials. August Emperor Xiaohui passed away. Empress Gao took control, but then unfortunately fell ill. Members of the Lü clan grabbed power and rebelled, but they were unable to hold sole power. The son of a different surname was found to serve as August Emperor Xiaohui’s descendent. Thanks to the potent support of the departed spirits of the imperial temple, and the efforts of meritorious officials, [the members of the Lü clan] were killed and the situation stabilized. Because the vassals and officials would not let me decline, I had no choice but to ascend the throne.

“I recently heard that you sent a letter to the general, the Marquis of Longlü, to ask him to look after your brothers, and to dismiss two generals in Changsha. I have followed your letter and have dismissed the general, the Marquis of [TB 1/24b] Boyang. As for your brothers in Zhending, I have dispatched people to ask after them, and have ordered that the tombs of your predecessors be renovated.

“I heard not long ago that you sent troops to the border and that they pillaged and harassed endlessly. This caused suffering for Changsha, and particularly for its southernmost commanderies. Did your kingdom really accrue benefit from this? You had to kill many soldiers, wound good officers and officials, cause wives to become widows, sons to become orphans, and leave parents childless. For every single gain, there were ten losses. I cannot bear to act in such a manner. I wish to settle this issue of overlapping territories, so I asked my officials about the matter. They said, ‘August Emperor Gao placed the border at Changsha because [beyond that] is the King’s land.’ I thus cannot make changes on my own authority. At present were I to gain your land, it would not constitute a major increase in land. Were I to obtain your riches, this would not constitute [TB 1/25a] a major increase in wealth. So go ahead and rule over the lands to the south of the Submitted Passes yourself. However, now that the King calls himself an emperor, we have two emperors standing side by side, and not a single emissary carriage has crossed the roads. This is a conflict. To engage in conflict and not make concessions is not something which a benevolent individual will do. I am willing to forget with you our past troubles, and from this point onward to exchange envoys as before. So I have sent Lu Jia to announce to you my intent. You should accept it, and cease your pillaging and harassment. I am also giving you 50 robes of high-grade trữ/zhu (pronounced “trữ/zhu,” [Yan] Shigu says that robes made of cotton cloth are called trữ/zhu), 30 robes of medium-grade trữ/zhu, and 20 robes of low-grade trữ/zhu. I hope that you will listen to music and dispel [TB 1/25b] your worries, and inquire about affairs in neighboring kingdoms.”

When Jia arrived, the king thanked him saying, “I respectfully receive the imperial order to serve as a border vassal, and will eternally uphold the task of presenting tribute.” He thereupon issued an order within the kingdom which stated, “I have heard that two heroes cannot stand together, and two wise men cannot inhabit the same age. The August Emperor of Han is a wise Son of Heaven. From this point forward I will cease to rule as an emperor, and will no longer make use of a gold-topped carriage with streamers on the left.”

He thereupon wrote a letter [to Emperor Wen] in which he declared, “This old-timer, Tuo, General-in-chief of the Barbarians, risks death in again presenting a letter to His Highness, the August Emperor. This old-timer is a former official of Việt/Yue. Emperor Gao bestowed upon me a seal and sash, and appointed me King of Southern Việt/Yue. When August Emperor Xiaohui ascended the throne, he felt duty bound to continue this practice, and was generous in his care for this old-timer. Empress Lü [Gao Hou] came to power and made a distinction between Efflorescents and Barbarians.[31] She issued an order [TB 1/26a] which stated: ‘Do not sell Southern Việt/Yue metal, iron, or farm tools. If you sell horses, cattle or sheep, sell only males. Do not sell females.’

“The old timer resides in a remote region. The horses, cattle and sheep here are all old already. I know that not performing the sacrifices is a crime punishable by death. So I dispatched Chamberlain for the Capital Pan, Commandant-in-ordinary Gao, and Censor Ping to present a confession of my faults, but none of them returned. This old-timer also heard a rumor that the graves of his parents had been destroyed, and that his brothers and relatives had been executed. My officials then discussed the matter together and said, ‘Internally we cannot stand up to the Han, and externally we have no means to elevate and distinguish ourselves.’ I therefore changed my title to emperor, and served as emperor myself over this kingdom. I dared not bring harm to All Under Heaven. When Empress Gao heard this she became furious, eliminated [TB 1/26b] Southern Việt/Yue from the imperial registers, and ordered that emissaries no longer make mutual visits.

“This old-timer suspected the King of Changsha’s slanderous officials. I therefore sent soldiers to attack his frontier. What is more, the south is low and damp with barbarians in its midst. The Eastern Min and the Tây Âu/Xi’ou both declared themselves kings, and called upon this old-timer to declare himself emperor.[32] I did so temporarily for my own enjoyment. How could I have dared to let this reach the ears of the Celestial Monarch?

“This old-timer has resided in Việt/Yue for 49 years, and has grandchildren already. Nonetheless, I spend most of my time awake. When I sleep, I do so restlessly. I cannot enjoy the flavor of the foods I eat, nor the delicate beauty of the sights I see and the music I hear. All of this is because I have not been able to serve the Han. At present His Highness has taken mercy, and is allowing [for me to resume] the old title, and for emissaries to proceed as before. So now even if this old-timer dies, his bones will not [TB 1/27a] rot. He has changed his title, and dares not use the title ‘emperor.’

“Respectfully, by means of this emissary, I am presenting a piece of fine white jade, 1,000 kingfisher tails, 10 rhinoceros horns, 500 cowry shells, a case of cassia-eating insects, 40 live kingfishers, and 2 peacocks.[33] Risking death, I again pay my obeisance to make these issues known to His Highness the Emperor.”

Lu Jia obtained the letter and returned to memorialize [the emperor]. The Han emperor was very pleased. From this point onward, north and south were on good terms, and the soldiers and people were able to gain a respite. Whenever the king subsequently sent emissaries to the Han, they referred to him as a king, and participated in rituals in the same position as vassals. Within the kingdom, however, the former title [of “emperor”] continued to be used.

Notes: 1. Submitted Passes. Yan Shigu stated that “submitted” refers to the area beyond the Submitted Wilds [Huangfu], and that “passes” refers to the area south of the [TB 1/27b] Five Passes.

2. Not a single emissary carriage. This means that no carriages with emissaries had been dispatched.

3. Delicate beauty. Lin Xiyi said that delicate beauty is the gentle and graceful [beauty of a woman].

(Giáp thìn [137 B.C.E.]; the 71st year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao; the fourth year in the Jianyuan era of Emperor Wu of the Han.) The Zhao King, Tuo, died. He was buried at Mount Yu. His grandson, Hồ/Hu, ascended the throne.

Hu was [Zhao] Zhongshi’s son, and King Wu of Zhao’s grandson. He became King Văn/Wen and granted King Tuo the posthumous title of Emperor Vũ/Wu.

Note: Mount Yu. Yue Shi’s Record of the World in the Taiping Era from the Song period [states that this mountain] was one league to the north of the Nanhai District [seat]. [TB 1/28a] [According to] the Records of Wu [Wu lu], Pan District was at Mount Yu. It is where Commandant Tuo was buried.

(Bính ngọ [135 B.C.E.]; the second year in the reign of King Wen of the Zhao, the sixth year in the Jianyuan era of the Han.) The King of Minyue, Ying, invaded. The King dispatched an emissary to report this to the Han. The Han sent troops to attack the king of Minyue, and they killed him. The king had the crown prince, Anh Tề/Yingqi, serve as a hostage at the Han [court].

In the autumn, the King of Minyue, Ying, invaded some settlements on the frontier. The king upheld his pledge to the Han. He did not call up troops on his own, but dispatched an emissary to the Han with a letter explaining the matter. The Han deemed the matter righteous, and sent off a large army, ordering Wang Hui to proceed from Yuzhang and Han Anguo to proceed from Kuaiji for the attack on Minyue.

Before the Han soldiers crossed the Passes, Ying sent troops to resist the Han. His younger brother, Yushan, and other members of his clan killed [TB 1/28b] Ying and surrendered. Wang Hui halted his troops, and sent an emissary to make an urgent report to the Han. The Han Emperor sent Zhuang Zhu to express his intent to the king. The king bowed his head and said, “The Son of Heaven sent troops to kill [the king of] Minyue for my sake. Even by dying I would not have enough to repay this virtue.”[34] He then sent his son, Yingqi, to serve as a hostage, and said to Zhu, “My kingdom has just been attacked. Please return first. I will work day and night to make preparations, and then will proceed [to the capital] for an audience with the Son of Heaven. Zhu returned. [King Wen’s] officials all warned that, “The Han soldiers have killed Ying. This was meant to scare Our Việt/Yue.[35] What is more, the previous emperor said that in serving the Han we must strive to not transgress rituals. What is essential is that you not follow nice-sounding words and agree to go for an audience. If you do so, you will not be able to return, and this will lead to the loss of the [TB 1/29a] kingdom.” The king then stated that he was ill, and did not proceed [to the capital] for an audience.

(Bính thìn [125 B.C.E.]; the 12th year in the reign of King Wen of the Zhao; the fourth year in the Yuanshuo era of the Han.) The Zhao King, Hu, died. His son, Yingqi, ascended the throne.

When the King was extremely ill, his son, Yingqi, returned from the Han [capital]. He then succeeded to the throne as King Ming, and granted King Hu the posthumous title of King Wen.

(Đinh tỵ [124 B.C.E.]; the first year in the reign of King Ming of the Zhao; the fifth year in the Yuanshuo era of the Han.) The Zhao made Lữ Gia/Lü Jia Grand Mentor.

(Mậu ngọ [123 B.C.E.]; the second year in the reign of King Ming of the Zhao; the sixth year in the Yuanshuo era of the Han.) The king established née Cù/Jiu as Queen, and his second son, Xing, as heir.

Earlier, when King Ming was heir, he served as a hostage at the Han [capital]. While in Chang’an, he married a woman from Handan, née [TB 1/29b] Jiu, who gave birth to a son, Hưng/Xing.[36] After ascending the throne, [King Ming] wrote a letter to the Han requesting permission to establish née Jiu as queen, and Xing as heir. The Han repeatedly dispatched emissaries who admonished the king to come for an audience. The king was afraid to go for an audience, [for he would have to] follow the rules of the Han and be placed in the category of internal vassal. The king therefore declared that he was ill and did not go, but sent his son Thứ Công/Zigong to serve as a hostage.

(Mậu thìn [113 B.C.E.]; the 12th year in the reign of King Ming of the Zhao; the fourth year in the Yuanding era of the Han.) The Zhao King, Yingqi, died. His son, Xing, ascended the throne.

The king was granted the posthumous title of King Ming. Xing was King Ming’s second son. His mother, née Jiu, was a Han woman. After a year on the throne he was assassinated by his official Lü Jia. He was granted the posthumous title of [TB 1/30a] King Ai.

Imperial Appraisal [TB 1/30a]: The actions of Emperor Wu of the Han, when compared with those of Emperor Wen, were not only completely different in terms of righteousness versus craftiness, but even the noble act of the Jianyuan era [when Emperor Wu sent troops to kill the king of Minyue] was also a transgression. When histories praise [Emperor Wu] as a great talent and bold strategist, is there sufficient grounds for this?

The Han dispatched an emissary to order the king to come for an audience.

After the Zhao king, Xing, ascended the throne, he honored his mother, née Jiu, as consort dowager. Earlier, before the consort dowager was married to King Ming, she had relations with Anguo Shaoji from Baling (Anguo was his surname, Shaoji his given name).[37] In this year, the Han sent Shaoji as an emissary to order the king and consort dowager to proceed [to the Han capital] for an audience. [The Han] also ordered the persuasive grand master of remonstrance, Zhong Jun, to make this announcement; the strongman, Wei Chen, to back up this decision; and the chamberlain for the palace garrison, Lu Bode, to station troops at Guiyang and wait for the emissary.[38]

The king was young. Consort Dowager [TB 1/30b] Jiu again had relations with Shaoji. The people in the kingdom learned of this, and many stopped supporting the consort dowager. The consort dowager feared that a rebellion would break out, and desired to rely on the awe of the Han. She encouraged the king and the officials to internally submit. She then took the occasion of the presence of a Han emissary to submit a letter requesting to be classified as an internal vassal, to proceed for an audience once every three years, and to have the frontier posts removed.[39] The Han Emperor allowed this, and granted Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia a silver seal, as well as seals for the chamberlain for the capital, the commandant-in-ordinary, and the grand mentor. Other [seals] were to be set by [the Zhao] themselves. The kingdom’s punishments of tattooing the face and cutting off the nose were to be abolished, and the laws of Han followed. [The kingdom] would be classified as an internal vassal, and an emissary would be stationed there to assuage [the people].

(Kỷ tỵ [112 B.C.E.]; the first year in the reign of King Ai of the Zhao; the fifth year in the Yuanding era of the Han.) In winter, during the 11th lunar month, Zhao Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia assassinated his king, [TB 1/31a] Xing, and Consort Dowager née Jiu. He also killed the Han emissary, and placed the Marquis of Shuyang, Kiến Đức/Jiande, on the throne as king.

The Zhao king and the consort dowager arranged their belongings and expensive gifts to present as tribute. At that time Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia was elderly. He had served three courts, and more than 70 members of his lineage had served as senior officials. The boys had all married daughters from the imperial clan, while the girls had all been betrothed to sons of the king or the royal family, or had intermarried with the Qin king’s family in Cangwu. Within the kingdom he garnered the supported of many. On numerous occasions he admonished the king to not become an internal vassal. Since the king did not listen, he started to harbor rebellious thoughts. He repeatedly claimed to be ill, and did not meet with the Han emissary. [TB 1/31b] The emissary wanted to assassinate Jia, but he did not have the power to do so. The king and the consort dowager feared that Jia and his followers would act first. They wanted to rely on the influence of the emissary to plot to assassinate Jia. They held a banquet and invited the emissary. The high officials all attended to him. Jia’s younger brother was a general. He led his troops to a place outside of the palace. As the banquet began, the consort dowager tried to irritate the emissary by saying to Jia that “Southern Việt’s/Yue’s becoming an internal vassal would be good for the kingdom. Why is it that you do not agree?” The emissary felt suspicious, and there was a deadlock (a standstill). No one dared make a move.

Jia got up to leave. The consort dowager wanted to spear him with a lance, but the king stopped her. Jia left, and after that claimed to be ill and did not participate in audiences with the king. He secretly plotted with high officials to cause a disturbance. The king [TB 1/32a] had no intention of killing Jia. Jia knew this, and for several months did not make a move. The consort dowager wished to assassinate Jia on her own, but she did not have the strength.

The Han emperor heard that Jia was not following orders, and directed the administrator of Jibei, Han Qianqiu, and Consort Dowager Jiu’s younger brother, Jiu Le, to cross the border with 2,000 men. Jia thereupon issued an order within the kingdom which stated that, “The king is young, and the consort dowager is originally a woman of Han. She has also had relations with the Han emissary. She wishes only to become an internal vassal, and has taken all of the previous king’s valuables to present as tribute to the Han in order to make herself attractive and to obtain a short-term benefit. She has no concern for the Zhao domain, and has no intent of establishing a plan for future generations.”

[Lü Jia], together with his younger brother, then led troops to attack and kill the king, the consort dowager, and even [TB 1/32b] the Han emissary. He sent messengers to announce this to the Qin king at Cangwu and the various commanderies, and placed on the throne the eldest son of King Ming, the Marquis of Shuyang, Jiande.

Notes: 1. Kiến Đức/Jiande. His mother was a Việt woman. He was King Ming’s eldest son.

2. Spear him with a lance. To spear means to hit. [She] wanted to use a lance to hit and kill Jia.

In the Autumn the Han sent the generals Lu Bode and Yang Pu to lead troops to attack [Lü Jia].

After Lü Jia made Jiande king, Han Qianqiu’s troops crossed the border and destroyed several small settlements. Jia opened a direct route for transporting provisions, and 40 leagues outside of Panyu [TB 1/33a] his soldiers attacked and killed Qianqiu and his group. He then sent an emissary with a letter to the Han commissioner at Saishang which spoke in disingenuous terms of his desire to admit his guilt. He then sent troops to occupy strategic points. When the Han emperor heard about this, he had Wave-Suppressing General Lu Bode depart from Guiyang and descend the Huang River, Tower-Ship General Yang Pu depart from Yuzhang and descend the Hengpu, Spear-Ship General Yan depart from Lingling and descend the Li River, Xialai General Jia descend from Cangwu, and Quý/Gui, the Marquis of Trì Nghĩa/Chiyi of Việt, lead troops from Yelang down the Zangka to all converge at Panyu.

Notes: 1. Saishang. The Searching for Hidden Meanings [Suoyin] cites the Record of Nankang [Nankang ji] [to state that] Dayu Ridge is called Saishang.[40]

[TB 1/33b] 2. Tower ships. Ying Shao stated that at that time in attempting to attack Việt/Yue it was essential to travel by water. Therefore big ships were constructed. On top of the ships were placed towers. Hence, they were called “tower ships.”[41]

3. Spear ships. Zhang Yan stated that Việt/Yue move about in big ships on the water. Because of the danger of getting harmed by serpents, they place spears below the ships. They are therefore called “spear ships.” [Chen] Zan stated that in the Book of Wu Zixu [Wu Zixu shu] it mentions spear ships and that they carry shields and spears. Hence, the name.[42]

4. Xialai. Lại/Lai was the name of a river in Việt/Yue territory. The water flowed over sand. Another explanation is that it flowed swiftly.[43]

5. General Yanjia. This is a name. The old history did not note his surname. Yue Shi’s Record of the World in the Taiping Era from the Song [period] has Zhao [TB 1/34a] Yan. The Treatise on the Previous Worthies of the Hundred Yue [Baiyue xianxian zhi] has Zheng Yan and Tian Jia.

6. Quý/Gui, the Marquis of Trì Nghĩa/Chiyi. Quý/Gui was a Việt/Yue man. The old history did not mention his surname. The Treatise on the Previous Worthies of the Hundred Yue has Hà Di/Heyi.

7. Yelang. This was the name of a kingdom. It was where present-day Qianwei [District] in Bo Department is. During the time of the Han there were dozens of chiefdoms among the Western Barbarians. Yelang was the biggest. It was beyond the reaches of Shu Commandery. To the east it reached Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and to the west it bordered the Kingdom of Dian. During the time of Emperor Wu of the Han, [Han emissary] Tang Meng submitted a letter in which he stated that “more than 100,000 crack troops from Yelang can be recruited. They can sail down the Zangka River and launch a surprise attack. This is an ingenious way to control Việt/Yue.”

[1] What I have translated here as “the maiden of Vụ Tiên” (vụ tiên nữ/wuxian nü) can literally be translated as either “beautiful immortal girl” or “the daughter of a beautiful immortal.” That said, the first two characters may also be a given name, and might have some reference to the star Vega, which came to be popularly known in East Asia as the “weaver girl” (chức nữ/zhinü), but which was originally referred to as the “beautiful girl” vụ nữ/wunu.

[2] “Hundred Yue” (Bách Việt/Baiyue) is a term which “Chinese” began to use in the first millennium B.C. to collectively refer to various ethnic groups who lived south of the Yangzi River.

[3] An ancient kingdom of Văn Lang/Wenlang is mentioned in this text. However, the character for “lang” is different from the character which Vietnamese used to refer to the earliest kingdom in their land. In this text it is 狼, rather than 郎.

[4] The title of this text is difficult to translate. I could perhaps be more literally translated as “The Source on the Treatise of Annan,” but there is debate as to whether this title is actually correct. See Léonard Aurousseau, ed., Ngan-nam tche yuan [Annan zhiyuan] (Hanoi: École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 1923), 10-12.

[5] Taisi, the wife of Zhou Wenwang, was reportedly so virtuous that she gave birth to 100 sons. See Shijing, Daya, Siqi.

[6] In distant antiquity, a woman by the name of Jian Di swallowed a mysterious egg and gave birth to a boy who eventually founded the Shang dynasty. See Shijing, Shangsong, Xuanniao. Jiang Yuan, the matriarch of the Zhou clan, became pregnant after stepping on a giant’s footprint. See Shijing, Daya, Shengmin.

[7] Ba and Shu is the area of present-day Sichuan province. Lake Dongting is in Hunan province, and Hồ Tôn/Husun, as the comment below states, was explained in Vietnamese sources as being where Champa would eventually emerge, that is, the area of what is today central Vietnam.

[8] Gu Yanwu’s (1613-83) Characteristics of the Territorial Administrations of All Under Heaven [Tianxia junguo libing shu] and Wang Xiangzhi’s (13th cent.) Famous Sites of the Land [Yudi jisheng], are two prominent Chinese geographical works.

[9] This is a reference to Gia Long, the founder of the Nguyễn Dynasty.

[10] The translation here is based on that of James Legge. See his The Chinese Classics, Vol. III (Taibei: SMC Publishing, 1994), 19-20.

[11] Both of these quotes can be found in Cai Shen’s (1167-1230) Selected Commentaries on the Classic of Documents [Shujing jizhuan], 1/3a.

[12] Zheng Qiao (1104-1162), Tongzhi, 2/7a.

[13] Lü Xiang lived in the thirteenth century. The full title of the above work is the Complete Compilation of the Imperially Appraised Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror [Yupi tongjian gangmu qianbian].

[14] This information is not actually from Sima Qian’s first-century-B.C.E. Records of the Historian (Shiji), but appears to be adapted from Fan Ye’s fifth-century-C.E. History of the Later Han [Houhan shu]. See Fan Ye, Houhan shu, Liezhuan 85, Nanman xinanyi liezhuan 76, Nanman.

[15] This is from Gu Zuyu’s sixteenth-century Essentials of Geography for Studying History [Dushi fangyu jiyao].

[16] Panwu was an ancient place name for an area in what is today Hebei Province. This is likely a misprint for Panyu, an ancient place name for an area in what is today Guangdong Province.

               Xifeng was the courtesy name for Gu Yewang, a scholar-official who lived in the sixth century C.E.

[17] Ru Chun was a scholar-official who lived in the Kingdom of Wei during the Three Kingdoms period. Some comments that he wrote to the Records of the Historian are contained in the earliest of the three main commentaries to that text, Pei Yin’s Collected Explanations of the Records of the Historian [Shiji jijie] (fifth cent.). However, what the text is citing here is not Pei’s commentary, but the second main commentary to the Records of the Historian, Zhang Shoujie’s (eighth cent.) Orthodox Meaning of the Records of the Historian [Shiji zhengyi]. These two commentaries, along with a third by Sima Zhen (eighth cent.), were included in the main text of the Records of the Historian during the Song Dynasty. That said, the words “In Giang Nam/Jiangnan” are not in Zhang’s commentary or the Records of the Historian, and appear to be a mistake. See Sima Qian, Shiji, 6/26a, and Zhang Shoujie, Shiji zhengyi, 6/20b.

[18] Giao/Jiao Region [Giao Châu/Jiaozhou] was one of 13 regions (châu/zhou) which the Han established as intermediary administrative units between the central government and groups of commanderies. See Houhan shu, zhi 23, junguo 5.

[19] Bagui is another name for Guangxi.

[20] Scholars have determined that during the Qin period one thước/chi was approximately 23.1 centimeters. Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A Manual, 237-38. Ten thước/chi made one trượng/zhang, or 2.31 meters. Lý Ông Trọng was therefore 2.91 meters, or over 9.5 feet, tall.

[21] The position of metropolitan commandant (sili xiaowei) was not created until 89 B.C.E. See Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 451.

[22] Lintao was the name of a district in what is today Gansu Province. The Xiongnu were a confederation of nomadic tribes who lived to the north of the area of Qin control.

[23] Xianyang, in what is today Shaanxi Province, was where the Qin Dynasty capital was located.

[24] The Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu] is an ancient chronicle and the Zuo Commentary [Zuozhuan] or Master Zuo’s Commentery [Zuoshi zhuan] is a commentary to it.

[25] Tiên du literally means “immortal roam[ing],” while lạn kha means “rotten handle.”

[26] The region was not referred to as a protectorate until the Tang.

[27] What I have translated as “sack filler” is an obscure term, thác trong trang/tuozhongzhuang, which one commentary to the History of the Han defines as a gem that is light in weight but great in value, and can be placed and carried in a sack. See Hanshu, Liezhuan, Lu Jia.

[28] Only the Son of Heaven was supposed to ride in a “gold-topped” carriage, that is, a carriage with a covering of gold brocade, with a streamer made of yak tail on the left.

[29] Yan Shigu (581-645 C.E.) was a scholar who lived during the Tang Dynasty and who wrote a commentary on the History of the Han.

[30] The History of the Later Han has this title as counselor-in-chief (chengxiang) not grand councilor (zaixiang).

[31] “Efflorescent” is how I translate “Hoa/Hua” (“Chinese”).

[32] This passage can be found in both the Records of the Historian and the History of the Han. In neither of those works, however, is Zhao Tuo called upon to declare himself emperor. Instead, he does it himself. See Shiji, juan 113, liezhuan 53/4a; Hanshu, juan 95, zhuan 65/14a.

[33] What I have translated as “cassia-eating insects” (quế đố/guidu) were a kind of insect which were considered a delicacy as the cassia would which they lived off gave them a nice taste. Ban Gu, juan 95, zhuan 65/14b.

[34] King Wen uses a humble term employed by vassals (quả nhân/guaren) to refer to himself here.

[35] “Our Việt/Yue” (Ngã Việt/Wo Yue) is a somewhat vague term which refers to the royal enterprise and to some extent the territory over which it exerted its control.

[36] Handan was the name of a district in Hebei province.

[37] Baling was the name of a district in what is today Shaanxi Province.

[38] Guiyang was the name of a Han Dynasty district in what is today Guangdong Province.

[39] To “internally submit” (nội phụ/neifu) usually means to come under the direct jurisdiction of the central court, rather than to be a vassal. However, during the Han there were degrees of central control. The Zhao had their own kingdom which submitted to the Han. What the consort dowager wished was for this kingdom to become an “internal vassal” (chư hầu/zhuhou), which was a step closer to direct imperial control.

[40] Saishang literally means something like “at a strategic border post.” The full title of the text cited here is the Searching for Hidden Meanings in the Historical Records [Shiji suoyin]. It is an eighth-century commentary on Sima Qian’s Historical Records compiled by Sima Zhen.

[41] Ying Shao was a scholar-official who lived during the final decades of the Han Dynasty. Among his various writings was a commentary on the History of the Han.

[42] Zhang Yan and Chen Zan both wrote commentaries on the History of the Han in the third century.

[43] The character “lại/lai” can refer to either water flowing over shallows, or water flowing swiftly.