KĐVSTGCM 2
[TB 2/1a] The Second Chapter of the Prefatory Compilation of the Imperially Commissioned Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror of Việt History
(Canh ngọ [111 B.C.E.]; the first year in the reign of the Triệu/Zhao King, Kiến Đức/Jiande; the sixth year in the Yuanding era of the Han.) In the winter Lu Bode and his followers attacked and destroyed Panyu. They captured the Zhao king, Jiande, and Lü Jia.
Yang Pu of the Han led crack troops to first take Xunxia and then destroy Shimen where they obtained Việt/Yue boats for grain transport. They pushed on and defeated a Việt/Yue vanguard of several tens of thousands of Việt/Yue men, and then waited for Bode. Given that the route was long, Bode planned to meet with Yang Pu at a later point. When they did, they had more than 1,000 men. They then all proceeded onward. Yang Pu reached Panyu first. The king and Lü Jia were both holding the citadel. Pu chose to encamp [TB 2/1b] in a convenient location to the southeast. Bode encamped to the northwest. Once dusk fell Pu launched a successful attack. He then set fires to burn the citadel. Those in the citadel had heard of Bode’s reputation. It being night, they did not know how many troops he had.
Bode set up a camp, and sent an emissary to summon those who had surrendered. He then presented them with the seals [of official positions]. He thereupon issued another order to surrender, and Pu made another forceful attack. At daybreak, all those in the citadel surrendered. During the night, the king, Lü Jia and several hundred men had fled out to sea. Bode asked those who had surrendered and found out where Jia was. He then sent men to pursue him. Adjutant Commandant Su Hong captured the king and [Southern] Việt/Yue Court Gentleman Du Ji captured Jia.
The king of Cangwu, Zhao Guang, was from the same clan as [the rulers of Southern] Việt/Yue. When he heard that Han soldiers had arrived, [TB 2/2a] he surrendered. [Southern] Việt’s/Yue’s director of Guilin, Ju Ong, issued an ordinance for the Âu/Ou and Lạc/Luo to surrender.
At that time, the troops of the Xia Lai and Spear-Ship Generals, and the Yelang soldiers that had been dispatched by the Marquis of Trì Nghĩa/Chiyi, had yet to arrive, and [Southern] Việt/Yue had been completely pacified by Bode and Yang Pu. At this point, two emissaries from [Southern] Việt/Yue presented 100 head of cattle, 1,000 vessels of wine, and bringing with them the population registers from the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, surrendered. Bode thereupon appointed them as governors of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, for them to rule over the people as before. And with that, [these regions] came under the jurisdiction of the Han.
Comment: Originally when Zhao [Tuo] destroyed Thục/Shu, he ordered two emissaries to rule over the two commanderies of [TB 2/2b] Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. However, the old history records about this that three emissaries brought the population registers from the three commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nhật Nam/Rinan and surrendered. This is contradictory.
In examining Li Daoyuan’s Annotated Classic of Waterways [Shuijing zhu], [we find that it] states that in the sixth year of Han Wudi’s Yuanding era [111 B.C.E.], a defender was appointed to govern over Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. [It also states that] the Record of the Citadel [Cheng ji] records that the Zhao king ordered two emissaries to rule over the people of the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Later, the Han dispatched Lu Bode to punish the king of [Southern] Việt/Yue. When General Lu reached Hợp Phố/Hepu, the king of [Southern] Việt/Yue ordered two emissaries to present 100 head of cattle, 1,000 vessels of wine, the population registers from the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, and to surrender. General Lu then appointed the two emissaries as governors [TB 2/3a] of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, for them to rule over the various Lạc generals, and to rule over the people as before. [Based on this information, we have] presently corrected [the inaccuracies in the old history].[1]
Notes: 1. Xunxia. The Records of the Historian writes this as “xia.” It is a place name, in the western part of Shixing District (this district is in Guangdong).[2]
2. Shimen. This is in Panyu District, 20 leagues to the north [of the district capital]. Lü Jia had previously piled stones in the river to resist the Han, and that is why it is named as such.[3]
3. Set up a camp. Yan Shigu stated that this means to build ramparts for holding those who surrender.
4. Adjutant Commandant. Yan Shigu stated that this is a commandant’s adjutant, like the adjutant area commander-in-chief of a campaigning army during the Tang.[4]
5. Court Gentleman Du Ji. Meng Kang stated that court gentleman was a position established by [Southern] Việt/Yue. According to the Record of the Former Worthies of the Hundred Yue, Du Ji is a family and given name.[5]
6. Director Ju Ong. [TB 2/3b] This was the director of Guilin Commandery. Ju Ong was his family and given name.
After destroying the Zhao, the Han took their land and established nine commanderies which comprised Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region.
After pacifying the Zhao, the Han then took their land and created the nine commanderies of Nam Hải/Nanhai, Thương Ngô/Cangwu, Uất Lâm/Yulin, Hợp Phố/Hepu, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan, Châu Nhai/Zhuyai, and Đam Nhĩ/Dan’er. Each had a governor ruling over it. The name “Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region” [Giao Chỉ bộ/Jiaozhi bu] started from this time.
Imperial Appraisal [TB 2/3b-2/4a]: In looking over these events, [we see that] more than half of Our Việt land was lost to the Middle Kingdom. What a pity that enlightened rulers and capable officials appeared so infrequently, and that therefore [we] were unable to regain even an inch of land! This is a very regrettable matter. It is also not just at present that regaining territory is difficult. How sad this is!
Ngô Thì [Sĩ] stated that when [Emperor] Wu of the Han eliminated the Zhao, he took the land and created nine commanderies. Châu Nhai/Zhuyai and Đam Nhĩ/Dan’er, which were out at sea, were combined with Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan, as well as with Nam Hải/Nanhai, Thương [TB 2/4a] Ngô/Cangwu, Uất Lâm/Yulin and Hợp Phố/Hepu. Later they were organized as Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region (The seven commanderies from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi on, with 55 districts, belonged to Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region. See the “Treatise on Commanderies and Princedoms” in the History of the Later Han.). This area was never divided. It was only during the Wu that Giao/Jiao Region was divided off and Quảng/Guang Region was established. Then during the Tang the Protectorate of An Nam/Annan was established, and ruled from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. It was only then that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nhật Nam/Rinan were separated as An Nam/Annan.
During the Han, the nine commanderies belonged to Southern Viet/Yue. Zhao Tuo ruled over the area on his own. The three commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nhật Nam/Rinan (Note: This is incorrect. The various treatises state that there were only the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Nhật Nam/Rinan was separated off [later] by the Han.) were controlled by three managing officials (should say “two”). When the Zhao were destroyed by the Han, these three (should be “two”) managing officials [TB 2/4b] brought the population registers with them and surrendered. The Han then appointed acting commandants and called the area of Southern Việt/Yue Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. It is probably that among the nine commanderies, three commanderies came under Giao/Jiao Region and the other six commanderies fell under Quảng/Guang Region.
Notes: 1. Nine commanderies. The “Treatise on Geography” in the History of the Former Han records that Nam Hải/Nanhai Commandery had jurisdiction over the six districts of Phiên Ngung/Panyu, Bác La/Boluo, Trung Túc/Zhongsu, Long Xuyên/Longchuan, Tứ Hội/Sihui, and Yết Dương/Jieyang.
Thương Ngô/Cangwu Commandery had jurisdiction over the 10 districts of Quảng Tín/Guangxin, Tạ Mộc/Xiemu, Cao Yếu/Gaoyao, Phong Dương/Fengyang, Lâm Hạ/Linhe, Đoan Khê/Duanxi, Phùng Thặng/Fengcheng, Phú Xuyên/Fuchuan, Lệ Phố/Lipu, and Mãnh Lăng/Mengling.
Uất Lâm/Yulin Commandery had jurisdiction over the 12 districts of Bồ Sơn/Bushan, [TB 2/5a] An Quảng/Anguang, A Lâm/Alin, Quảng Uất/Guangyu, Trung Lưu/Zhongliu, Quế Lâm/Guilin, Đàm Trung/Tanzhong, Lâm Trần/Linchen, Địng Chu/Dingzhou, Tăng Thực/Zengshi, Lĩnh Phương/Lingfang, and Ung Kê/Yingji.
Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery had jurisdiction over the five districts of Từ Văn/Xuwen, Cao Lương/Gaoleng, Hợp Phố/Hepu, Lâm Doãn/Linyun, and Chu Lư/Zhulu.
Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery had jurisdiction over the 10 districts of Liên Thụ/Lianshou, An Định/Anding, Cẩu Lậu/Goulou, Mê Linh/Miling, Khúc Dương/Quyang, Bắc Đái/Beidai, Kê Từ/Jixu, Tây Vu/Xiyu, Long Biên/Longbian, and Chu Diên/Zhuyuan.
Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery had jurisdiction over the seven districts of Tư Phố/Xupu, Cư Phong/Jufeng, Đô Bàng/Dupang, Dư Phát/Yufa, Hàm Hoan/Xianhuan, Vô Thiết/Wuqie, and Vô Biên/Wubian.
Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery had jurisdiction over the five districts of Chu Ngô/Zhuwu, Tỉ Ảnh/Bijing, Lư Dung/Lurong, Tây Quyển/Xijuan, and Tượng Lâm/Xianglin.
2. Nam Hải/Nanhai. This was an old Qin Dynasty [TB 2/5b] commandery. See the 44th year in the reign of King An Dương.
3. Thương Ngô/Cangwu. During the Qin this was in the area of Quế Lâm/Guilin Commandery. Now it is Ngô/Wu Department.
4. Uất Lâm/Yulin. During the Qin this was in the area of Quế Lâm/Guilin Commandery. Now it is in the area of Quảng Tây/Guangxi.
5. Hợp Phố/Hepu. During the Qin this was in the area of Tượng/Xiang Commandery. Now it is in the area of Liêm/Lian Department.
6. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. For both of these, see the 10th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao.
7. Nhật Nam/Rinan. This was the old region of the Việt Thường/Yuechang [clan]. The Qin incorporated it into the area of Tượng/Xiang Commandery. Under the Zhao, it was part of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery. The Han were the first to establish a separate [jurisdiction]. The Wu, Jin and Song continued this. Later, it was occupied by Lâm Ấp/Linyi. Then when Lâm Ấp/Linyi was conquered, it became Dãng Region, and then later was changed to Tỉ Ảnh Commandery. After that it fell to Chiêm Thành. Now it is the area of Quảng Bình and Quảng [TB 2/6a] Trị. Yan Shigu stated that Nhật Nam/Rinan indicates that it is south of the sun; what they call “opening the northern door to face the sun.” Ru Chun stated that [it is because] the sun is over one’s head and one’s shadow below it. Therefore, it was also called Tỉ Ảnh.[6]
8. Châu Nhai/Zhuyai. It is in the great sea, along the coast. The Tang changed it to Nhai/Yai Region. Now it is the area of the Qing’s Nhai/Yai Department and Quỳnh/Qiong Department.
9. Đam Nhĩ/Dan’er. It is also on a continent out in the great sea. The Tang changed it to Đam/Dan Region. Now it is the area of the Qing’s Đam/Dan Department and Quỳnh/Qiong Department.
10. Khúc Dương/Quyang. [Yan] Shigu states that dương/yang is an old version of dương/yang.[7]
[TB 2/6b] The Zhao came to an end. Starting from the giáp ngọ year [in the reign] of King Wu [207 B.C.E.], and ending in the canh ngọ year [in the reign of] of King Shuyang [111 B.C.E.] was a total of 97 years.
(Tân mùi [110 B.C.E.]; the first year of the Yuanfeng reign of the Han.) The Han appointed Thạch Đái/Shi Dai as the Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region.
Under Han administration, regions [châu/zhou] ruled over commanderies.[8] With the exception of Châu Nhai/Zhuyai and Đam Nhĩ/Dan’er which were both out at sea, the remaining seven commanderies were under the jurisdiction of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi [Region (bộ/bu)]. Shi Dai was the Regional Inspector of this region [bộ/bu]. The Western Han situated their administrative center at Long Uyên/Longyuan, while the Eastern Han’s administrative center was at Mê Linh/Miling.
Comments: Under Han administration, regional inspectors were appointed to regions [châu/zhou], and governors were appointed to commanderies. The old history states that Shi [TB 2/7a] Dai was the governor of nine commanderies. How could one person administer nine commanderies on his own? Here we follow Ngô Thì Sĩ and have changed this.
Also, when the Han established Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region they administered it from Liên Thụ/Lianshou. In the fifth year of the Yuanfeng era [106 B.C.E.], the administrative center was moved to Quảng Tín/Guangxin district in Thương Ngô/Cangwu. Then in the fifteenth year of the Jianan era [210 C.E.], the administrative center was in Phiên Ngung/Panyu. The Wu then moved it to back to Long Biên/Longbian, and there (Phiên Ngung/Panyu District) they established Quảng/Guang Region.
Therefore, the Western Han never situated their administrative center at Long Uyên/Longyuan, and the Eastern Han’s administrative center was never at Mê Linh/Miling. The old history was apparently incorrect. We have kept that information here for reference.
Notes: 1. Liên Thụ/Lianshou. This is the name of a district under Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery. Today it is Lũng Khê Community, Siêu Loại [District], [TB 2/7b] Bắc Ninh [Province]. There are still the remains of an old citadel there.
2. Long Uyên/Longyuan. This is the same as Long Biên/Longbian. It was the name of a district under the Han, in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Region. During the Eastern Han it was the administrative center of a commandery. According to the Annotated Classic of Waterways, in the 13th year of the Jianan era [208 C.E.], when the citadel had just been constructed, dragon serpents would weave about in the water on the northern and southern banks. [The name] was therefore changed to Long Uyên/Longyuan.[9] The Lý established their capital here and changed the name to Thăng Long. The Trần and Lê followed this [usage]. Today it is the seat of Hà Nội Province.
3. Mê Linh. The old history notes that this was An Lãng [District], Sơn Tây [Province]. [According to] Nguyễn Trãi’s Treatise on Geography [Dư địa chí], Mê Linh is Phúc Thọ [District] (formerly Phúc Lộc).[10] Lê Quý Đôn’s Categorized Sayings from Vân Terrace [Vân đài loại ngữ] has Mê Linh as Phong Châu. It also says that Mê Linh is An Lãng. [TB 2/8a] The “Treatise on Geography” in the History of the Tang [records that] Mê Linh is in the area of the two districts of Phúc Lộc and Dường Lâm. The Thorough Examination of Documents and Institutions [Wenxian tongkao] records that Gia Ninh, Thừa Hóa and Tân Xương are all the area of the Han’s Mê Linh District. The History of the Tang, meanwhile, [records that] Phong Chau administered the five districts of Gia Ninh, Thừa Hóa, Tân Xương, Cao Thượng, and Châu Lục. Therefore, Mê Linh was the same as Phong Châu.[11]
4. Quảng Tín/Guangxin District. [According to the] Essentials of the Terrain, Quảng Tín/Guangxin was under Thương Ngô/Cangwu Commandery.[12] Now it has been changed to Thương Ngô/Cangwu District under Ngô Châu/Wuzhou Prefecture.
(Kỷ sửu [29 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Jianwu era of Han Guangdi.) Regional Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Deng Rang, dispatched an envoy to present tribute to the Han.[13]
[TB 2/8b] At the end of the Wang Mang [period], Regional Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Deng Rang, along with the [governors of] the various commanderies, closed their borders and protected themselves. The Han general, Cen Peng, who was already on good terms with Rang, wrote Rang a letter in which he discussed the moral awe of the Han. Rang thereupon led Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Xi Guang and the various commandery governors, Du Mu and others, to dispatch an envoy to present tribute to the Han. The Han installed them all as adjunct marquises.[14]
Note. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. See the note under the 10th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao [198 B.C.E.; TB 1/20a].
The Han made Nhâm Diên/Ren Yan the governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.
[According to] the History of the Later Han, in the beginning of the Jianwu era [25-56 C.E.], Ren Yan was summoned to serve as governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. The custom in [TB 2/9a] Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen was to make a living by hunting. They did not know how to till with oxen. The people often had to ask to buy grains from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi whenever they fell on hard times. Yan thereupon ordered that farm tools be cast, and taught the people to open new land. With each passing year the number of fields expanded and the people had sufficient food.
It was also the case that the Lạc Việt people did not have marriage rites. Yan forwarded a letter to the district [heads] under his jurisdiction ordering them to pair up, according to age, men from twenty to fifty years with women from fifteen to forty years. For those who were poor and did not have wedding gifts, he ordered those at and below the position of senior subaltern to save some of their salary to assist them. At that time, more than 2,000 people married. That same year the weather was good and the harvests abundant. Those who produced sons came to understand that they were part of a [TB 2/9b] clan. They explained, “The one who enabled me to have this son was Lord Ren!” Many named their sons Ren.
After serving for four years, [Ren] was summoned back. The people of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen erected a living shrine [in his honor].
Prior to this, [during the reign of] Emperor Ping [1-5 C.E.], Tích Quang/Xi Guang, a man from Hanzhong, had been the Governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, and had taught the people rites and proper conduct.[15] In the early years of the Jianwu [era], he was granted the honorary title of Marquis of Yanshui. The South of the Passes Efflorescent way started with these two governors.
Note. Ren Yan. He was from Wan [District] in Nanyang [Commandery].[16]
Imperial Appraisal [TB 2/9a-2/9b]: Zhao Tuo was originally from the Central Kingdom. He ruled over the kingdom and passed it on through the generations for several hundreds of years. In reading the letter that he wrote in response to Emperor Wen [we see that] he had learning. How could it be that he did not know yet how to teach the people about tilling and marriage and that this only started with the two governors? It is clear that the records are not accurate and not sufficiently credible.
(Giáp ngọ [34 C.E.]; the 10th year in the Jianwu reign of the Han.) The Han appointed Tô Định/Su Ding as Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
(Canh tý [40 C.E.]; the 16th year in the Jianwu era of the Han.) In spring, during the second lunar month, a Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi woman, Trưng Trắc, rallied troops to attack Governor Su Ding [TB 2/10a] and drive him off. She then declared herself monarch.[17]
The monarch’s original surname was Lạc. She had another surname, Trưng. She was the daughter of a lạc general from Mê Linh/Miling District, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, and the wife of Thi Sách from Chu Diên/Zhuyuan District. The monarch was very strong and brave. At that time, Su Ding was avaricious and violent in his rule, and he killed her husband. Together with her sister, Trưng Nhị, she then raised troops and captured the regional seat. Ding fled back to Nam Hải/Nanhai.
Wherever [Trưng Trắc] went, she gained full support. The savage tribes in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan and Hợp Phố/Hepu all followed [her]. Having more or less gained hold of the sixty five citadels in Linh Nam/Lingnan, she declared herself monarch, and established a capital at Mê Linh/Miling. The regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and the various governors could only look after their own safety.
[TB 2/10b] Note: Chu Diên/Zhuyuan District. This was established by the Han, and was part of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery. The Tang changed it to Diên/Yuan Region, and the Lê to Tam Đái Prefecture. Today it is the area of Vĩnh Tường Prefecture, Sơn Tây [Province].
(Tân sửu [41 C.E.]; the 17th year in the Jianwu era of the Han.) In winter, during the 12th lunar month, the Han appointed Mã Viện/Ma Yuan as the Wave-Suppressing General, Liu Long as Assistant Supervisor, and Duan Zhi as the Tower-Ship General, and others to attack her.
Seeing that madam Trưng had declared herself monarch, had raised troops and captured citadels, and that the frontier regions were suffering because of this, the Han ordered Changsha, Hợp Phố/Hepu and Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi to prepare vehicles and boats, repair bridges and roads, clear obstructions, and store provisions. Ma Yuan was appointed as the Wave-Suppressing General and the Marquis of Fule, Liu Long, as his [TB 2/11a] assistant to lead the Tower-Ship General, Duan Zhi, and others to attack her.
(Nhâm dần [42 C.E.]; the 18th year in the Jianwu reign of the Han.) In spring, during the third lunar month, General Ma Yuan reached Lãng Bạc/Langbo, engaged in battle with Trưng Trắc and defeated her. Trắc retreated to hold Cấm Khê/Jinxi.
Ma Yuan proceeded along the coast, cutting a way through forests for more than 1,000 leagues. When he reached Lãng Bạc, he engaged Monarch Trưng in battle. The monarch saw the strength of the Han forces, and predicted that her undisciplined followers would probably not be able to hold out. Her followers also felt that since the monarch was a female, she was no match for the Han, and they therefore scattered.
Notes: 1. Lãng Bạc/Langbo. Also called Dâm Đàm, it was to the west of Đại La Citadel’s western road. The Lê [TB 2/11b] changed its name to Tây Hồ. Now it is Tây Hồ in Hà Nội Province.
2. Cấm Khê/Jinxi. [According to] Li Daoyuan’s Annotated Classic of Waterways, the Treatise on the Yue [Yue zhi] has this as Kim Khê/Jinxi, an area in the southwest of Mê Linh District. [According to] Chen Huaiyuan’s Treatise on Southern Yue [Nanyue zhi], Trưng Trắc fled to a cave in Kim Khê. It was two years before she was captured. Heir Apparent Zhang Huai, [Li] Xian, stated that it was now the area of Tân Xương/Xinchang District in Phong/Feng Region.[18]
Based on this, Cấm Khê was in the area of jurisdiction of Vĩnh Tường [District], Sơn Tây [Province], but it is unclear where. The old history stated that it was in Chân Lộc [District], Nghệ An [Province]. This is incorrect.
[TB 2/12a] (Quý mão [43 C.E.]; the 19th year in the Jianwu era of the Han.) In spring, during the first lunar month, Trưng Trắc and her sister Nhị fought a battle to hold back the Han, but were defeated.
Queen Trưng and her sister Nhị fought to hold back the Han, [but when] their followers scattered and their position became isolated, they were captured. Ma Yuan pursued some of the remnants of their group, such as Đô Dương (Dương is written as Dê in the History of the Han), all the way to Cư Phong/Jufeng District where they were defeated. [Ma Yuan] then erected bronze pillars to mark the extreme border of the Han [domain]. The local people felt for Monarch Trưng and erected a shrine for her.
Imperial Appraisal [TB 2/12a]: As for the two Trưngs, although they were women, they still had the ambition to rise in a righteous rebellion that shook the Han court. While their position was weak and the time was inopportune, they still had the means to stir people’s hearts and to leave their mark in histories. As for those men who respectfully served [the Han], was that not shameful?!
Notes: 1. Cư Phong/Jufeng. Also called Cư Phong/Jufeng, it was established by the Han and belonged to Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery.[19] The Three Kingdoms’ [Kingdom of] Wu [TB 2/12b] changed it to Di Phong/Yifeng District. From the Song and Qi onward, it was the seat of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery. When the Sui defeated the Chen, they did away with the commandery, and made [Cư Phong/Jufeng] a district in Ai Region. In the early years of the Tang, it was part of Nam Lục/Nanlu Prefecture. In the early years of the Tianbao era [742-755 C.E.] it was incorporated into Nhật Nam District.[20]
According to Zeng Gun’s Record of Jiao Region [Jiaozhou ji], in Cư Phong/Jufeng there is a mountain over which appears Taurus. It can regularly be seen at night. The mountain also has a wind channel on it, through which the wind often blows. Today it is the area under the jurisdiction of Thanh Hóa Province. The old history stated that it was in Vũ Ninh Subprefecture, Bắc Giang [Province]. This is incorrect.
2. Bronze pillars. [According to] Li Daoyuan’s Annotated Classic of Waterways, Ma Wenyuan (Ma Yuan’s courtesy name was Wenyuan) erected a metal marker at the southernmost border. The metal marker was the bronze pillars.
[According to the] History of the Sui, when Lưu Phương/Liu Fang engaged in an expedition against [TB 2/13a] Lâm Ấp/Linyi, he reached the capital of that kingdom eight days after passing Ma Yuan’s bronze pillars.[21] In the Yuanhe era of the Tang [806-820 C. E.], the Protector-general of An Nam/Annan, Mã Tổng/Ma Zong, erected two more bronze pillars at the old location to indicate that he was Ma Yuan’s descendant.
[According to] Du You’s Comprehensive [Collection of] Institutional [Documents], 2,000 leagues by water and land to the south of Lâm Ấp/Linyi is the Tây Đồ Di/Xituyi [Kingdom], and is where Ma Yuan erected a pair of bronze pillars to mark the border.[22]
The New History of the Tang [records that] to the south of Lâm Ấp’s/Linyi’s Bôn Đà Lãng/Bentuolang Prefecture is a large beach. There are five bronze pillars there. There is a mountain shaped like a lid resting upright. To the west are layered cliffs, and to the east, the sea. [The pillars] were erected by Ma Yuan of the Han.[23]
[According to the] Record of the World During the Taiping Era by Yue Shi of the Song, when Ma Yuan [TB 2/13b] attacked Lâm Ấp/Linyi, he traveled over 400 leagues from Nhật Nam/Rinan to reach Lâm Ấp/Linyi. 2,000 leagues further was the Tây Đồ Di/Xituyi Kingdom. Yuan reached that kingdom and erected two bronze pillars at the frontier of Tượng Lâm/Xianglin to mark the border with the Tây Đồ Di/Xituyi [Kingdom]. As for the sea route, from Nam Hải/Nanhai one must travel over 3,000 leagues to reach Lâm Ấp/Linyi, to Giao/Jiao Region’s bronze pillars is 5,000 leagues.[24]
The Comprehensive Gazetteer of the Great Qing [records that] a story has been passed on that in an old mountain cave in Qinzhou, Yuan pledged that “If the bronze pillars are toppled, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi will be annihilated.” Whenever Việt people passed by they would each place a stone [next to the pillars] until it became a mound, for fear that [the pillars] would fall.[25]
At present, unofficial histories record that in Phú Yên [Province] [TB 2/14a] is the Đà Diễn River. To its south is a large beach. To the southwest of the beach is Thạch Bí Mountain. It is some 10 leagues in circumference. To the west it connects to a mountain range with multiple peaks. To the east it meets the sea. On its peak is a lone boulder which stands upright. Perhaps it is here that the Comprehensive [Collection of] Institutional [Documents] and the “Treatise” section of the History of the Tang refer to when they record about the bronze pillars. However, this one stone on the peak is about ten trượng tall, and six or seven trượng wide. The people who live near the mountain say that on its peak is a summit boulder created by Heaven, and not something erected by humans. It therefore is unlikely that this is the bronze pillars. The Annotated Classic of Waterways [records that] with the movement of mountains and rivers, the bronze pillars fell into the sea. Perhaps this was the case.
[TB 2/14b] 3. Trưng Monarch Shrine. It is in Hát Môn Community, Phúc Thọ District.
Ma Yuan of the Han built Kiển Giang/Jianjiang Citadel.[26]
Seeing that Tây Vu/Xiyu District had 33,000 households, Ma Yuan requested that it be divided into the two districts of Phong Khê/Fengxi and Vọng Hải/Wanghai. The Han emperor approved. Ma Yuan also erected city walls, established settlements, and built Kiển Giang Citadel in Phong Khê. Its wall was in the shape of an elliptical cocoon, hence its name.[27]
After three years, Ma Yuan returned. From this point onward, through the five generations and eighty two years of the reigns of emperors Ming, Zhang, He, Shang, and An, it was only during the time of Emperor Ming, when Lý Thiện/Li Shan of Nanyang governed Nhật Nam/Rinan, [TB 2/15a] that there was benevolent rule and an accommodation of different customs.[28] He was later transferred to become governor of Jiujiang.[29] This is the only capable official recorded from these generations. It is probably that records [of others] are missing.
Notes: 1. Kiển Giang/Jianjiang Citadel. The Comprehensive Gazetteer of the Great Qing [records that] Kiển Giang/Jianjiang Citadel and Vọng Hải/Wanghai Citadel were in An Lãng District. During the Jianwu era of the Han [25-57 C. E.], Ma Yuan pacified Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and built these two citadels in the two districts of Phong Khê/Fengxi and Vọng Hải/Wanghai.
2. Tây Vu/Xiyu. This was a district established by the Han under Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery.
3. Lý Thiện/Li Shan. The “Biographies of Singular Behavior” in the [History of the] Later Han [record that] Li Shan had moral fortitude. During the reign of [Emperor] Guangwu [25 57 C. E.], he was appointed houseman to the heir apparent. During the reign of [Emperor] Ming [58-75 C. E.], he was summoned to work for the three dukes. Because of his ability to deal with complex matters, he was transferred [TB 2/15b] to Nhật Nam/Rinan to serve as governor. He ruled with benevolence, and accommodated different customs. Transferred to become governor of Jiujiang, he died of illness before arriving.
(Nhâm dần [102 C.E.]; the 14th year in the Yongyuan era of Emperor He of the Han’s reign.) The Han first established the [position of] aide-commander of Tượng Lâm/Xianglin.
[According to the] History of the Later Han, at first over 3,000 people from Nhật Nam/Rinan and Tượng Lâm/Xianglin had come and plundered the people and burned government offices. Soldiers were sent from the commandery and districts to quell them. The bandit leader was beheaded, and the followers then surrendered. After this the [position of] aide-commander of Tượng Lâm/Xianglin was established to prevent such calamities.[30]
Notes: 1. Tượng Lâm/Xianglin. This is the name of a district which was under the jurisdiction of Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. At the end of the Han it became part of the Kingdom of Lâm Ấp/Linyi.
[TB 2/16a] 2. Aide-commander. This is the name of an official position. [According to] Kan Yin’s Treatise on the Thirteen Regions, the aide-commander was stationed in Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery.[31]
(Giáp dần [114 C.E.]; the first year in the Yuanchu era of Emperor An of the Han’s reign.) In spring, during the second lunar month, the earth tore apart in Nhật Nam/Rinan.
[According to the] Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], the earth in Nhật Nam/Rinan tore apart for a length of over 100 leagues.[32]
(Bính tý [136 C.E.]; the first year in the Yonghe era of Emperor Shun of the Han’s reign.) The Han appointed Chu Xưởng/Zhou Chang as Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
At first, Governor Zhou Chang, given that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was beyond the Nine Enclosures and at the edge of the [area of the] Hundred Việt/Yue, submitted a request to establish a regional inspector. At this point the Han Emperor appointed Chang as Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi [TB 2/16b] to inspect the commanderies and districts.[33]
Comment: [According to the] “Treatise on the Hundred Offices” in the History of the Later Han, for the outer 12 regions, each region had one regional inspector, with a salary of 600 bushels. It seems that at the start of Emperor Wu’s reign [140-87 B.C.E.], the position of regional inspector was established for 13 people, and a proclamation of six articles was issued [to designate the issues for which they were] to investigate the behavior of the officials in the regions for improprieties. This was thus the same as the Qin’s commandery-inspecting censor.
In the first year of the Suihe era [8 B.C.E.] of Emperor Cheng’s reign it was noted that although the position of the regional inspectors was below that of grand masters, they did the work of [officials who received] 2,000 bushels, and that there was therefore an imbalance [between their work and its compensation]. It was then approved for the position to change to that of regional governor, with a salary of 2,000 bushels, and a standing just after the nine chamberlains.
In the second year of the Jianping era [5 B.C.E.] of Emperor Ai’s reign, [TB 2/17a] the regional governor [position] was abolished, and regional inspectors were reinstated. In the second year of the Yuanshou era [1 B.C.E.] the regional governors were reinstated. Then in the 18th year of the Jianwu era [42 C.E.] of Emperor Guangwu’s reign, 12 regional inspectors were again appointed, each of whom was in charge of a region. One region was under the jurisdiction of the metropolitan commandant.
Then during the Zhongping era of Emperor Ling’s reign [184-188 C.E.] there were military disturbances in all four directions from the fact that the sway of the regional inspectors was too weak. They were then changed to regional dignitaries, and chamberlains and imperial secretaries were chosen to serve as regional governors. Not long after this, Emperor Xian eliminated Giao/Jiao Region and incorporated it into Jing Region. The Regional Governor, Liu Biao, appointed his own regional inspector. Having both regional governors and regional inspectors began with this. Therefore with regard to the establishment of positions that were sometimes called [TB 2/17b] regional inspector and sometimes called regional governor, although the names changed with the times, the constant was that they were always the main officials ruling over commanderies and districts.
As for the name, Giao/Jiao Region, a careful examination of what is written in the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government shows that] from the eighth year of the Jianan era [203 C.E.] onward, it started to be called Giao/Jiao Region, and that before this there were just references to the regional governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and the regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
In examining the “Treatise [on Geography]” in the History of the Jin, it says that in the years of Emperor Shun of the Han’s reign [126-144 C.E.], the governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Zhou Chang, memorialized [the court to request that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi be] established as a region. The court discussed but did not approve the matter. Chang was then appointed regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Then in the eighth year of the Jianan era of Emperor Xian’s reign [203 C.E.], Regional Inspector Zhang Jin and Governor Shi Xie jointly memorialized [the court to request that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi] be established [TB 2/18a] as a region. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was then made Giao/Jiao Region and Jin was appointed as Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. The name Giao/Jiao Region truly began at this point.
Old histories record that in the fifth year of the Jianwu reign [29 C.E.] the Regional Governor of Giao/Jiao Region dispatched the envoy, Deng Rang, to present tribute, and that in the second year of the Yonghe reign [137 C.E.] Zhang Qiao became Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. This is probably because they did not examine the issue. We have made corrections here.
Notes: 1. Six articles. The first; whether the land and houses of powerful clans and of magnates have overstepped the regulations, whether these people have made use of their power to oppress the weak, or, relying on their greater number have tyrannized over the few. The second: whether the 2,000-bushel [salaried officials] have failed to observe the imperial edicts or failed to obey the statutes of the state; whether they have turned their backs on the interests of the state and have pursued their private interests; or whether they have put aside the imperial edicts in order to keep their profits; whether they have exploited the people by illegal exactions. The third: whether the 2,000-bushel [TB 2/18b] [salaried officials] have failed to give careful attention to doubtful law cases, or have put people to death cruelly; whether they have recklessly resorted to punishment when in anger, or whether they have granted rewards lavishly when in a happy mood; whether they have been so troublesome and tyrannical as to skin the people or cut them into pieces, and are so hated by the people that mountains collapse, rocks crack, strange signs appear, and rumors arise. The fourth: whether the 2,000-bushel [salaried officials] have been unfair in selecting officials, favoring those they like, concealing [from the emperor] those who are worthy, and tolerating those who are stupid. The fifth: whether the sons and brothers of a 2,000-bushel [salaried official], relying upon his prestige and power, have demanded favors from those under his supervision. The sixth: whether the 2,000-bushel [salaried officials] have acted contrary to the public interest and formed factions together with their inferiors, attaching themselves to powerful individuals, accepting bribes, thus invalidating the government ordinances.[34]
2. Inspect the commanderies and districts. Zhang Jiushao stated that the Han established the regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi to govern over An Nam/Annan, [TB 2/19a] which was to manage the seven commanderies of Nam Hải/Nanhai, Uất Lâm/Yulin, Thương Ngô/Cangwu, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan, and Hợp Phố/Hepu.[35]
(Đinh sửu [137 C.E.]; the second year in the Yonghe era.) In the fourth month of summer, Khu Liên/Qu Lian, a savage from [the district of] Tượng Lâm/Xianglin in Nhật Nam/Rinan [Commandery] rebelled.
[According to the] History of the Later Han, Khu Liên/Qu Lian, a savage from the frontier area of Tượng Lâm/Xianglin [District] in Nhật Nam/Rinan [Commandery] and beyond the border attacked the Tượng Lâm/Xianglin seat with several thousand others, burned government buildings and killed the senior subaltern. Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Phàn Diễn/Fan Yan dispatched more than 10,000 troops from the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen to the rescue. Fearing the long mission, soldiers attacked their own local offices. Yan thereupon attacked and defeated these rebels, while the position of the savages became stronger.
[TB 2/19b] Note. Khu Liên/Qu Lian. This is the name of a savage. The History of the Jin, the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] and the Overview [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] all write [this name] as Khu Liên/Qu Lian [with a different character for Liên/Lian, 連].[36] It is probably because these two characters have the same sound, that it came to be mistakenly written as Liên/Lian [憐].
(Mậu dần [138 C.E.]; the third year in the Yonghe era.). In summer, during the intercalary fourth month, the Han appointed Trương Kiều/Zhang Qiao as Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Chúc Lương/Zhu Liang as Governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. They brought about the surrender of the savage bandits, and all in Lĩnh Kiểu/Lingjiao was calm.[37]
[According to the] History of the Later Han, at that time Attendant Censor Giả Xương/Jia Chang was on a mission to Nhật Nam/Rinan. He thereupon got the regional and commandery [forces] to attack Khu Liên/Qu Lian and his followers. They were unsuccessful, and subsequently were themselves attacked. Under siege for more than a year, rations for the soldiers could not be supplied. The Han emperor became worried. He summoned the three dukes and the nine chamberlains, the hundred officials and subordinates from the Four Offices and asked [TB 2/20a] them about strategies.[38] They all recommended that a general be dispatched, and that 40,000 men proceed from Jing, Yang, Yan, and Yu.[39] [However,] General-in-chief Retainer and Inner Gentleman Li Gu refuted that “Many bandits are still active in Jing and Yang. Recruits have been taken from Changsha and Guiyang many times. If we stir things up again, this will surely lead to calamity. Soldiers from Yan and Yu have been recruited and sent myriad leagues away. If an imperial edict forces more of this, they will surely rebel. The southern region is hot and humid. Add to that the miasmas, and four or five out of ten will die for certain. Traversing myriad leagues, the troops will become exhausted so that when they reach Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan they will no longer be able to fight. An army can march 30 leagues in a day. However, from Yan and Yu to Nhật Nam/Rinan it is more than 9,000 [TB 2/20b] leagues. It will take 300 days to reach there. Considering that each person requires five thưng/sheng of provisions, that will entail 60,000 hộc/hu of rice.[40] This is not including the rations for officers, clerks, donkeys and horses. Just considering the costs for the soldiers, the expense reaches this amount. Should the troops reach their base, they will certainly die in large numbers and there will therefore not be enough to fend off the enemy. More troops will then have to be dispatched. This is a case of cutting out one’s innards in order to mend one’s extremities. Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen is 1,000 leagues from Nhật Nam/Rinan. If officials and people from there are dispatched, they will not be able to handle it. So why suffer the people of the four regions [of Jing, Yang, Yan, and Yu] to traverse 10,000 leagues?
“Formerly, Leader of Court Gentlemen Yin Jiu went to quell rebelling Qiang in Yi Region.[41] In Yi Region they had a saying that went, ‘When the Lu came it was alright. When Yin came we got killed.’[42] Later, Jiu was recalled [TB 2/21a] and the troops were put under the authority of Regional Inspector (The old history has Supervisor of the Region. This is erroneous.) Zhang Qiao.[43] Qiao relied on his officers and officials, and in a month’s time he crushed the Lu bandits. This was a case in which sending a general was of no benefit, but where it was better to use the people at the region and commandery level. It is better to chose commanders who are brave strategists, benevolent and capable to serve as regional inspector and governor. Have them proceed together to Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. At present there are few troops in Nhật Nam/Rinan and they have no grain supplies. They cannot hold their own, and cannot fight either. The officials and people there should all be moved to the north to rely on Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Once the situation has settled, they can be ordered to return to their original homes. Savages can be recruited to fight each other. Gold and silk can be transported in to be used for expenses. For those who change sides and offer the heads [of rebels], [TB 2/21b] let them be rewarded with titles of nobility and land.
“The former regional inspector of Bing Region, Zhu Liang, is very decisive.[44] There is also Zhang Qiao of Nanyang, who previously had the achievement of crushing the Lu in Yi Region. They both can be employed. It is thus advisable to appoint Liang et. al., and to facilitate their passage.”
When Qiao arrived, he issued a soothing directive, and [the rebels] all surrendered and dispersed. When Liang arrived in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, he proceeded into rebel territory in a lone carriage. He established a strategy, and used his awe-inspiring reputation to summon [the rebels]. Tens of thousands surrendered. With this [the area] Beyond the Passes was again peaceful.[45]
[2/22a] Notes: 1. Zhang Qiao. He was from Nanyang.[46]
2. Zhu Liang. He was from Linxiang in Changsha.[47]
(Giáp tân [144 C.E.]; the first year of the Jiankang era.) In winter, during the tenth lunar month, Nhật Nam/Rinan people rebelled. The regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Hạ Phương/Xia Fang, defeated them.
[According to the] History of the Later Han, more than 1,000 people from Nhật Nam/Rinan again attacked and burned district seats, and then incited unrest in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and bordering areas. Regional Inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Xia Fang, issued a benevolent summons, and the bandits all submitted. Empress Dowager Liang, who was governing as regent, praised Fang’s accomplishments and promoted him to serve as governor of Guiyang, replacing him with Lưu Tảo/Liu Zao.[48]
(Canh tý [160 C.E.]; the third year of the Yanxi era of Emperor Huan of the Han’s reign.) In winter, during the 11th lunar month, the Han again appointed Xia Fang as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. The remaining Nhật Nam/Rinan rebels surrendered to him.
[According to the] History of the Later Han, prior to this the district magistrate in Cư Phong/Jufeng was avaricious and violent to no end. Chu Đạt/Zhu Da, a man from the district, and others joined forces with a group of savages to attack and kill the district magistrate. Their group reached four or five thousand. They then attacked Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. The governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nghê Thức/Ni Shi (pronounced Ngui) was killed in battle.[49] The Han sent Commandery Defender Ngụy Lãng/Wei Lang to quell them. The bandit leader still remained based in Nhật Nam/Rinan and his forces gained [TB 2/23a] in strength. At this point, Xia Fang was again appointed as regional inspector. Fang had an awe-inspiring reputation and was remarkable. When he arrived in the commandery, more than 20,000 bandits proceeded to surrender to him.
Notes: 1. Wei Lang. A person from Shangyu [District] in Kuaiji [Commandery].[50] He was loyal and upright, and was later promoted to the position of imperial secretary, but because of a factional dispute, was dismissed.
2. Cư Phong/Jufeng. This was Cư Phong/Jufeng District.[51] See the note under the 19th year in the Jianwu era of the Han [43 C.E.; TB 2/12a-2/12b].
(Mậu ngọ [178 C.E.]; the first year of the Guanghe era of Emperor Ling of the Han’s reign.) In spring, during the first lunar month, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Hợp Phố/Hepu and Ô Hử/Wuhu savages rebelled. Lương Long/Liang Long, a man from the region, took this opportunity to revolt. He attacked and plundered citadels and captured them.
[TB 2/23b] (Tân dậu [181 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Guanghe era of the Han.) In the summer, the Han appointed Chu Tuấn/Zhu Jun as regional inspector to attack and subdue [the rebels].
At that time, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Hợp Phố/Hepu and Ô Hử/Wuhu savages had long been in revolt. Regional Governor Chu Ngung/Zhou Yong could not defend against them. Lương Long/Liang Long, a man from the region, and others took this opportunity to raise troops and attack commandery and district seats. He had several tens of thousands of followers.[52]
At this point, the Han dispatched Lanling District Magistrate Zhu Jun to save Yong.[53] On the way he passed through his home commandery [of Kuaiji] and recruited his family militia and mobilized others, 5,000 men altogether. They proceeded along two routes. When they arrived at the regional border, [Zhu Jun] halted the troops. People were sent ahead to assess the situation, and to spread word of [Zhu Jun’s] moral awe in order to terrify [the rebels]. Then with soldiers from the seven commanderies [in the area] they pressed ahead. They attacked and killed Lương Long/Liang Long, and those who surrendered [TB 2/24a] numbered in the tens of thousands. In a month, all [disorder] was put down.
Notes: 1. Zhu Jun. He was from Kuaiji [Commandery].
2. Ô Hử/Wuhu. [According to] the “Account of the Southwestern Barbarians” in the History of the Later Han, Wan Zhen’s Treatise on Fabulous Objects from the Southern Regions [Nanzhou yiwu zhi] [records that] the territory of the Ô Hử/Wuhu is to the south of Guang Region and to the north of Giao/Jiao Region. They often appear on the road to assist travelers, but then attack them. They seek to capture the people to eat. They do not covet their valuables. They then use their flesh as a sacrificial offering. This is also called “the people eating kingdom.”
(Giáp tý [184 C.E.]; the first year of the Zhongping era of the Han.) In summer, during the fifth lunar month, the soldiers in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi revolted. The Han appointed Giả Mạnh Kiên/Jia Mengjian (Tông/Zong in the old [history]) as [TB 2/24b] regional inspector.
Troops stationed in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi captured and killed Regional Inspector Zhou Yong.[54] A person was then dispatched to the Han to recount Yong’s crimes. When the Han emperor heard this he issued an edict calling for the selection of a capable official. The authorities recommended Censor Jia Mengjian as regional inspector. Prior to this, those who had served as regional inspectors had all acted unscrupulously given that the area had such objects as precious pearls, kingfisher feathers, rhinoceroses, elephants, hawksbill turtles, fabulous incense and beautiful wood. They would enrich themselves and then request to be transferred. Therefore, officials and the people all rebelled against them. When Mengjian arrived in the commandery, he investigated the conditions of this rebellion and explained it all by saying, “Previous administrations levied taxes heavily and the people became [TB 2/25a] impoverished. With the capital so far away, they had nowhere to lodge a complaint, and could not make a living. They therefore banded together and resisted, but this was not a true rebellion.” He then sent people out to make consoling announcements, to get each person to settle into his occupation. He brought the unruly into submission, and cancelled the levying of taxes. After that, the cruel leaders were executed, and upright officials were chosen to govern over the commanderies and districts. The people were put at ease, and in the streets and harbors they sang his praise by singing, “Father Jia came late and caused us to rebel at first. Now all is at peace, and we dare not rebel again” (the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government] has “the officials will not appropriate [our] food”). Mengjian served for three years, and was then summoned to serve as court gentleman for consultation. He was replaced by a man from this region, Lý Tiến/Li Jin.
Imperial Appraisal [2/24b-2/25a]: In looking at this one can see that there were many capable and talented people during the Han. Later eras can not compare. At that time, there were still no civil service examinations, and yet they found people like these. Their accomplishments are evident. Yet when has the fame of the civil service exams and Neo-Confucianism [lý học/lixue] ever brought benefit to governing?
[TB 2/25b] Ngo [Thì] Sĩ noted that according to the History of the [Later] Han, there was a certain Mạnh Thường/Meng Chang from Shangyu [District] in Kuaiji [Commandery]. In the latter years of the Han, he became governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu. That commandery did not produce grains, but the sea gave forth pearls and other preciosities. It bordered Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, and these peoples would often engage in trade and barter in food and grain. At first those who governed [Hợp Phố/Hepu] were covetous and cruel. They forced people to gather [pearls and other goods] without limit, so that gradually the pearls shifted to the [area of the] Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi border.
When Chang arrived at his post, he abolished these destructive [practices]. In over a year, the departed pearls had returned. The people were all peacefully pursuing their occupations, and declared [Chang] to be divinely sagacious. Alas! If the various commanderies could all have governors like Meng Chang, then what hardship would our people have to rebel against?
[2/26a] Note. Mengjian. From Liaocheng [District] in Dong [Commandery], he was nominated for service in the category of the filial and incorrupt.[55] He was promoted to the position of lord of the metropolitan area, and established a record of good governance. At that point the authorities recommended that he be appointed as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
(Đinh mão [187 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Zhongping era of the Han.) The Han appointed Lý Tiến/Li Jin as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
[According to] the old history, Li Jin reported to the Han emperor that, “In all of the lands bounded [by the seas], there is no one who is not the monarch’s servant. At present, all who serve at the court are scholars from the Central Region. I have never heard of the rewarding and encouragement of men from afar.”[56] The import of his comments was moving, and he cited much evidence. The Han emperor issued an edict to the effect that men from our region who had attained the status of a filial and incorrupt or of an abundant talent could fill [the positions of] senior subalterns in our region, but could not take up positions in the Central Region.[57] Jin wrote again, saying, [TB 2/26b] “As for men who have attained the degree of filial and incorrupt, please treat them along with the erudite from the twelve regions according to their talent.”
The authorities, fearing that this man from afar was being preposterous and slandering the Central Court, did not grant his request. At that time, Lý Cầm/Li Qin, a man from our region, was an imperial bodyguard at the palace. He then asked Bốc Long/Bu Long and five or six others from his village to prostrate with him before the palace on the first day of the lunar year, the day when [the emperor] held an audience with [representatives from] the 10,000 kingdoms, and he said, “The emperor’s benevolence is not [distributed] equally.” The authorities asked why, and Qin stated, “Southern Việt/Yue is very remote, and is not covered by the August Heaven nor supported by the Sovereign Soil. Therefore, nourishing rains do not fall, and cool winds do not blow.” These words expressed sincere hardship. An edict was issued to console [the people in the region] by appointing one of our cultivated talents to serve as magistrate of Xiayang, [TB 2/27a] and one filial and incorrupt to serve as magistrate of Liuhe.[58] Later, Li Qin reached the position of metropolitan commandant. Trương Trọng/Zhang Zhong became governor of Jincheng [Commandery].[59] As such, our Việt talents came to be promoted the same as our Han counterparts. Li Jin and Li Qin opened the way for this.
Comment: [According to] the Former Writings from South of the Passes [Lingnan yishu], Zhang Zhong was from Hợp Phố/Hepu. He was learned and a good speaker, a famed scholar from the Southern Reaches.[60] The regional inspector selected him to serve as accounts clerk retainer for Nhật Nam/Rinan. When he arrived in Luo[yang], Emperor Ming [r., 58-75 C.E.] was surprised at his diminutive stature and asked, “From what commandery is this subofficial functionary?” Responding in a defiant tone, Zhong stated, “I am the accounts clerk from Nhật Nam/Rinan, not a subofficial functionary. Does Your Highness wish to obtain men of talent [TB 2/27b] or to discuss their physical attributes?” The emperor liked his answer.
On the occasion of the great banquet on the first day of the lunar year, the emperor asked, “Is it true that people in Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery face the north to look at the sun?”[61] Zhong responded that “There are commanderies called Yunzhong [lit., ‘in the clouds’] and Jincheng [lit., ‘golden citadel’]. It is not necessarily the case that all of this is true. The sun in Nhật Nam/Rinan also rises in the east. As for the climate being warm and the sun’s shadow falling straight overhead, [that is true]. Officials and the people follow their preferences and place their dwellings to face east, west, north and south with no set pattern. This is what we can call the sun’s territory in the south.” The emperor was even more pleased, and rewarded [Zhong] with gold brocade.
In carefully examining what this text records, it says that during the time of Emperor Huan [r., 147-167 C.E.], Từ Trưng/Xu Zheng, a man from Lipu, often liked to compare himself [TB 2/28a] to Zhang Zhong. There is absolutely no question then that Zhang Zhong was a person who lived during the time of Han Emperor Ming. What is more, Li Jin served as regional inspector several decades after Zhang Zhong. The old history, on the other hand, stated that later Li Qin reached the position of metropolitan commandant. Zhang Zhong became governor of Jincheng [Commandery]. Li Jin opened the way for this. It is probably the case that Emperor Ming was mistaken for Emperor Ming of the Jin [r., 323-325 C.E.]. This section has quite a few errors. Here we have examined the issue and corrected them.
Notes. 1. Lý Tiến/Li Jin. [According to] the Record of the Former Worthies of the Hundred Yue [Baiyue xianxian zhi], he was a man from Cao Hưng/Gaoxing in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. He was bright [TB 2/28b] and well-versed in the classics. He was appointed to the commandery labor section, and later promoted all the way to commandant of cavalry. In the second year of the Yonghe era [137 C.E.], Jing savages rebelled. Jin was dispatched as governor of Lingling [Commandery] to quell them.[62] During the Zhongping era [184-188 C.E.], he replaced Jia Mengjian as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. He memorialized the throne to request that the same rules pertaining to nominees for office be followed [in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi]. Later, Nguyễn Cầm/Ruan Qin, as a cultivated talent, reached the position of metropolitan commandant. The selecting of talents from Giao Chỉ alongside their counterparts from the Central Region truly started with Jin.
2. Lý Cầm/Li Qin. The Record of the Former Worthies of the Hundred Yue has him as Nguyễn Cầm/Ruan Qin, and says that he was from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. [According to] Gao Xiongzheng’s Treatise on Annan [Annan zhiyuan, Li Qin and Zhang Zhong both distinguished themselves through the civil service exams.
[TB 2/29a] The Han appointed Sĩ Nhiếp/Shi Xie as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
His biography in the “Treatise on Wu” [records that] Xie’s courtesy name was Yanwei, and that he was from Guangxin [District] in Cangwu [Commandery].[63] His predecessors were from Wenyang in the Kingdom of Lu.[64] At the time of the disturbances caused by Wang Mang [r., 9-23 C.E.] they fled to Giao/Jiao Region.[65] Six generations passed until Xie. His father, Si, was governor of Nhat Nhật/Rinan during the reign of Emperor Huan. When Xie was young, he journeyed to the capital to study. He studied under Liu Ziqi of Yingchuan [Commandery], and focused on Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals.[66] He was recommended as filial and incorrupt and appointed a secretarial court gentleman. For reasons related to official business, he was dismissed from office. His father, Si, passed away. After that, [Xie] became a cultivated talent. He was appointed magistrate of Wuyang, and then promoted to governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
[TB 2/29b] Note that Shi Xie was just a Han governor, and was never called a king. The old history had a separate section [for Shi Xie]. This is not in accordance with the proper rules, and has here been eliminated.
(Tân tỵ [201 C.E.]; the sixth year of the Jianan era of Emperor Xian of the Han’s reign.) The Han appointed Trương Tân/Zhang Jin as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
Prior to this, Regional Inspector Chu Phù/Zhu Fu had placed a lot of men from his home village in positions as senior subalterns. They abused the people, and taxed them heavily. The people became angry and rebelled. They raised troops and attacked the regional and commandery seats.[67] Fu fled out to sea and was killed. The Han emperor then ordered Zhang Jin to serve as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.
(Quý mùi [203 C.E.]; the eighth year of the Jianan era of the Han.) The Han established Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi as Giao/Jiao Region.
[TB 2/30a] Earlier, during the reign of Emperor Shun [r., 126-144 C.E.], the governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Zhou Chang, requested that it be established as a region, but the officials at court did not approve. Now at this point Regional Inspector Zhang Jin and Governor Shi Xie together submitted a memorial requesting the establishment of a region. It was only then that Giao/Jiao Region was established, on a par with the Central Region and others. Zhang Jin was appointed regional governor. The name Giao/Jiao Region came into existence at this time.
(Đinh hợi [207 C.E.]; the 12th year of the Jianan era of the Han.) The Han appointed Shi Xie as Commandant for Appeasing the South with authority to oversee seven commanderies and to serve as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. He was subsequently appointed as General for Calming Distant [Places] and granted the title, Marquis of Longdu Pavilion.
In [Shi Xie’s] biography in the “Treatise on the Wu” [it states that] prior to this the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Zhu Fu, was killed by barbarian bandits. There was unrest in the region and [TB 2/30b] its commanderies. Xie thereupon requested that his younger brother Nhất/Yi serve as governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, and his second younger brother, Magistrate of Xuwen [District] Vị/Wei (Pronounced “vị/wei.” The old history had “vị/wei.” That was incorrect.), serve as governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.[68] Wei’s younger brother, Vũ/Wu, served as governor of Nam Hải/Nanhai.
Xie was generous in nature and humble to his subordinates. Many scholars from the Middle Kingdom went to rely on him [for protection]. He was extremely fond of the Spring and Autumn Annals and annotated them. Yuan Hui, from the Kingdom of Chen (Hui at that time was residing in Giao/Jiao Region) wrote to Director of the Imperial Secretariat Xun Yu and said, “The commandery governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi has vast knowledge and excels at executing administrative matters. [Although] in the midst of unrest, he has held the commandery together for more than 20 years with no incidents on this frontier. The people have not lost their occupations [due to warfare], and travelers have all [TB 2/31a] benefited from this good fortune. Although Mr. Dou (the old [history] has Rong) controlled Hexi, how could he have surpassed [Shi Xie]?[69]
“When taking a break from official matters, he reads texts, and is particularly well-versed in the Spring and Autumn Annals and Mr. Zuo’s Commentary. I have queried him many times about questions I have [with these texts], and he has always offered model explanations, dense with meaning. He is also versed in the Venerated Documents [Shangshu], and knows all of the ancient and current explanations. Having heard of the debate at the capital concerning the study of new and old texts, he now wishes to list the most prominent points in Mr. Zuo’s [Commentary] and the Venerated Documents, and to present this [to the Emperor].” This reveals how he was praised.
With his brothers in the commanderies, Xie ruled mightily over this remote region, 10,000 leagues away. The awe of respect [that he presented] was unsurpassed. He departed and arrived to the sound of bells and musical stones, which presented a scene of grandeur. At that time, all valued [TB 2/31b] and respected him, and the myriad savages were terrified into submission. Commandant [Zhao] Tuo could not surpass him.
After Zhu Fu died, the Han sent Zhang Jin to serve as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Jin was subsequently murdered by his general, Khu Cảnh/Qu Jing. Then the regional governor of Jing Region, Liu Biao, sent Lingling Magistrate Lại Cung/Lai Gong to replace Jin. At this time, the governor of Cangwu, Shi Huang, died. Biao then sent Wu Ju to replace him. He arrived together with Gong.
When the Han heard that Zhang Jin had died, they presented Xie with a [document] stamped [by the emperor] which stated, “Giao/Jiao Region is a remote territory amongst the south’s rivers and seas. From above [the emperor’s] benevolence cannot be declared, while below, [the people’s] righteousness is obstructed. We know that the traitorous bandit Liu Biao has sent Lai Gong to spy on the southern land. I presently appoint you Commandant for Appeasing the South with authority to oversee the seven [TB 2/32a] commanderies and to serve as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi as before.”
Later Xie dispatched the subofficial functionary, Trương Mân/Zhang Min, to present tribute at the capital. At that time All Under Heaven was in disorder. Roads were cut off. However, Xie did not stop presenting tribute. [The emperor] again issued an order [for Shi Xie] to be appointed General for Calming Distant [Places] and granted the title, Marquis of Longdu Pavilion. Later, Ju and Gong both left. [Wu Ju] raised troops and attacked Gong, who fled back to Lingling.
Note. Xuwen. The “Treatise on Commanderies and Kingdoms” in the History of the Later Han [records that] Xuwen was a district under the jurisdiction of Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery.
[1] This passage does not follow the text of the Annotated Classic of Waterways exactly, and as a result, contains a couple of errors. First, the text referred to here as the Record of the Citadel should be the Record of the Outer Region of Jiaozhou [Jiaozhou waiyu ji]. Second, there is an extra character meaning “to rule” in the second to last sentence. That sentence should read as follows: “General Lu then appointed the two emissaries as governors of Giao Chi/Jiaozhi and Cuu Chan/Jiuzhen, and the various Lac generals ruled over the people as before.” The Annotated Classic of Waterways notes that in some additions an extra character meaning “to rule” had been added to this passage. See Li Daoyuan, Shuijing zhu, 37/6a.
[2] The first sentence here is noting that the Records of the Historian employs a different character, although pronounced the same, for “xia” in the name Xunxia. See Sima Qian, Shiji, Liezhuan 113, Nanyue liezhuan 53.
[3] “Shimen” means “stone gate.”
[4] The text has “general” (jiangjun) instead of “campaigning army” (xingjun) here. I have corrected this to match Yan Shigu’s original statement. See Hanshu, Liezhuan 95, Xinanyi Liangguang Chaoxian liezhuan di 65, Nanyue.
[5] For Meng Kang’s comment, see ibid; Ou Daren, Baiyue xianxian zhi, 1a and 16b-17a.
[6] Lu Chun’s comment is in Hanshu 28 xia, Dili zhi di 8 xia. The term tỉ ảnh/bijing here means something like “line up with one’s shadow.” The Annotated Classic of Waterways states “that the sun is over one’s head and one’s shadow below it. [One’s body] together with [one’s] shadow line up.” See Li Daoyuan, Shuijing zhu, Wenshui.
[7] The second character in this name is written using an older version of a common character.
[8] I follow Hucker in the administrative terminology which I use. Unfortunately he uses “region” to refer to two entities which existed during the Han, bộ/bu and châu/zhou. The first were large administrative units which were established early in the dynasty.
[9] This is not an accurate citation. That passage in the Annotated Classic of Waterways is as follows: “In the 23rd year of the Jianan reign [218 C.E.], when the region had just been established, dragon serpents would coil interwoven together along the northern and southern banks. Therefore Long Uyên/Longyuan was changed, and the name of Long Biên/Longbian was employed.” See Li Daoyuan, 37/8b. “Long Biên/Longbian” means “dragons interweaving.”
[10] This is a reference to Nguyễn Trãi’s (1380-1442) geographical work, Ức Trai dư địa chí [Ức Trai’s territorial treatise], which is no longer extant under this title, but there are many geographical works by other titles which are attributed to Nguyễn Trãi.
[11] Phong Châu is an extremely problematic term. It could be translated as “Phong Region,” but it is a place name which Vietnamese historians wrote about as existing prior to the time of Chinese rule.
[12] Gu Zuyu (1631-1692), Dushi fangyu jiyao [Essentials of the terrain for reading history].
[13] Regional governors (mục/mu) ruled over regions (châu/zhou), which coordinated the activities of commanderies (quận/jun) which were ruled over by governors (thái thú/taishou). The text should therefore say that Deng Rang was regional governor of Giao/Jiao Region (Giao Châu/Jiaozhou) not of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was a commandery.
[14] This was a title of nobility which the Han granted for merit in serving the dynasty. See Hucker, 311.
[15] Hanzhong was the name of a commandery that was in the area of what is today the southern part of Shaanxi Province and the northwestern part of Hubei Province.
[16] This was in the area of what is today southwestern Henan Province and northern Hubei Province.
[17] What I have translated as “monarch” is vương/wang. This term is not gender specific. It could thus also be translated as “queen” or “king.”
[18] Li Xian was a Tang Dynasty prince who lived in the seventh century and wrote annotations to the History of the Later Han.
[19] The “phong/feng” in this second name is written with a different character than in the first, although it is pronounced the same.
[20] Prior to the Tang, there were “regions” (châu/zhou) which oversaw “commanderies” (quận/jun) which oversaw “districts” (huyện/xian). During the Tang, the commanderies were abolished, and the term which had previously referred to “regions” (châu/zhou) came to be used for an administrative unit which directly oversaw districts. Hucker translates this new entity as “prefecture,” and I am following his usage. However, in reality there does not appear to have been a smooth and immediate transition. What is more, historians used terms anachronistically. As a result, serious readers are encouraged to investigate these matters more thoroughly.
[21] See Suishu, juan 53, liezhuan 18.
[22] Du You, Tongdian [Comprehensive (Collection of) Institutional (Documents)], (801), (Taipei: Xinxing shudian, 1959), juan 188, pg. 1007.
[23] See Xin Tangshu, juan 222 xia, liezhuan 147 xia.
[24] Yue Shi, Taiping huanyu ji, 170/9a-b. Yue Shi’s text states, “As for the sea route, from Nanan Prefecture one must travel on the Southern Sea [Nam Hải/Nanhai] over 3,000 leagues to reach Lâm Ấp/Linyi. [So] Giao/Jiao Region’s bronze pillars are about 5,000 leagues [away].”
[25] Muzhang’a et al. comps., Da Qing yitong zhi [Comprehensive Gazetteer of the Great Qing], (1820), 450/8a.
[26] There is a note here indicating that the character for “Kiển” in the text is a simplified version of a more complex character.
[27] “Kiển/Jian” refers to an elliptically shaped cocoon.
[28] This is a reference to the Han Dynasty emperors Di (r., 58-75 C.E.), Zhang (r., 76-88 C.E.), He (r., 89-105 C.E.), Shang (r., 106 C.E.), and An (r., 107-125 C.E.).
[29] Jiujiang was the name of a commandery in the area of what is today Jiangxi Province.
[30] The History of the Later Han actually says that it was “2,000 savages” who came and plundered.
[31] Kan Yin was a scholar during the Wei Dynasty (220-265 C.E.). He compiled a geographical text entitled the Treatise on the Thirteen Regions [Shisan zhou zhi]. See Wei shu, juan 52, liezhuan 40.
[32] This is a reference to Zhu Xi’s (1130-1200 C.E.) Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government [Zizhi tongjian gangmu], which was a summary of Sima Guang’s (1019-1086 C.E.) Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government [Zizhi tongjian].
[33] The Nine Enclosures (jiuwei) was another name for the Nine Continents (jiuzhou), or the nine sections into which the earliest Chinese empires were reportedly divided.
[34] With a few changes, this translation of the “six articles” comes from Wang Yü-ch’üan, “An Outline of the Central Government of the Former Han Dynasty,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 12 (1949): 159-160.
[35] Zhang Jiushao was a Ming Dynasty scholar.
[36] The two texts referred to here are Zhu Xi’s Zizhi tongjian gangmu, and an eighteenth-century imperially commissioned revision of the Zizhi tongjian, the Zizhi tongjian jilan, also known as the Yupi lidai zizhi tongjian jilan.
[37] Lĩnh Kiểu/Lingjiao (lit., “ridges and mountains”) was another name for the Five Passes in the mountains in the north of what is today Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. Here it serves as a general reference to the areas south of these passes.
[38] At the time, these “Four Offices” were the Office of the General-in-chief [Da jiangjun fu], Office of the Defender-in-chief [Taiwei fu], Office of the Minister of Education [Situ fu], and the Office of the Minister of Works [Sikong fu]. The “hundred officials” is a generic term for officials.
[39] These are all old names for different parts of China. Jing refers to an area centered around the modern provinces of Hubei and Hunan. Yang was in what is today Shanxi Province, while Yan was in the area of southwestern Hebei and northern Shandong. Finally, Yu refers to part of present day Henan Province.
[40] These terms refer to measurements of grain. There were 100 thưng/sheng in each hộc/hu.
[41] Yi Region [Yizhou] was in present-day Sichuan Province. The Qiang were an ethnic group which lived in that region.
[42] Lu was a term that was used to refer to the Xiongnu and other nomadic peoples who lived to the northwest of China. Here it refers to the Qiang.
[43] Actually, the “old history” has assistant department magistrate [zhoupan] which was a Qing Dynasty position, whereas the text here has supervisor of the region [panzhou], a Song Dynasty position. Both texts are therefore incorrect. Regional Inspector is the correct title.
[44] Bing Region was in the area of what is today Shanxi and Hebei Provinces.
[45] “Beyond the Passes” (Lĩnh Ngoai/Lingwai) refers to the area south of the Five Passes.
[46] Nanyang was a commandery in the area of what is today southwestern Henan Province and northern Hubei Province.
[47] The district of Linxiang was where the capital of Changsha Commandery was located, in the area of present Hunan Province.
[48] Houhan shu, juan 116, Nanman xinnanyi zhuan di 76. [this is not from the computer, because the computer has the information wrong]
[49] I have transcribed his name in modern Mandarin. As the note indicates, however, it was not pronounced this way in the past.
[50] This was in the area of where today Jiangsu and Zhejiang Provinces meet.
[51] The History of the Later Han uses a different character for phong/feng in Cư Phong/Jufeng, than had been used earlier in this work. The purpose of this note is to point out that it is nonetheless a reference to the same place.
[52] The History of the Later Han refers to Liang Long as a Jiaozhi “bandit” (giặc/zei), and that he and his followers cooperated with the governor of Nanhai, Kong Zhi. Huang Pugao, Zhu Yong Liezhuan di 61.
[53] Lanling District was in what is today Shandong Province.
[54] The History of the Later Han records that “In the first year of the Zhongping era, troops stationed in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi rebelled. They captured the regional inspector and the governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, and declared themselves the Cassia Heaven Generals [Guitian Jiangjun].” Houhan shu, Liezhuan 61, Jia Zong zhuan.
[55] Dong Commandery was in the area of what is today Shandong Province. The Han had a system by which local officials could recommend men for appointment at the capital. These men were categorized, and “filial and incorrupt” (hiếu liêm/xiaolian) was the most prestigious. See Hucker, 237.
[56] The “Central Region” (Trung Châu/Zhongzhou) can refer to either China in general or more specifically to the heartland of the Chinese empire, around the Yellow and Wei rivers.
[57] An “abundant talent” (mậu tài/maocai) was a Han-era variant of the category of “cultivated talent” (tú tài/xiucai). Like the category of the “filial and incorrupt,” this was a category to which men were nominated before being considered for official employment by the government.
[58] Liuhe was a district in what is today Jiangsu Province. But it was established by the Sui. I have not been able to identify where Xiayang was.
[59] Jincheng Commandery was in the area of what is today Gansu Province.
[60] The “Southern Reaches” (Lĩnh Biảo/Lingbiao) refers to the same general area as the term “South of the Passes” (Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan).
[61] The Emperor asked this question because Nhật Nam/Rinan literally means “south of the sun.”
[62] Jing is a very old name that refers to a long stretch of area encompassing present Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Guizhou, Guangdong and part of Guangxi Provinces. Lingling was a commandery in the area of what is today Guangxi Province.
[63] The “Treatise on Wu” is a section in the Treatise on the Three Kingdoms [Sanguo zhi], the standard history for the first few decades following the fall of the Han Dynasty in 220 C.E. Cangwu Commandery was in the area of present day Guangxi Province.
[64] The Kingdom of Lu was a kingdom during the Spring and Autumn Period [770-476 B.C.E.] in the area of what is today Shandong Province.
[65] Wang Mang was an official who overthrew the Han Dynasty and established his own dynasty during these years.
[66] Yingchuan was a commandery in what is today Henan Province. Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals [Zuoshi chunqiu] is Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu zuozhuan], a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, one of the Five Classics.
[67] The original talks about the people rising in rebellion, and savages coming out of the mountains.
[68] Xuwen was a district in Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery, in the area of what is today Guangxi Province. The character for Wei’s name is obscure and consists of the following two parts: 黃/有. The character which the old history had was pronounced the same but written differently 鮪.
[69] Dou Rong (16 B.C.E.-62 C.E.) was a Han Dynasty official. He controlled the area of Hexi, roughly where modern Gansu Province is today, during the period when Wang Mang usurped the throne, and then submitted to Liu Xiu when he restored the Han Dynasty in 25 C.E.