ĐVSKTT NK 2
[NK 2/1a] Chapter Two of the Outer Annals of the Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt
Annals of the Triệu/Zhao
Emperor Vũ/Wu
He ruled for seventy one years and lived to the age of 121.
Master Triệu/Zhao took advantage of the Qin’s decline, killed the Qin senior subalterns, occupied the area of Lĩnh Nam/Lingnan, and declared himself emperor. He was equal rival of the Han, and his kingdom lasted for 100 years. He was really a heroic ruler.
His surname was Triệu/Zhao, and his given name, Đà/Tuo. He was from the Han district of Zhending. He established his capital at Panyu. (Today this is in Guangdong.)
Giáp ngọ [207 B.C.E.]; the first year [of his reign] (the third year [in the reign] of Ershi of the Qin).
The emperor annexed the lands of Lâm Ấp/Linyi and Tượng/Xiang Commandery, and established himself as the King of Southern Việt/Yue.
Ất mùi [206 B.C.E.]; the second year [of his reign] (the first year [in the reign] of the Hegemon-King of Western Chu, Xiang Ji, and the first year in the reign of the Prince of Han, Liu Bang).
In this year, the Qin came to an end.
[NK 2/1b] Đinh dậu [204 B.C.E.]; the fourth year [of his reign] (the third year [in the reign] of Xiang Ji of Chu, and the third year [in the reign] of Liu Bang of Han).
In winter, on the final day of the tenth lunar month, there was a solar eclipse.
In the eleventh lunar month, on the final day of the month, there was a solar eclipse.
Mậu tuất [203 B.C.E.]; the fifth year [of his reign] (the fourth year [in the reign] of Xiang Ji of Chu, and the fourth year [in the reign] of Liu Bang of Han).
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, there was a comet near Arcturus.
Kỷ hợi [202 B.C.E.]; the sixth year [of his reign] (the fifth year [in the reign] of Emperor Gao of the Han).
In spring, during the second lunar month, the Prince of Han ascended the imperial throne. In this year, Western Chu came to an end.
Quý mão [198 B.C.E.]; the 10th year [of his reign] (the ninth year [in the reign] of Emperor Gao of the Han).
The emperor ordered two emissaries to take control of the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.
Ất tỵ [196 B.C.E.]; the 12th year [of his reign] (the 11th year [in the reign] of Emperor Gao of the Han).
After the Han [emperor] pacified All Under Heaven, he heard that the emperor was already ruling as a king over Việt/Yue. [He] therefore dispatched Lu Jia to appoint the emperor as the King of Southern Việt/Yue, bestow a seal and a tally for envoys to carry as identification, and to get him to bring peace to the Hundred Việt/Yue so that they would no longer plunder and cause destruction. When the envoy arrived, the emperor met [Lu] Jia sitting with his legs outstretched. [Lu] Jia stated, “King, you are originally [NK 2/2a] a Han. Your relatives and graves are all in Han [territory]. Now you contravene established custom and wish to occupy this area and oppose the Han as an enemy. Is this not a blatant error?[1]
“The Qin lost power. They were expelled collectively by the people of All Under Heaven. However, the Han emperor was magnanimous and cherished people. The people willingly supported him. He rose [in rebellion against the Qin] in Feng [Township] in Pei [District], and was the first to enter the Pass, occupy Xianyang, and eradicate the evil elements.[2] Within five years order was restored and all within the four seas was pacified. This was not [produced] through human strength, but could only have been through the grace of Heaven.
“When the Han emperor heard that the king was ruling here as a king, he wished to defeat you once and for all. Yet realizing that this would cause renewed hardship for the people, he decided to put that idea aside for now. He dispatched this emissary to entrust the king with this imperial seal and sash. The king should proceed to the outskirts [of the citadel] to receive me in order to demonstrate respect. Since you did not do this, you can prepare and perform the rites now. How can you presume on the backing of the Hundred Việt/Yue masses to insult the emissary of the Son of Heaven? If the Son of Heaven hears of this, he will send troops to punish you. Then what will you do, King?”
The emperor leapt up in fright and stated, “I have lived here a long time and have completely [NK 2/2b] forgotten the proper rituals and propriety.” He then asked Jia, “Who is the more capable and virtuous, Xiao He, Cao Can or I?”[3] “You, King, are more capable and virtuous.” He then asked, “Who is the more capable and virtuous, the Han emperor or I?” Jia stated, “The Emperor has continued the enterprise of the Five Emperors and the Three Kings and rules over the Han. The people are counted in the millions, and the land extends for myriads of leagues. Its goods are abundant and its people wealthy. It is ruled over by a single family. Since the beginning of time, there has never been anything like this. At present, King, your people do not exceed 100,000, and they are scattered among the mountains and along the sea. [Your land] can be compared to one of the Han’s commanderies, but how can one compare it to the Han?” The King laughed and said, “I regret that I did not begin my uprising there, for how can I not be on a par with the Han [emperor]?” Jia remained silent with a look of dejection.
[Zhao Tuo] had Jia stay for several months, and said to him, “In Việt/Yue there is no one worth talking to. With your arrival, Master, I have been able to daily learn of things that I had never heard of before.” He granted Jia a sack filler worth 1,000 pieces of gold. When Jia returned, [Zhao Tuo] again gave him a thousand pieces of gold. (A sack filler is a sack filled with precious gems.)
[NK 2/3a] Bính ngọ [195 B.C.E.]; the 13th year [of his reign] (the 12th year [in the reign] of Emperor Gao of the Han).
In summer, during the fourth lunar month, the Han emperor passed away.
Canh tuất [191 B.C.E.]; the 17th year [of his reign] (the fourth year [in the reign] of Emperor Hui of the Han, Ying).
In the summer the Han established Yuan Temple to the north of the Wei [River].[4]
Quý sửu [188 B.C.E.]; the 20th year [of his reign] (the seventh year [in the reign] of Emperor Hui of the Han).
In spring, on the first day of the first lunar month, there was an eclipse of the sun. In summer, during the fifth lunar month there was a total eclipse of the sun. In autumn, during the eighth lunar month, the Han emperor passed away.
Ất mão [186 B.C.E.]; the 22nd year [of his reign] (the second year [in the reign] of Empress Gao of the Han, Lü Zhi).
In summer, on the final day of the sixth lunar month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
Đinh tỵ [184 B.C.E.]; the 24th year [of his reign] (the fourth year [in the reign] of Empress Gao of the Han).
The Han prohibited the sale at Southern Việt/Yue border markets of articles made of iron. The emperor said, “Emperor Gao established me in my position. Our envoys exchanged visits and goods. Now Empress Gao, having listened to slanderous officials, discriminates between Han and Việt/Yue goods.[5] This must be the scheme of the King of Changsha. He desires to rely on the moral sway of Han in his plan to annex and rule over our kingdom so as to increase his own prestige.”
[NK 2/3b] Mậu ngọ [183 B.C.E.]; the 25th year [of his reign] (the fifth year [in the reign] of Empress Gao of the Han).
In spring the emperor ascended the emperor’s throne. He sent troops to attack Changsha, where he defeated several commanderies and then returned.[6]
Canh thân [181 B.C.E.]; the 27th year [of his reign] (the seventh year [in the reign] of Empress Gao of the Han).
The Han sent the Marquis of Longlü, Zhou Zao, to attack Southern Việt/Yue to avenge the operation against Changsha. At that time it was hot and humid and many soldiers became sick, so the mission was called off. The emperor thereupon used his military might and wealth to assuage Minyue and Western Âu Lạc/Oulue (that is, Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen), both of which submitted. From east to west, [his realm now stretched] for more than 10,000 leagues. He rode in a gold-topped carriage with streamers on the left, and exercised the authority of an emperor, on par with the Han.[7]
Tân dậu [180 B.C.E.]; the 28th year [of his reign] (the eighth year [in the reign] of Empress Gao of the Han).
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, Empress Gao passed away. The various officials invited Prince of Dai, Heng, to serve as Emperor Wen.
Nhâm tuất [179 B.C.E.]; the 29th year [of his reign] (the first year [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the Han, Heng).
The Han emperor appointed officials to guard the tombs of the emperor’s [i.e., Zhao Tuo’s] relatives in Zhending [NK 2/4a], and to make annual offerings. He also enlisted [Zhao Tuo’s] brothers to serve in honored positions, and bestowed much upon them. He asked Grand Councilor Chen Ping who could serve as an envoy to Việt/Yue. Ping said that Lu Jia had served as an envoy to Việt/Yue under the previous emperor. The [Han] emperor appointed Lu Jia as Superior Grand Master of the Palace, and a receptionist as his vice envoy, to deliver a letter to the emperor which stated, “It is with great earnestness that I inquire of the King of Southern Việt/Yue, who has suffered at heart and fully exerted his good intentions. I am the son of a collateral branch of the house of Emperor Gao. I was expelled to the north where I took up a post in the border area of Dai. So far away, cut off from information and living in ignorance, I never once transmitted a letter [to you]. August Emperor Gao abandoned his officials. August Emperor Xiaohui passed away. Empress Gao took control, but then unfortunately fell ill. Members of the Lü clan grabbed power and rebelled, but they were unable to hold sole power. The son of a collateral line was found to serve as August Emperor Xiaohui’s descendent. Thanks to the support of the departed spirits of the imperial temple, and the efforts of meritorious officials, [the members of the Lü clan] were killed and the situation stabilized. Because the vassals and officials would not let me decline, I had no choice but to ascend the throne, and have now done so.
“I recently heard that you sent a letter to the general [NK 2/4b], the marquis of Longlü, to ask him to look after your brothers, and to dismiss the two generals in Changsha.[8] I have followed your letter and have dismissed the general, the marquis of Boyang. As for your brothers in Zhending, I have dispatched people to ask after them, and have ordered that the tombs of your predecessors be renovated.
“I heard not long ago that you sent troops to the border and that they pillaged and harassed endlessly. This caused suffering for Changsha, and particularly for its southernmost commanderies. Did your kingdom really accrue benefit from this? You had to kill many soldiers, wound good officers and officials, cause wives to become widows, sons to become orphans, and leave parents childless. For every single gain, there were ten losses. I cannot bear to act in such a manner. I wish to settle this issue of overlapping territorial authority, so I asked my officials about the matter. They said, ‘August Emperor Gao placed the border at Changsha because [beyond that] is the king’s land, and he dared not make changes on his own.’ At present were I to gain your land, it would not be enough to be considered extensive. Were I to obtain the king’s wealth, it would not be enough to be considered rich. So you go ahead and rule the lands to the south of Fuling yourself.[9] However, now that you call yourself [NK 2/5a] an emperor, we have two emperors standing side by side but have yet to exchange a single diplomatic visit. This is a conflict. To engage in conflict and not make concessions is something which a benevolent individual will not do. I hope that together we will forget our past troubles, and from this point onward exchange envoys as before. I have therefore sent Lu Jia to announce to you my intent. You should accept it, and cease your pillaging and harassment. I am also giving you fifty robes of high-grade cotton, thirty robes of medium-grade cotton, and twenty robes of low-grade cotton. I hope that you will listen to music and dispel your worries, and inquire about affairs in neighboring kingdoms.”
When Jia arrived, the emperor thanked him saying, “I respectfully receive the imperial order to serve as a border vassal, and will eternally uphold the task of presenting tribute.”[10] He thereupon issued an edict which stated, “I have heard that two heroes cannot stand together, and two wise men cannot inhabit the same age.[11] The August Emperor of Han is a wise Son of Heaven. From this point forward I will cease to rule as an emperor, and will no longer make use of a gold-topped carriage with streamers on the left.”
He thereupon wrote a letter [to Emperor Wen] in which he declared, “This old-timer, Tuo, General-in-chief of the Barbarians, risks death in again presenting a letter to His Highness, the August Emperor. This old-timer is a former official of Việt/Yue. Emperor Gao granted me a seal [NK 2/5b] and sash, and appointed me King of Southern Việt/Yue. When August Emperor Xiaohui ascended the throne, he felt duty bound to continue this practice, and was generous in his care for this old-timer. Empress Gao came to power and made a distinction between Efflorescents and Barbarians.[12] She issued an order which stated: ‘Do not sell metal, iron, or farm tools to Southern Việt/Yue. If you sell horses, cattle or sheep, sell only males. Do not sell females.’
“This old timer resides in a remote region. The horses, cattle and sheep here are all old already. I know that not performing the sacrifices is a crime punishable by death. So I dispatched Chamberlain for the Capital Pan, Commandant-in-ordinary Gao, and Censor Ping to present a confession of my faults, but none of them returned. This old-timer also heard a rumor that the graves of his parents had been destroyed, and that his brothers and relatives had been executed. My officials then discussed the matter together and said, “Internally we cannot stand up to the Han, and externally we have no means to elevate and distinguish ourselves from [the Kingdom of] Wu.”[13] I therefore changed my title to emperor, and served as emperor myself over this kingdom. I dared not bring harm to All Under Heaven. When Empress Gao heard this she became furious, eliminated Southern Việt’s/Yue’s register, and ordered that emissaries no longer make mutual visits.
“This old-timer suspected that the king of Changsha had slandered him,[14] [NK 2/6a] and therefore sent soldiers to attack [the Changsha] frontier.[15] This old-timer has resided in Việt/Yue for forty nine years, and has grandchildren already. Nonetheless, I spend most of my time awake. When I sleep, I do so restlessly. I cannot enjoy the flavor of the foods I eat, nor the beauty of the sights I see and the music I hear. All of this is because I have not been able to serve the Han. At present His Highness has taken mercy, and is allowing [for me to resume] the old title, and for emissaries to proceed as before. So now even if this old-timer dies, his bones will not rot. He has changed his title, and dares not use the title ‘emperor.’
“I am therefore respectfully having this emissary present a piece of fine white jade, 1,000 kingfisher tails, ten rhinoceros horns, 500 cowry shells, a case of cassia-eating insects, forty live kingfishers, and two peacocks.[16] Risking death, I again pay my obeisance and make these issues known to His Highness the Emperor.”
Lu Jia obtained this letter and returned to report. The Han emperor was very pleased. From this point onward, North and South were on good terms, and the soldiers and people were able to gain a respite.
Quý hợi [178 B.C.E.]; the 30th year [of his reign] (the second year [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the Han).
In winter, on the last day of the tenth lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
[NK 2/6b] Giáp tý [177 B.C.E.]; the 31st year [of his reign] (the third year [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the Han).
In winter, on the last day of the tenth lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
On the last day of the eleventh lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
Tân tỵ [160 B.C.E.]; the 48th year [of his reign] (the fourth year of the Houyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the Han).
In summer, on the last day of the fourth lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
Giáp than [157 B.C.E.]; the 51st year [of his reign] (the seventh year [of the Houyuan era in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the Han).
In summer, during the sixth lunar month, the Han emperor passed away. An edict was issued calling for a reduced mourning period.
In autumn, during the ninth lunar month there was a comet in the west.
Ất dậu [156 B.C.E.]; the 52nd year [of his reign] (the first year [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han, Qi).
The Han issued an edict ordering the commanderies and kingdoms to establish temples to the great patriarch [Emperor Wen].
Bính tuất [155 B.C.E.]; the 53rd year [of his reign] (the second year [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In winter, during the 11th lunar month, there was a comet in the west.
Đinh hợi [154 B.C.E.]; the 54th year [of his reign] (the third year [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In spring, during the first lunar month, a long-tailed star appeared in the west. On the last day of this month there was a solar eclipse.
[NK 2/7a] Mậu tý [153 B.C.E.]; the 55th year [of his reign] (the fourth year [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In winter, on the last day of the 10th lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
Quý tỵ [148 B.C.E.]; the 60th year [of his reign] (the second year of the Zhongyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In the summer, during the fourth lunar month, there was a comet in the northwest.
In autumn, on the last day of the ninth lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
Giáp ngọ [147 B.C.E.]; the 61st year [of his reign] (the third year [of the Zhongyuan era in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In autumn, during the ninth lunar month, there was a comet in the northwest. On the last day of this month there was a solar eclipse.
Ất mùi [146 B.C.E.]; the 62nd year [of his reign] (the fourth year [of the Zhongyuan era in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In winter, on the last day of the tenth lunar month, there was a solar eclipse.
Đinh dậu [144 B.C.E.]; the 64th year [of his reign] (the sixth year [of the Zhongyuan era in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In autumn, on the last day of the seventh lunar month, there was a solar eclipse.
At that time, each time the emperor dispatched emissaries to the Han they would declare [Zhao Tuo] to be a king and in their audience [with the Han emperor] they would take the place of vassals. Within the kingdom, however, the old name [of emperor] was used.
[NK 2/7b] Mậu tuất [143 B.C.E.]; the 65th year [of his reign] (the first year of the Houyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In autumn, on the last day of the seventh lunar month, there was a solar eclipse.
Canh tý [141 B.C.E.]; the 67th year [of his reign] (the third year [of the Houyuan era in the reign] of Emperor Jing of the Han).
In the winter, during the 10th lunar month, the sun and moon were both red.
During the 12th lunar month the sun looked purple. The five planets reversed their courses and held steady in the constellation of Thái Vi/Taiwei. The moon passed through the constellation of Thiên Đình/Tianting. (Thiên Đình/Tianting is the Long/Long star and the right star of Giác/Jiao. The ten stars of the walled palace of Thái Vi/Taiwei are in the area of the constellations of Dực/Yi and Chẩn/Zhen. This is the palace of the Son of Heaven, the seat of the Five Emperors.)
In spring, during the first lunar month, the Han emperor passed away.[17]
Nhâm dần [139 B.C.E.]; the 69th year [of his reign] (the second year of the Jianyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Han, Che).
In spring, on the last day of the first lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
In summer, during the fourth lunar month, there was a star like the sun that appeared at night.
Quý mão [138 B.C.E.]; the 70th year [of his reign] (the third year of the Jianyuan era of the Han).
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, there was a comet in the northwest.
On the last day of the ninth lunar month there was a solar eclipse.
Giáp thin [137 B.C.E.]; the 71st year [of his reign] (the fourth year of the Jianyuan era of the Han).
The emperor passed away. He was posthumously called Emperor Vũ/Wu [lit., “the martial emperor”]. His grandson, Hồ/Hu, ascended the throne. (Later, the Trần Dynasty [NK 2/8a] invested the emperor with the title of August Emperor who Opens Heaven, Embodies the Way, is Sagely-Martial, and Divinely Sagacious.)
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “Were it not for the Viscount of Ji, Liaodong could not have established the [correct] customs for wearing caps and robes. If not for Taibo, then Wugui would not have been able to establish a powerful royal enterprise. The great Shun was from among the Eastern Barbarians, and became the most distinguished of the Five Emperors. King Wen came from among the Western Barbarians, and became the most virtuous sovereign of the Three Dynasties.[18] From this we can see that being adept at governing does not depend on the size of one’s land or whether one is an Efflorescent or a Barbarian. Instead, it is all determined by moral virtue. Martial Emperor Triệu/Zhao was able to develop Our Việt, serve as emperor himself over his kingdom, and oppose the Han. In his writings he referred to himself as the old-timer. He was the founder of the royal enterprise of Our Việt. How great was his achievement! As for those who subsequently emperored over the Việt, if they modeled themselves after Martial [Emperor] Triệu/Zhao, maintained the border, put the proper military and administrative affairs in order, engaged in appropriate relations with neighboring realms, and governed with benevolence, then they could protect the realm for a long time, and Northerners would have no cause [NK 2/8b] to act without restraint again.” (Acting without restraint [means to] contravene decorum.)
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “[The Doctrine of the Mean] states, ‘Those with great moral virtue will definitely obtain [their due] position, [their due] fame, and [their due] longevity.’[19] What did the emperor do to obtain what he did? Again, it was all because of his moral virtue. When we observe how he responded to Lu Jia, we see that his distinguished and martial awe was in no way secondary to that of [Emperor] Gao of the Han.[20] Yet when he heard that Emperor Wen was providing for the upkeep of the emperor’s ancestral tombs, making annual sacrifices to them, and generously providing for his brothers, he submitted to the Han. After his death, that he was worshipped at the Ancestral Temple, and that his descendents maintained this practice, was that not also because of his moral virtue? The Classic of Changes states, ‘When the self-effacing are in positions of respect, their moral virtue becomes even more radiant, and even when they are in lowly positions, their moral virtue cannot be surpassed.’[21] This describes the emperor.”
King Văn/Wen
He ruled for twelve years and lived to the age of fifty two. The king could feel for neighboring lands with a sense of righteousness. He held off enemies and kept peace at the border. He can certainly be called a sovereign who sought to rule.
[NK 2/9a] His name was Hồ/Hu. He was Trọng Thủy’s/Zhongshi’s son and Emperor Vũ’s/Wu’s grandson.
Bính ngọ [135 B.C.E.]; the second year [of his reign] (the 6th year of the Jianyuan era of the Han).
In autumn, during the eighth lunar month, there was a comet in the east which stretched over the length of the sky.
The king of Minyue, Ying, invaded some of our frontier settlements. The king upheld his pledge to the Han. He did not call up troops on his own, but dispatched an emissary to the Han with a letter explaining the matter. The Han deemed the matter extremely righteous, and sent off a large army, ordering Wang Hui to proceed from Yuzhang and Han Anguo to proceed from Kuaiji for the attack on Minyue.
Prince of Huainan [Liu] An submitted a letter of remonstrance which stated, “Việt/Yue is a land beyond the pale. People who cut their hair short and tattoo their bodies cannot be ruled by the laws of a kingdom of caps and sashes. From the flourishing time of the Three Dynasties, the Hu and Việt/Yue have not accepted [our] calendar. It is not because they are strong and cannot be subdued, or that they cannot be controlled by moral awe, but because they live in an unlivable land. People who cannot be shepherded are not worth the Middle Kingdom’s bother.[22] Now they are fighting each other. In sending troops to the rescue, Your Highness is using the Middle Kingdom [NK 2/9b] for the service of the barbarians. What is more, the Việt/Yue are fickle and they do not follow laws. This cannot be accomplished in a day. Once someone disobeys an edict and troops are sent to execute him, I fear that military conflicts will then know no end. Recently there have been bad harvests for years. The people have yet to regain their livelihood. If troops are now dispatched and provided with provisions, and sent to march thousands of leagues through dense forests with poisonous snakes and wild beasts in the heat of summer, then they will end up vomiting and having diarrhea from cholera. Before their swords will have crossed in battle, many soldiers will have died. I have heard that after a military expedition there must be a time of famine. This is because the suffering khí/qi [which it creates we] weakens the harmony of yin and yang and affects the essence of Heaven and earth, giving rise to calamitous khí/qi. Your Highness’s moral virtue matches that of Heaven and Earth, and your kindness reaches all the way to even the grass and the trees. When, because of starvation, a man cannot live out the life allotted him by Heaven and dies, [you] feel deeply grieved in your heart. Within the domain there are no pressing matters. To make foot soldiers have to expose themselves [NK 2/10a] to the elements in the plains and get soaked in the mountain valleys, and to make the border people have to close their doors during the day and sneak out at night, and to not know if they will make it through the day, your servant, An, feels that Your Highness should consider this seriously.
“What is more, Việt/Yue people are weak and lack talent. They cannot fight on land, nor do they use horses and carriages or crossbows. However, [their land] cannot be entered because they hold the strategic areas and people from the Middle Kingdom cannot endure the environment [thủy thổ/shuitu]. Your servant has heard people on the street say that the king of Minyue was murdered by his younger brother, Jia, and that Jia has already been executed. Their people have no one to submit to. If Your Highness sends a high-ranking official to honor [them] with a visit and inquire, and to extend moral virtue and rewards in order to recruit them, then they will invariably carry their young and lead their elderly as they will all return to your sagely virtue. If you make no use of the people but allow a successor to be found and establish him as a vassal, then they will definitely offer themselves as your servants and will regularly offer tribute. With just one small seal and a short sash Your Highness can hold down areas beyond the domain without tiring a single soldier or blunting a single halberd, and still have your moral awe spread there.
“If you send troops [NK 2/10b] into that land then [the people there] will surely be terrified and will flee into the forests. When we give up and leave, then they will again congregate in groups. If we stay and hold the area, then it will take years and the troops will get weary and food supplies will run out. Once there is an emergency, then there will be shock everywhere. I fear that the rise of treachery and the execution of evilness all begin from this.
“I have heard that the Son of Heaven’s troops punish but do not engage in battle. This speaks to the fact that no one can compare with them. Supposing the Yue people take a risk and go against our officials, if there is one among the woodsman riders who does not make it back in one piece, even though we obtain the Yue king’s head, I would still find this disgraceful.
“Your Highness takes the Nine Regions as his home, and all living people are his subjects. How are the lands of the Barbarians worth expending a day’s worth of effort for a military victory? The [Classic of] Poetry states, ‘When the king’s plans are executed with trust and sincerity, then the people of the Xu region will come to submit.’[23] This speaks to the fact that the way of kings is great, and that people from afar cherish this. Your servant, An, fears that the officials will use 100,000 soldiers to do the work of a single [NK 2/11a] emissary.”
At that time, before the Han soldiers had crossed the Passes, the King of Minyue sent troops to resist at strategic points. His younger brother, Yushan, plotted with other members of his clan saying, “The king sent troops to attack Southern Việt/Yue on his own authority without asking [for permission from the Han]. Therefore the Han have sent troops to come and execute him. The Han troops are numerous and strong. If we are lucky we can defeat them, but later there will be more and it will only end with the extermination of the kingdom. It is better to apologize to the Han by killing the king, as then they will be willing to call off the hostilities.”
King Ying was then killed, and an emissary was sent to deliver his head to Wang Hui. Hui took this occasion to halt his troops. He informed Han Anguo and sent an emissary to offer his head and make an urgent report [to the emperor].
The Han Emperor sent Zhuang Zhu to express his intent to the king. The king nodded his head and said, “The Son of Heaven send troops to kill [the king of] Minyue for my sake. Even by dying I would not have enough to repay this virtue.”[24] He then sent the heir, Yingqi, to serve as a hostage, and said to Zhu, “My kingdom has just been attacked. Please return first. I will work day and night to make preparations, and then will proceed [to the capital] for an audience with the Son of Heaven. Zhu returned. [King Wen’s] officials all warned the [NK 2/11b] king that, “The Han soldiers have killed Ying. This was meant to scare Our Việt/Yue.[25] What is more, the previous emperor said that in serving the Han we must strive to not transgress rituals. What is essential is that you not speak nice-sounding words and agree to go for an audience. If you do so, you will not be able to return, and this will lead to the loss of the kingdom.” The king then stated that he was ill, and did not proceed [to the capital] for an audience.
(Translated meanings. “Vomiting and having diarrhea”: to vomit [歐, âu/ou] is the same as to vomit [嘔, ẩu/ou]; to have diarrhea [泄], pronounced “tiết/xie,” means to discharge [吐, thổ/tu]. “To honor with a visit and inquire”: when a superior goes to see an inferior, this is called “to honor with a visit”; to ask with sympathy is called “to inquire.” “Blunting a single halberd”: to blunt [頓, /dun] is the same as to dull [鈍, /dun]. “Get weary”: “weary” is the same as “tired.” “Woodsman riders”: “woodsmen” are woodcutters. “Riders” are cavalry. They are all base servants. “A day’s effort”: “effort” is pronounced “nhàn/xian.” “Speak nice-sounding words”: “speak” is pronounced “duyệt/yue.”)
Đinh mùi [134 B.C.E.]; the third year [of his reign] (the first year of the Yuanguang era of the Han).
In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, there was a solar eclipse on the final day of the month.
Giáp dần [127 B.C.E.]; the 10th year [of his reign] (the second year of the Yuanshuo era of the Han).
In spring, during the third lunar month, there was a solar eclipse on the final day of the month.
Ất mão [126 B.C.E.]; the 11th year [of his reign] (the third year of the Yuanshuo era of the Han).
The king became very ill. The heir apparent, Anh Tề/Yingqi, returned from the Han [domain].
Bính thìn [125 B.C.E.]; the 12th year [of his reign] (the fourth year of the Yuanshuo era of the Han).
The king passed away. He was posthumously called King Văn/Wen. His son, Yingqi, ascended the throne.
[NK 2/12a] Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “King Văn/Wen interacted with neighboring lands with principle. The Han court felt that he was righteous, to the point that they sent troops to help attack his rival. He also accepted remonstrations. He claimed illness and did not proceed for an audience with the Han. He respected family discipline and planned for his descendants. This is called not disgracing the ancestors.”
King Minh/Ming
He ruled for twelve years.
The king did not fulfill the standard for husbands and wives, and this bred disturbances in the kingdom. There is nothing about him deserving of praise.
His name was Yingqi. He was the eldest son of King Wen.
Đinh tỵ [124 B.C.E.]; the first year [of his reign] (the fifth year of the Yuanshuo era of the Han).
Lü Jia was appointed grand mentor.
Kỷ mùi [122 B.C.E.]; the third year [of his reign] (the first year of the Yuanshou era of the Han).
In summer, during the fifth lunar month, there was a solar eclipse on the final day of the month.
Nhâm tuất [119 B.C.E.]; the sixth year [of his reign] (the fourth year of the Yuanshou era of the Han).
In spring there was a comet in the northeast.
In summer a shooting star appeared [NK 2/12b] in the west.
Ất sửu [116 B.C.E.]; the ninth year [of his reign] (the first year of the Yuanding era of the Han).
Mậu thìn [113 B.C.E.] the 12th year [of his reign] (the fourth year of the Yuanding era of the Han).
Earlier, when the king was heir, he served as a hostage at the Han [capital]. While in Chang’an, he married née Jiu from Handan, who gave birth to a son, Hưng/Xing.[26] After ascending the throne, [King Ming] hid the seal of the previous emperor, and wrote a letter to the Han requesting permission to establish née Jiu as queen, and Xing as heir. The Han repeatedly dispatched emissaries who admonished the king to come for an audience. The king was afraid to go for an audience, [for he would have to] follow the rules of the Han and be placed in the category of internal vassal. The king therefore declared that he was ill and did not go, but sent his son Zigong to serve as a hostage.
That year the king passed away. He was given the posthumous title of King Ming. Hi son, Xing, ascended the throne.
King Ai
He ruled for one year.
[NK 2/13a] The queen mother was licentious and a powerful official took control of the kingdom. [King Ai] was young and an average ruler. How could he hold his own?
His name was Xing. He was the second son of King Ming.
In this year, after the king ascended the throne, he honored his mother, née Jiu, as Consort Dowager. Earlier, before the Consort Dowager was married to King Ming, she had relations with Anguo Shaoji from Baling (Anguo was his surname, Shaoji his given name).[27] In this year, the Han sent Shaoji as an emissary to order the king and consort dowager to proceed [to the Han capital] for an audience and be placed in the category of internal vassal. [The Han] also ordered the persuasive grand master of remonstrance, Zhong Jun, to make this announcement; the strongmen, Wei Chen and others, to back up this decision; and the chamberlain for the palace garrison, Lu Bode, to station troops at Guiyang and wait for the emissary.[28]
At that time, the king was young. Consort Dowager Jiu was a Han. When Shaoji arrived, she again had personal relations with him. The people in the kingdom learned of this, and many stopped supporting the consort dowager. The consort dowager feared that a rebellion would break out, and desired to rely on the awe of the Han. She repeatedly encouraged the king and the officials to seek to internally submit. [NK 2/13b] She then took the occasion of the presence of a Han emissary to submit a letter requesting to be classified as internal vassals, to proceed for an audience once every three years, and to have the frontier posts removed.[29] The Han Emperor allowed this, and granted Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia a silver seal, as well as seals for the chamberlain for the capital, the commandant-in-ordinary, and the grand mentor. Other [seals] were to be set by [the Zhao] themselves. The old punishments of tattooing the face and cutting off the nose were to be abolished, and the laws of Han followed. [The kingdom] would be classified as an internal vassal, and [emissaries] would be stationed there to assuage [the people].
Kỷ tỵ [112 B.C.E.], the first year [of his reign] (the fifth year of the Yuanding era of the Han).
The king and the consort dowager arranged their belongings and expensive gifts to present as tribute. At that time Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia was advanced in age (“advanced in age” is sometimes written as “elderly”). He had served three courts, and more than seventy members of his lineage had served as senior officials. The boys had all married daughters from the imperial clan, while the girls had all been betrothed to sons of the king or the royal family, or had [familial] connections with the Qin king’s family in Cangwu. Within the kingdom he garnered the support of many inhabitants, more so than the king. He submitted letters and repeatedly admonished the king. The king did not listen, so he started to harbor rebellious thoughts. He repeatedly claimed to be ill, and did not meet [NK 2/14a] with Han emissaries. The emissaries all noted Jia’s power and were unable to assassinate him. The king and the consort dowager feared that Jia and his followers would act first. They wanted to rely on the influence of the emissary to plot to assassinate Jia. They held a banquet and invited the emissary. The high officials all attended and offered him drinks. Jia’s younger brother was a general. He led his troops to a place outside of the palace. As the banquet began, the consort dowager tried to irritate the emissary by saying to Jia that “Southern Việt’s/Yue’s becoming an internal vassal would be good for the kingdom. If you do not agree, why is that?” The emissary felt suspicious, and there was a deadlock (a standstill). Thereupon no one dared make a move.
Jia observed that something was not right and got up to leave. The consort dowager wanted to spear (to stab) Jia with a lance, but the king stopped her. Jia left and bordered (divided) his brother’s soldiers off to take him to his residence.[30] He claimed to be ill and did not meet with the king or the emissary. He secretly plotted with high officials to cause a disturbance. All along the king had no intention of killing Jia. Jia knew this, and therefore for several months did not make a move. The consort dowager wished to assassinate Jia on her own, but she did not have the strength.
The Han [NK 2/14b] emperor heard that Jia was not following orders, that the king and consort dowager were weak and unable to govern, and that the emissary lacked courage and was indecisive. He also considered that since the king and consort dowager had already internally submitted, and that only Lü Jia was causing a disturbance, that it was not worth raising an army. He wished to dispatch Zhuang Can as an emissary with 2,000 men. Zhuang Can said, “If one goes in peace, then a dozen people is sufficient. If one goes to make war, then 2,000 people cannot accomplish anything.” He declined to go. The Han emperor thereupon stripped Can of his position. The administrator of Jibei, Han Qianqiu, then said, “Việt/Yue is tiny and the king and consort dowager are on our side. Only Counselor-in-chief Lü Jia is causing harm. If I can get 300 courageous men, I will surely cut off Jia’s head and return to report about it.”
The Han [emperor] thereupon dispatched Qianqiu and Consort Dowager Jiu’s younger brother, Jiu Le, to proceed with 2,000 men and enter Việt/Yue territory. Jia thereupon issued an order within the kingdom which stated that, “The king is young, and the consort dowager is originally a woman of Han. She has also acted wantonly with the Han emissary. She wishes only to become an internal vassal, and has taken all of the previous king’s [NK 2/15a] valuables to present as tribute to the Han in order to make herself attractive. Many followers (that is, accompanying people) went with her to Chang’an where they were seized and sold as servants so that she could obtain a momentary benefit. She has no concern for the Zhao domain, nor an intent of establishing a plan for future generations.”
Together with his younger brother, [Lü Jia] led troops to attack. They thereupon killed the king, the consort dowager, and even the Han emissary. He sent messengers to announce this to the Qin king at Cangwu and the various commanderies, and placed on the throne the eldest son of King Ming, the Marquis of Thuật Dương/Shuyang, Kiến Đức/Jian De.
The king having thus died was given the posthumous title of King Ai.
Historian Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “Although King Ai’s calamity came from Lü Jia, it actually originated with Empress Jiu. The ways in which a woman’s beauty can overturn a man’s kingdom come in many forms. Their emergence cannot be predicted. Therefore, the previous kings should have carried out the rituals for royal weddings, should have fulfilled the standard for husbands and wives, should have maintained the proper distinctions [between people], should have ensured that the inner and outer were in their proper place, should have obstructed comings and goings, should have been complete [NK 2/15b] in their instructions on the three followings [tam tòng/sancong], then calamity would not have had a source to emerge from. King Ai was young and could not resist his mother. Lü Jia was in charge of the kingdom. How could he not predict what would happen external internally and externally? When the guest from the great kingdom arrived, he was received with propriety, he was placed in his proper place, he was treated in the proper order, and there were people who attended to him. How did he have relations with the empress? The empress lived deep within the palace and did not participate in external affairs. When she came out for any matter, she did so in a carriage accompanied by maidservants. How could it reach the point that she had relations with an emissary? As for people like Jia, rather than putting out a conflagration while it is raging, would it not have been better to plug up the source of calamity before it started to reveal signs? That is why it is said, ‘If one is a sovereign and does not know the righteousness of the Spring and Autumn [Annals], then one will gain a reputation as evil. If one is an official and does not know the righteousness of the Spring and Autumn [Annals], then one will commit the crimes of assassination and usurpation.’ This describes King Ming, King Ai, and Lü Jia.”
[NK 2/16a] King Thuật Dương/Shuyang
He ruled for one year.
The domain of the Zhao clan was overturned by Empress Jiu. With the trunk having been uprooted, the branches then fell.
His name was Kiến Đức/Jiande. He was the eldest son of King Ming, and the child of his Việt/Yue wife.
At that time, in winter, during the eleventh lunar month, after Grand Councilor Lü made Jiande king, Han Qianqiu’s troops crossed the border and destroyed several small settlements. Jia opened a direct route for transporting provisions, and forty leagues outside of Panyu his soldiers attacked and exterminated Qianqiu and his group. He then sent an emissary with a letter to the Han emissary at Saishang (This is the name of Dayu Ridge.) which spoke in disingenuous terms (deceptive language) of his desire to admit his guilt. He then sent troops to occupy strategic points. When the Han emperor heard about this, he had Wave-Suppressing General Lu Bode depart from Guiyang, Tower-Ship General Yang Pu depart from Yuzhang, Spear-Ship General Yan (His given name was Yan. Historical records have lost his surname.) depart from Lingling, Xialai General Jia [NK 2/16b] (His given name was Jia. Historical records have lost his surname.) descend from Cangwu, Marquis of Trì Nghĩa/Chiyi Quý/Gui (His given name was Quý/Gui. Historical records have lost his surname.) lead troops from Yelang down the Zangka River and all converge at Panyu.
Canh ngọ [111 B.C.E.]; the first year [of his reign] (the sixth year of the Yuanding era of the Han).
In winter, Yang Pu of the Han with 9,000 crack troops first took Xunxia and then destroyd Shimen [lit., “Stone Gate”] (Lü Jia had piled stones in a river, and this was called “Stone Gate.”) where they obtained our boats for grain transport. They took these boats, and with several tens of thousands of people, waited for Wave-Suppressing General Lu Bode. Bode said, “Given that the route is long, I hope to meet with Tower-Ship [General Yang Pu] later at Panyu.” At that point, they had more than 1,000 men. They then all proceeded onward. Yang Pu reached Panyu first. The king and [Lü] Jia were both holding the citadel. [Yang] Pu chose a convenient [location] to camp to the southeast. Bode encamped to the northwest. Once dusk fell Pu launched a successful attack. He then set fires to burn the citadel.
Bode did not know how many troops there were. He set up a camp, and sent an emissary to summon those who had surrendered. He then presented them with the seals [of official positions]. He thereupon issued another order to surrender, and Tower-Ship [NK 2/17a] General Yang Pu made a forceful attack and chased people into Lu Bode’s camp. At daybreak (dawn), all those in the citadel surrendered. During the night, the king, Jia and several hundred men had fled out to sea. Bode asked those who had surrendered and found out where Jia was. He then sent men to pursue him. Adjutant Commandant Su Hong captured the king and [Southern] Việt/Yue Court Gentleman Du Ji (some [sources] have Sun Du) captured Jia.
At that time, the troops of the Xia Lai and Spear-Ship Generals, and the Yelang soldiers that had been dispatched by the Marquis of Trì Nghĩa/Chiyi, had yet to descend, and yet Our Việt/Yue had been completely pacified by Lu Bode and Yang Pu. At this point, two emissaries from [Southern] Việt/Yue presented one hundred head of cattle and 1,000 vessels of wine, and bringing with them the population registers from the two commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, surrendered. Bode thereupon appointed them as governors of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, for them to rule over the people as before. And with that, [these regions] came under the jurisdiction of the Han.
(At that time Our Việt ordered three emissaries to present 100 head of cattle, 1,000 vessels of wine, the population registers from the three commanderies of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nhật Nam/Rinan, and to surrender. Lu Bode then appointed the three emissaries as governors of the three commanderies for them to rule over the people as before.[31] The land then became the nine commanderies of Nam Hải/Nanhai (This was an old Qin commandery. Now it is the Ming’s Guangdong.), Thương Ngô/Cangwu (The Tang called this Yi Region. It is the land of the old Âu Lạc/Ouluo and of Our Việt.), Uất Lâm/Yulin (This was the Qin’s Guilin Commandery. [Emperor] Wu of the Han changed its name.), Hợp Phố/Hepu (This was the Qin’s Xiang Commandery. It was a commandery under Lian Region.), Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan (This was the Qin’s Xiang Commandery.), Châu Nhai/Zhuyai, and Đam Nhĩ/Daner (These are both out in the middle of the sea.). Starting from this time the Han [NK 2/17b] appointed regional inspectors and governors.)
Lê Văn Hưu stated, “Lü Jia’s remonstration with King Ai and Consort Dowager Jiu to get them to not seek to become a vassal of the Han and to not eliminate border posts can be called truly valuing Việt. But the remonstration was not followed, so he should have explained everything at the court before the officials, and talked directly to them about the pros and cons for the Han and Việt.[32] Perhaps then King Ai and the consort dowager would have come to a realization. If they still did not follow [the remonstration] then he should have taken the blame for this and resigned. Otherwise he should have followed the old way of Yi [Yin] and Huo [Guang] and choosen one of King Minh’s sons as a replacement. This would have enabled King Ai to survive like Tai Jia and Changyi, and then a sense of propriety would not have been lost.[33] Now though he killed the sovereign to satisfy vengeance, and he was unable to sacrifice his life to maintain the kingdom. This led Việt to be divided and to become a servant of the Han. Lü Jia’s crimes are thus utterly inexcusable.”
[NK 2/18a] Historical Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “The Five Passes are strategic border posts for Our Việt and serve as gates to our kingdom. They are like Hulao for [the kingdom of] Zheng and Xiayang for [the kingdom of] Guo.[34] Those who serve as emperor over Việt must establish strategic points and protect the kingdom. One can not let it be lost. Once the Triệu/Zhao clan lost its hold, the kingdom was lost, their [royal] line was broken, the land was carved up, Việt became divided and the positions of the North and the South took form. Later when emperors emerged, the strategic points had been lost, so regaining [the land] was difficult. So although the Trưng queen was able to more or less bring under control the South of the Passes area, she could not occupy the strategic points in the mountains, and before long [her enterprise] came to an end. Although King Sĩ regained everything, he was still just a vassal at that time. He did not establish an official reign, and after he died [the land] was lost again. Further, the Đinh, Lê, Lý and Trần just had the area from Giao/Jiao Region southward. They did not regain what Emperor Vũ of the Triệu had once had. This is how the situation became.”
[NK 2/18b] The above [covers the years of] the Triệu/Zhao clan, starting with Emperor Vũ/Wu in the giáp ngọ year [207 B.C.E.] and ending with King Thuật Dương in the canh ngọ year [111 B.C.E.], for five generations and a total of 97 years.
[1] This passage and those that follow all differ from their source, the Shiji [Historical Records], in that they employ elevated language to refer to Zhao Tuo. The Shiji never refers to Zhao as an “emperor.” Further, in addressing Zhao Tuo, the Shiji has Lu Jia employing the term, zuxia, a polite term of address used among members of the same generation, whereas the ĐVSKTT has Lu Jia referring to Zhao Tuo as “King.” Finally, the ĐVSKTT omits some of Lu Jia’s more threatening statements. To give a sense of this, what follows is a translation of the above paragraph as it appears in the Shiji. Han Gaozu is the posthumous title for the first Han emperor, Liu Bang.
At the time of [Han] Gaozu’s [assumption of the throne], peace was first established in the Middle Kingdom. Commissioner Tuo pacified Southern Việt/Yue and ruled over it as a king. Gaozu dispatched Lu Jia to bestow upon Commissioner Tuo a seal as the king of Southern Việt/Yue. When Master Lu arrived, Commissioner Tuo met him with his hair tied in a mallet-shaped bun and sitting on the ground with his legs outstretched. Master Lu thereupon approached and said to Tuo, “You, sir, are a man of the Middle Kingdom. Your relatives, brothers, and the graves of your ancestors are all in Zhending [District in what is today Hebei Province]. Now, sir, you go against your natural character. You discard the proper cap and sash, and wish to oppose the Son of Heaven as an enemy kingdom from this tiny and remote [land of] Việt/Yue. Calamity will certainly befall upon you!”
See Sima Qian, Shiji [Historical Records], Juan 107, Liezhuan 47/7a-b.
[2] Feng Township, Pei District in what is today Jiangsu Province, was where the Han Dynasty founder was born. “The Pass,” meanwhile, refers to the Hangu Pass in what is today Henan Province which led into Shaanxi Province where the Qin capital of Xianyang was located.
[3] Xiao He and Cao Can were from Liu Bang’s home region and they assisted him in his rise to power. After Liu Bang established the Han Dynasty, first Xiao He and then Cao Shen served as counselor-in-chief (xiangguo).
[4] Yuan Temple was a funerary temple which Emperor Hui set up for his father, Han Gaozu (i.e., Liu Bang) the Han Dynasty founder. It was established in addition to the official funerary temple at the capital, Chang’an. Emperor Hui appears to have established two such temples. One was created by converting an existing palace in his father’s home district of Pei in 190 B.C.E., whereas the other was erected to the north of the Wei River, which flowed through Chang’an. See Sima Qian, Juan 8/45b and Juan 99, Liezhuan 39/11b.
[5] The Shiji has here the following: “Now Empress Gao, having listened to slanderous officials, discriminates against barbarians and cuts off the sale of goods.” Sima Qian, Juan 113, Liezhuan 53/3a.
[6] The Shiji offers a different perspective here: “Tuo thereupon assumed for himself the title of Martial Emperor of Southern Việt/Yue and sent troops to attack Changsha border settlements.” Ibid.
[7] Only the Son of Heaven was supposed to ride in a “gold-topped” carriage, that is, a carriage with a covering of gold brocade, with a streamer made of yak tail on the left. Further, the term which I have translated as “exercise the authority of an emperor,” xưng chế/chengzhi, is one which was used to refer to times when an empress dowager or a powerful official held power. Hence, it referred to the execution of authority by a person who ideally should not have done so. This is the term which was used in the Shiji to signal the illegitimacy of Zhao Tuo’s claim to be an emperor. That Ngo Si Lien employed it as well points to the fact that within the East Asian cultural tradition there simply was no vocabulary for talking about two emperors ruling at the same time.
[8] Throughout this letter the Han emperor addressed Zhao Tuo as “King” (vương/wang) in the places which we would use the personal pronoun “you” in English. Such a literal translation often produces awkward prose in English, and therefore I have written “you” or “your” instead. The reader should be aware, however, of the term which the Han emperor employed.
[9] In the Hanshu [History of the Han] there are annotations which indicate that Fuling was the name of a mountain range on Changsha’s southern border. According to the KĐVSTGCM, Yan Shigu, a Tang Dynasty scholar who wrote a commentary on the Hanshu, explained the term Fuling as referring to the Submitted Wilds (Fuhuang) and the Five Passes (Wuling), two terms of ancient provenance which refer to the region along the northern border of what is today Guangxi and Guangdong Provinces. If Yan Shigu did make such a comment, it does not appear in the Hanshu. See Ban Gu, Hanshu [History of the Han], Juan 95, Zhuan 65/12b; KĐVSTGCM, TB 1/27a-b.
[10] The Hanshu has here the following: “When Lu Jia arrived, the king of Southern Việt/Yue was afraid. He bowed his head and apologized, expressing his willingness to respectfully accept the [Han emperor’s] enlightened edict, to serve as a border vassal, and to respectfully present tribute.” Ban Gu, Hanshu, Juan 95, Zhuan 65/13a.
[11] In this passage, Zhao Tuo relinquishes his claim to be an emperor, and yet Ngô Sĩ Liên changed some of the wording such that Zhao Tuo uses terms only associated with an emperor. In particular, an edict (chiếu/zhao) was only issued by an emperor, and in what I have translated as “I,” Zhao referred to himself using a term (trẫm/zhan) which only the emperor used. However, in the Hanshu where this passage originates, Zhao Tuo issues an “order” and refers to himself using a common first person pronoun (ngô/wu). Ibid.
[12] The Hanshu states “When Empress Gao came to power, she became close to petty scholars and trusted slanderous officials. She differentiated Barbarians.” Ibid., Juan 95, Zhuan 65/13b.
[13] The Han empire was divided between an area which was under the centralized rule of the Han court, and outer kingdoms which pledged allegiance to the Han. Wu was a kingdom to the northeast of Southern Việt/Yue, centered around the region of what is today Zhejiang Province. That said, the Hanshu does not mention the kingdom of Wu here, but merely concludes that statement by saying, “externally we have no means to elevate and distinguish ourselves.” The KĐVSTGCM remained faithful to the Hanshu and omitted this reference. See ibid. and KĐVSTGCM, TB 1/26a.
[14] The Hanshu and KĐVSTGCM have “This old-timer suspected the King of Changsha’s slanderous officials.” Ban Gu, Juan 95, Zhuan 65/14a; KĐVSTGCM, TB 1/26b.
[15] The text omits here an important passage from the Hanshu. To fully understand this passage the reader should be aware that only monarchs faced south as they met with their officials and/or vassals.
What is more, the south is low and damp, with barbarians in it. To the west is Western Ou, its population half-exhausted. [Its ruler] faces the south and calls himself a king. To the east is Minyue. It has a population of several thousand, and [its ruler] also calls himself a king. To the northwest is Changsha. Half of its population consists of barbarians, and it also [has a ruler who] calls himself king. This old-timer therefore ventured to surreptitiously use the title of emperor temporarily for his own amusement. This old-timer personally pacified an area of one hundred settlements, stretching for thousands upon thousands of leagues from east to west and south to north. Yet I face the north and serve as an official of the Han. Why is this? It is because I dare not betray my ancestors.
Ban Gu, Juan 95, Zhuan 65/14a. The earlier history, the Shiji, contains the following version of this passage:
What is more, the south is low and damp with barbarians in its midst. To the east is Minyue with 1,000 subjects, and [a ruler] who declares himself a king. To the west are the Ouluo and Luo Kingdoms which also [have rulers] who declare themselves kings. This old-timer therefore ventured to surreptitiously use the title of emperor temporarily for his own amusement. How could I have dared to let this reach the ears of the Celestial Monarch?
Sima Qian, Juan 113, Liezhuan 53/4a.
[16] What I have translated as “cassia-eating insects” (quế đố/guidu) were a kind of insect that were considered a delicacy as the cassia wood which they lived off gave them a nice taste. Ban Gu, Juan 95, Zhuan 65/14b.
[17] In a footnote to his Vietnamese translation of the ĐVSKTT, Ngô Đức Thọ, questioned why Ngô Sĩ Liên placed information from the first lunar month after information about later months. He speculated that this information about the tenth and eleventh lunar months might have referred to the previous year. However, Ngô Sĩ Liên has presented this information exactly as it appears in the Shiji. On the same page he also mistranslated the astrological information in parentheses above. See Ngô Đức Thọ, trans., ĐVSKTT, 146.
[18] The Viscount of Ji (Jizi) was a Shang Dynasty minister whom the subsequent Zhou dynasty enfeoffed with a territory in the northeast corner of their realm. The spread of the Middle Kingdom’s cultural and ritual practices to that area of the world was traditionally attributed to the Viscount of Ji’s influence. Taibo, meanwhile, was the eldest son of the Zhou Dynasty’s King Tai (Zhou Taiwang). When he learned that his father favored his third son to succeed him, Taibo and his younger brother (i.e., King Tai’s second son) left the capital and headed south where they became the leaders of peoples living in the area of what is now central China. They in turn were credited with spreading some of the cultural and ritual practices of the Central Kingdom to this area. Finally, Shun was a ruler in distant antiquity, and King Wen (Zhou Wenwang) was the father of King Wu (Zhou Wuwang), the founder of the Zhou Dynasty.
[19] Zhongyong, 17; James Legge, The Chinese Classics, vol. I, 398-99.
[20] That is, Liu Bang, the founder of the Han dynasty.
[21] Yijing, Qian gua 謙掛; Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, 462.
[22] The “Three Dynasties” refers to the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties. Also, the text erroneously has the Prince of “Zhunnan” rather than “Huainan.”
[23] Shijing [Classic of Poetry], Daya, Changwu.
[24] King Wen uses a humble term employed by vassals (quả nhân/guaren) to refer to himself here.
[25] “Our Việt/Yue” (Ngã Việt/Wo Yue) is a someone vague term which refers to the royal enterprise and to some extent the territory over which it exerted its control.
[26] Handan was the name of a district in Hebei province.
[27] Baling was the name of a district in what is today Shaanxi Province.
[28] Guiyang was the name of a Han Dynasty district in what is today Guangdong Province.
[29] To “internally submit” (nội phụ/neifu) usually means to come under the direct jurisdiction of the central court, rather than to be a vassal. However, during the Han there were degrees of central control. The Zhao had their own kingdom which submitted to the Han. What the consort dowager wished was for this kingdom to become an “internal vassal” (chư hầu/zhuhou), which was a step closer to direct imperial control.
[30] The text uses a character for “border” (界) when the version in the Shiji [Historical Records] that this is based on has “divided off” (分).
[31] The Annotated Classic of Waterways [Shuijing zhu] only mentions two emissaries and commanderies. It does not mention Nhật Nam/Rinan.
[32] This sentence is difficult to understand. This, however, appears to be the point.
[33] Tai Jia was a Shang Dynasty emperor and Yi Yin was his official. Yi Yin temporarily exiled the emperor in an effort to get him to mend his bad ways and govern more benignly. Huo Guang was a Han Dynasty official who placed a nephew of the emperor on the throne when the emperor died without any direct heirs. When this man turned out to be ineffective, Huo Guang had him deposed and returned to his principality of Changyi. These are both examples of officials who deposed and replaced, but did not kill, bad emperors.
[34] Zheng and Guo were two ancient kingdoms and Hulao and Xiayang were strategic areas in their respective kingdoms. Zhen was in the area of what is today Henan Province and Guo covered areas which are now in Henan and Shaanxi Provinces.