19.2 Europe on the Eve of World War One

What follows is a country-by-country overview of the political situation in Europe reviewing primarily the foreign policy concerns of the major powers. It is intended to show how the interests of these countries caused them to react to each other and placed them in circumstances making war highly likely.

Austria

In 1867 the Habsburg government in Vienna undertook reforms to restructure the Austrian Empire to placate nationalist pressures in Hungary. The result was granting Hungary greater internal autonomy under what was called the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary. The Habsburg emperor remained the hereditary King of Hungary, but Hungary could have its own parliament and make its own laws for its own territories. The Imperial government in Vienna would retain control of Austria-Hungary's foreign, military, and financial policy. Thus Austria retained dominance over Austria-Hungary's role in European affairs.

The Austrian Emperor in 1914 was Franz Josef (Habsburg). He succeeded to the imperial throne in 1848 and would rule until his death in 1916.

The Balkans would become the region of Austria's primary foreign policy interest. In 1878 the settlement made by the Congress of Berlin permitted Austria to occupy and administer Bosnia-Herzegovina, territory belonging to the Ottoman Empire. This arrangement was not satisfactory to the Pan-Slavic nationalist ambitions of Serbia which wanted to see all Yugoslavs (including the Bosnians) united in an independent Serbian-controlled Yugoslav state. When Austria annexed Bosnia outright in 1908, Bosnian Serb nationalist ambitions were frustrated and resentment of Austrian control increased. Encouraged by Serbia, radical Bosnian Serbs founded secret organizations with the ultimate goal of overthrowing Austrian rule and joining Bosnia with Serbia. One of these groups, the "Black Hand," would assassinate Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the Habsburg heir to the Austrian throne, when on a state visit to the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, in late June 1914. The assassination would set off the chain of events that would begin the war.

Knowing that an Austrian conflict with Serbia over Bosnia could provoke Russia, Austria strengthened its alliance relationship with Germany.

Germany

Seeking to preserve the unity of the German Empire, Bismarck (Imperial Chancellor, 1871 - 1890) had two foreign policy goals: preservation of European peace and prevention of an alliance between France and Russia. In the first area he was successful - at least during his tenure of the chancellorship. Although he did create an alliance with Italy and Austria (the Triple Alliance), his policy to isolate France failed following his dismissal from office by Kaiser William II in 1890.

Kaiser William II (Hohenzollern) succeeded to power in 1888 and would rule until his abdication in the face of revolution in November 1918.

Brash and ambitious, William II sought to assert Germany's power and influence both in Europe and abroad. His foreign policy was based in part on the concept of Weltpolitik (world politics) that sought to expand Germany's interests and empire abroad. The need to build a powerful navy to assert Germany's role as a world power was seen as a dangerous challenge by Britain. The result was an Anglo-German naval race as each country, fearing the other, spent increasing amounts to build up and modernize their fleets. German policy, therefore, would cause Britain to be receptive to improving its relationship with France and Russia.

William II was not afraid of France and did not believe that the Franco-Russian alliance of 1894 would be of significant consequence for Germany. Neither country, he believed, would be a match for Germany's powerful armies, and, Germany had a military alliance with Austria and Italy.

Russia

In 1894 Russia joined France in a military alliance that had additional benefits for Russia. Russia resented its losses from the settlement made by the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and sought to reassert its influence in Europe. The French alliance increased Russian prestige and provided new opportunities for economic growth. The treaty opened Russia to French investment and enhanced Russian industrialization, which expanded greatly in the prewar years. Russia's defeat in a brief war with Japan (1904 -1905) confirmed beliefs in both Germany and Britain that Russia was not a military threat. Germany, consequently, concentrated its military preparedness on a possible future war with France. Britain, however, softened its anti-Russian position and sought a new and improved relationship with Czar Nicholas II.

The Russian Czar was Nicholas II (Romanov). He would rule from 1894 until his abdication in the face of revolution in March 1917.

Russia saw itself as a major player in the Balkans. Its traditional foreign policy had included expansion at the expense of the Ottoman Empire, and since the time of Peter the Great there had been numerous Russo-Turkish wars. With the rise of Balkan nationalism and the weakening of the Ottoman Empire in Europe, Russia asserted itself as the Christian "protector" of the Balkan Slavs, particularly the Bulgarians and Serbs. Balkan independence was to Russian advantage as the new Balkan states would look to Russia for security and direction. This would enable Russia to outflank the Turks in its ambitions to reach the Mediterranean. Russia was frustrated with the setback it was dealt by the big powers at the Congress of Berlin and resented Austria's expansion into the Balkan region. Russia was also angry that Austria had unilaterally annexed Bosnia in 1908 in betrayal of a secret “understanding” with Russia whereby Russia would get naval access to the Straits. To counter Austria, Russia became more assertive in its support of Serbia. Thus, by 1914 a conflict between Serbia and Austria could easily involve Russia.

Britain

British foreign policy in the prewar years was based in part on protecting and enhancing its vast global empire and preserving the European balance of power to its own advantage. In the last half of the 19th century, Britain had seen Russian ambitions regarding the Ottoman Empire as a threat to its eastern Mediterranean interests. British and Russian interests also came into conflict in the regions of Persia and Afghanistan as Russian expansion into Central Asia threatened the British presence in India. The emergence of Germany as a major power, however, caused the British position to change. British relations with Russia, while remaining difficult, began to improve, while relations with Germany became increasingly strained. Germany's imperial ambitions in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific became cause for potential conflict with British interests. Germany loudly criticized Britain's war (Boer War) against the Afrikaner states of South Africa, 1899 - 1902. Germany's intent to seek an agreement with the Ottoman Empire to build a Berlin-to-Baghdad railroad concerned both Britain and Russia. Germany's intention to build up its navy was considerably alarming and led to the Anglo-German naval armaments race.

In 1904 Britain entered into an "Entente Cordiale" ("cordial understanding") with France wherein both agreed to recognize their respective imperial interests in North Africa (Britain in Egypt, France in Morocco), thus moving them to a closer relationship. In 1907 Britain and Russia likewise took a major step in improving their relations when both agreed to mutual acceptance of their spheres of influence in Persia and Central Asia. Over the next few years, Britain's ties with France and Russia, while not formal military alliances, would be strengthened in response to German and Austrian policy.

The British monarch in 1914 was George V (Hanover), who would reign from 1910 until his death in 1936. Remember that in Britain the head of government was the Prime Minister who was the leader of the party holding a majority in the House of Commons. The Prime Minister in 1914 was Herbert Asquith (Liberal Party). The Foreign Minister was Sir Edward Grey.

France

Since its defeat and humiliation in the Franco-Prussian War, France had made revanche (revenge) a major focus of its foreign policy. To this end France sought to isolate Germany through a military alliance with Russia and then defeat Germany in a war that would recover Alsace and Lorraine. France also concentrated much of its public wealth to building up its military strength in anticipation of another war with Germany.

In 1905 and again in 1911 French and German interests clashed in Morocco. France had brought Morocco under its "protection" in its efforts to expand its commercial and political interests in North Africa. When Kaiser William II made a state visit to Morocco in 1905 and proclaimed that Germany would guarantee Morocco's sovereignty, France saw it as a deliberate provocation that could lead to war. War was averted by an international conference of big powers, including the United States, that met in Algeciras in 1906. The Algeciras agreement confirmed the "independence" of Morocco but allowed France to control Morocco's finances. In 1911 Germany provoked another Moroccan crisis. Civil unrest in Morocco caused the French to intervene and intensify their control. Germany reacted by sending a warship to the Moroccan port of Agadir. In 1911 France was in a stronger international position than in 1905 as Britain made it clear that it would support France. Negotiations caused Germany to back down, allowing France full control in Morocco in exchange for a piece of French colonial territory in the Congo. While the crisis was defused, the German and French press loudly announced how their countries' national honor had been humiliated (Germany) or vindicated (France) by the outcome. The Moroccan crises indicated how relatively minor matters seemingly unrelated to Europe could potentially bring the European powers into conflict.

France in 1914 was under the Constitution (1875) of the Third Republic. The French President was Raymond Poincaré (1913 - 1920).

Italy

Unification enabled Italy to develop its industrial and economic resources, and by 1914 Italy was considered among the major powers of Europe. Its relations with Austria remained strained as there remained Italian territories still within the Austrian Empire. Under the cause of Italia Irredenta (“Italy Unredeemed”), Italy continued to lay claim to Trentino (the Tyrol region in the Alps) and Trieste (on the Adriatic coast). Italy put aside its claims to these territories in 1882 when it joined Austria and Germany to form the Triple Alliance. Italy was frustrated that its claims to lands in Tunis on the North African coasts had been ignored at the 1878 Congress of Berlin (which allowed France to take Tunis). When France occupied Tunis in 1881, Italy responded by seeking closer ties with Austria and Germany. (Tunis, today Tunisia, had been part of the Ottoman Empire at the time, but that did not matter to the decision-makers at Berlin who also allowed Britain to take the Ottoman-held island of Cyprus.)

By 1914 Italy had become an imperial power, having acquired a colonial empire in Africa. In 1885 the Italians occupied territory along the Red Sea coasts and in 1895 - 1896 waged a war of conquest against the African kingdom of Ethiopia. Defeated by the Ethiopians, the Italians limited their African presence to Eritrea and a stretch of coast along the Indian Ocean in Somaliland. In 1911-1912 a short and successful war with the Ottoman Empire saw Italy take control of the North African regions that are today Libya.

The Ottoman Empire

Known as "The Sick Man of Europe," the weakening Ottoman Empire found itself unable to prevent Balkan independence nor increased great power interest in its inability to exercise effective sovereignty over its territories. Russia coveted control of the Turkish Straits and Constantinople and interfered in the Balkans. Austria annexed outright Bosnia. Britain took Cyprus, France took Tunis, and Italy took Libya. Germany wanted to expand its influence with a railroad across Turkey into Syria and Mesopotamia. The Empire's decline increased the likelihood of great power rivalry.

The Balkan Region

Since 1877 the Balkans had remained Europe's region of greatest instability. The weakening of the Ottoman Empire, Pan-Slavic nationalism and great power interests had "Balkanized" the region into a passel of small conflicting states and had created a political vacuum that seemed to pull the great powers into the region. Russia sought to increase its influence in the region to gain access to the Mediterranean. To this end Russia presented itself as the protector of the Slavic peoples and states seeking to free themselves from Ottoman rule. In particular it championed the nationalist aspirations of Bulgaria and Serbia. Austria, fearing the expansion of Russian influence in the region, sought to prevent the expansion of Serbia into Bosnia. Serbia saw Austria as the main obstacle to its view of Pan-Slavic fulfillment, the creation of a Serbia-dominated Yugoslavia. Knowing it had the support of Russia, Serbia encouraged Bosnian Serb nationalists seeking to end Austrian control of Bosnia. Knowing it had the support of Germany, Austria would exert pressure on Serbia to cease its support for Serb nationalism in Bosnia. Austria did not, therefore, fear war, should it come, with Serbia as its German alliance would deter Russia from taking action to defend Serbia. Russia did not fear war with Austria as its alliance with France would deter Germany from getting involved. It was under these misconceptions that the governments of the great powers blundered into war in the summer of 1914.

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The map of Europe 1914 is from Wikipedia.

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Sources for the Europe on the Eve of World War One

Kissinger, Henry. Diplomacy. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994.

Knapton, Ernest and Thomas Derry. Europe 1815 – 1914. New York: Scribners, 1965.

Langer, William, ed. An Encyclopedia of World History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968.

Merriman, John. A History of Modern Europe. New York: Norton, 1996.

Palmer, Robert et al. A History of the Modern World. New York: McGraw Hill, 2002.

Tuchman, Barbara. The Guns of August. New York: Macmillan, 1962.