15.2 The Crimean War

The Charge of the Light Brigade

In 1853 war broke out between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Since the time of Peter the Great, Russian foreign policy sought access to the Turkish Straits. Whatever would weaken the Ottoman hold on the Black Sea was in Russia’s interest. Russia went to war against the Turks in 1828 - 1829 in defense of Greek independence and secured, in the 1829 Treaty of Adrianople, former Turkish territory on the Black Sea coast south to the Danube River. In 1853 Czar Nicholas I demanded the Turks cede to Russia the Danubian regions of Moldavia and Wallachia (together known as the Danubian Principalities) and dispatched troops to occupy those territories. In addition Russia demanded that the Turkish Sultan recognize Russia’s claim to protection of the Ottoman Empire’s Christian populations. (Most of the Slavic peoples of the Turkish-controlled Balkan region were Eastern Orthodox Christians.)

Referred to in diplomatic circles as “The Sick Man of Europe,” the Ottoman Empire was clearly weakening and possibly on the verge of disintegration. Nationalist aspirations among the Empire’s Balkan peoples were particularly worrisome. As were the Russians, the Balkan peoples were Slavic in language and culture and Orthodox in religion. Russia presented itself as sympathetic to Balkan nationalism. Were Ottoman political control to collapse in the Balkans, it would create a power vacuum that would encourage further Russian expansionism, possibly resulting in Russia taking Constantinople and the Straits. This possibility was unacceptable to France, Britain, and Austria. France, now under Napoleon III, was asserting its presence as a great power. France had a long history of close commercial and political relations with the Ottoman Empire and saw itself as the protector of Christian sites and persons in the Holy Land. France also aspired to build the Suez Canal in Egypt, a province of the Turkish empire. Britain was already facing Russian expansion in central Asia (a threat to British interests in India) and did not want to see Russia have access to the Mediterranean. Austria, with its own Slavic populations, did not want to see the growth of Russian-encouraged nationalism in the Balkans. Nor did Austria, already bordered by Russia in Poland, want to be outflanked to the east by a powerful Russia dominant in the Balkans. Austria also had expansionist ambitions in the Balkans. Despite vigorous diplomatic efforts to achieve accommodation, the positions of all three powers signaled the Ottoman Empire that it should resist Russia’s demands. In a show of support for the Turks, French and British naval units were sent to the Straits. The Ottoman Empire declared war on Russia in October 1853.

Initially, the war went badly for the Turks. A Turkish naval squadron was defeated by a Russian fleet, giving Russia control of the Black Sea. In early 1854 Britain and France ordered their warships into the Black Sea, whereupon Russia broke diplomatic relations with the two countries. When Russian armies crossed the Danube, Britain and France declared war. Austria, too, rattled the saber by demanding that Russia withdraw from Moldavia and Wallachia and began to assemble its forces along its Galician and Transylvanian borders. Russia, not wanting a wider war, grudgingly agreed to withdraw its troops from the Danubian Principalities which were occupied by Austrian forces. Austria then (August 1854) attempted to broker peace by inviting the belligerents to meet in Vienna. When Russia rejected allied conditions for peace, British and French armies were landed in the Crimea, the diamond-shaped peninsula that projects Russia into the northern reaches of the Black Sea. Hence, the war’s name.

It was assumed by both the British and French that the war would be short and victory would be easy. Britain and France were industrial nations. Their armies carried the most modern of firearms. Britain had the most powerful navy in the world. Its warships were steamships, fast and heavily armed. Not yet having experienced the Industrial Revolution, Russia’s military resources seemed, by comparison, primitive.

Yet, even the best of armies are dependent upon the quality of their leadership and supply. The British commanders in the Crimea would prove to be incompetent and inept. They were led by the aged Lord Fitzroy Raglan, a veteran of Waterloo. Seemingly senile and confused, he constantly referred to the enemy as the “French.” Among his aides were his five nephews, all of whom held their military commissions by virtue of their aristocratic birth. The British likewise underestimated what it would take to maintain armies in the field during a long siege. Food, winter uniforms and boots, and medicine were in woefully short supply.

The allied strategy in the Crimea was to capture the port city of Sevastopol. As the city’s fortifications proved invulnerable to naval bombardment, it was determined to take the city by besieging it by land. This, too, proved difficult. Russian resistance was stubborn, and what battlefield victories the allies had were of little strategic consequence.

One such battle (October 1854) fought by the British at Balaclava featured the infamous charge of the light brigade. Through a misunderstanding of orders the light brigade, a force of mounted cavalrymen armed with lances, swords, and pistols, was ordered to attack a line of Russian artillery on the heights at the far end of a narrow valley. It was known by the British commander that the Russians had positioned cannons on the hills flanking the valley, yet he ordered his horsemen to advance. Resplendent in their colorful uniforms and without a chance of success, they charged up the valley and were cut down by the Russian guns. Their bravery was later memorialized by Britain’s poet laureate, Alfred Lord Tennyson in his “Charge of the Light Brigade.” (“ … Their’s not to reason why, Their’s but to do and die; Into the valley of death rode the six hundred …”)

Beyond poetic imagery, however, was the disturbing reality of the war. The Crimean War was the first war to be witnessed and reported by what we would call today the media. British and French newspaper journalists were at the battle lines and in the camps. What they saw horrified and alarmed them. The blundering of the commanders and failure of the government to provide the armies with adequate rations and supplies was devastating both manpower and morale. Far more men died of disease than were killed on the battlefield. Cholera, typhus, and dysentery swept through the armies, killing thousands. With the recent (1844) invention of the telegraph, reporters’ dispatches from the Crimea were published within a day of the events being reported. Back home in Britain and France the news was eagerly devoured by the reading public. Public reaction to the suffering of British soldiers resulted in a cabinet crisis wherein several members of the government were compelled to resign.

Florence Nightingale

Mary Seacole

Among those outraged by reports of conditions in the Crimea was 34-year-old Florence Nightingale. Of a prosperous land-owning family, Nightingale had shocked her parents by becoming a nurse, then an occupation of low repute. Taking 36 other women with her, Nightingale was permitted to volunteer at a British military hospital near Constantinople. She found the hospital conditions appalling. There was little or no attention to sanitation and disease was rampant. Wounded men lacked blankets and remained, unwashed, in their battlefield uniforms. The military doctors resented the presence of women in their hospital and ignored Nightingale’s complaints about the lack of sanitation and inadequate food. They accused her of wanting to “spoil the brutes” (Merriman, 796) who lay wounded and dying. Frustrated with the resistance she encountered, she made her cause public. In articles sent to the London Times, she reported how the British army treated its wounded. It worked. Embarrassed, the army permitted her to go to the Crimea to organize a barracks hospital. Her hospital became a model of efficiency. Under her regulations for sanitation, wounded men were provided with clean bedding and bandages and given healthy rations. Deaths by disease were substantially reduced. Popularized in the press as the “Lady with the Lamp,” Nightingale became a national heroine. On her return home in 1856 she met with Queen Victoria and later testified before a commission specially created to examine conditions of military medical care. The result would be the formation of the Army Medical College for the training of military doctors and nurses. She also campaigned for funding to create nursing schools. Her efforts would raise nursing to the level of an honorable profession for women.

Eclipsed by Nightingale’s work in the Crimea was that of another remarkable woman, Mary Seacole - the “Black Florence Nightingale.” Seacole, daughter of a Scotsman and native woman from Jamaica, was a successful innkeeper in Jamaica whose knowledge of folk medicine was such that she volunteered to serve as a nurse in the Crimea. Paying her own expenses, she went to Constantinople and offered her services to Nightingale. Nightingale refused her offer as she lacked formal training as a nurse. Undeterred, Seacole then, again at her own expense, went to the Crimea where, behind the British lines, she established a pub at which she sold food and drink to the soldiers. With the money she earned she was able to buy medicines and materials she needed to treat the wounded. Unlike Nightingale, Seacole’s nursing often took her to the frontlines, treating battlefield injuries amidst the fighting.

In January 1855 the Italian Kingdom of Sardinia entered the war on the allied side. Led by its able Prime Minister, Camillo di Cavour, Sardinia hoped to enhance the cause of Italian unity. Cavour wanted to unify Italy under the Sardinian monarchy, and a Sardinian role in the war would enhance Sardinia’s prestige among the other Italian states. Involvement would also give Sardinia a voice in the peace settlement. Welcomed by the British and French, a Sardinian army was sent to the Crimea.

In March 1855 Czar Nicholas I died and was succeeded by his son, Alexander II. Less bellicose than his father, Alexander expressed the wish to seek a negotiated peace but was not willing to end the war unilaterally. In the spring and summer of 1855 the allies attempted renewed assaults against the fortifications around Sevastopol but were again repulsed by stiff Russian opposition. The defense of Sevastopol, however, was extremely exhausting for the Russians and in early September they abandoned the city. The allies, likewise exhausted, made no effort to pursue the war further. Austria, seeing an opportunity to benefit from the peace settlement, threatened to go to war against Russia if Russia did not agree to talk peace. Russia agreed to talk.

The Crimean War was formally ended in March 1856. Meeting in Paris in February, diplomats from Britain, France, the Ottoman Empire, Sardinia, Austria, and Russia met to negotiate the settlement. The provisions of the Peace of Paris were as follows. The independence of the Ottoman Empire was guaranteed. Wallachia and Moldavia (later unified in 1858 as Romania) would hold autonomy but remain under the Turkish sultan. The great powers would guarantee their protection. The Turks also agreed to extend autonomy to the Balkan region called Serbia. (Serbia would later become a major factor in the intensification of anti-Turkish Balkan nationalism.) The Black Sea would be neutralized and demilitarized, its waters open to the shipping of all nations. (This meant that Russia could no longer have a naval presence in the Black Sea.) Russia would give up its claim to protection of Christians within the Ottoman Empire and restore Kars, Turkish territory it had taken in the Caucasus region.

What did the Peace of Paris mean? On the surface, it restored the balance of power in Southeastern Europe. If there was a winner of the war, it was Britain. Britain’s interests in the region were very much dependent upon the preservation of the Ottoman Empire. The peace settlement confirmed Turkish independence. If there was a loser, it was Russia. The war showed Russia’s weakness. If Russia were to continue to be a great power, it would have to industrialize. This lesson was not lost on Czar Alexander II. He would begin a program of impressive reforms, including emancipation of the serfs, intended to enable Russian industrialization. With Russia’s withdrawal from Wallachia and Moldavia, Austria got what it wanted - a Balkan region without a Russian presence. However, Austria lost Russia as an ally. From now on the Austrian-Russian relationship would be one of increasing animosity. Sardinia got the prestige it sought among the Italian states.

The Peace of Paris, however, would not mean a return to the 1815 status quo. The rising tide of nationalism could not be stemmed. New nations would come into being in Italy and Germany and nationalism in the Balkans would further tear at the Ottoman Empire.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The images used in this section are from Wikipedia sources.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sources for the Crimean War


Brinton, Crane et al. A History of Civilization. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1960.

Cunliffe, Marcus. The Age of Expansion 1848 –1917. Springfield, MA: Merriam, 1974.

Knapton, Ernest and Thomas Derry. Europe 1815 – 1914. New York: Scribners, 1965.

Langer, William. An Encyclopedia of World History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968.

Merriman, John. A History of Modern Europe. New York: Norton, 1996.

Palmer, Robert R. et al A History of the Modern World. Boston: McGraw Hill, 2002.