Aleksei Navalny and the Protests in Russia
Madison York
January 26, 2021
In Russia, President Vladimir Putin is known for silencing his political adversaries, and Aleksei Navalny has become the opposition leader against Putin’s Russia. Navalny got started by exposing corruption in the financial world. He would buy small stocks from various companies, then sue them for information and publish whatever responses he got on a blog that quickly gained fame around the world. His goal was to air the dirty laundry of the Russian elite and therefore the Kremlin. Slowly, Navalny shifted his focus from financial corruption to the dictatorial Russian government after Putin announced he would run for reelection in 2011, at a time when many Russian citizens had hoped for a transition of power to a more liberal government.
Navalny’s presence in the Russian political sphere had been a welcome change for many citizens. His anti-corruption message struck a chord with Russians who did not wish for their country to become completely totalitarian like their neighbors China and North Korea. Though the Russian government is far from a democracy, they have put up a show of pretending they are, but for that front to work, it meant that the government had to ensure their citizens had some rights—and the freedom of the internment would prove to be the most important.
During his tenure in Russian politics, Navalny has become a fierce opponent of Putin and his government, and until recently he had gone unscathed. Unlike most critics of Putin, Navalny had not faced much jail time, nor many visits from Russian operatives intent on silencing him. On two prior occasions, he had experienced attacks or attempted attacks from the Russian government or its supporters, but was never gravely injured. Navalny had, until recently, been kept relatively safe as proof that Russia does not silence all of their opponents. However, in August 2020, Navalny was poisoned with a nerve agent famous for its use by the Russian government. On a flight, he became seriously ill and was put in a medically-induced coma and medevaced to a hospital in Germany to receive care. After weeks in a coma, Navalny showed signs of recovery, and was taken out of the coma. About one month after the attack, Navalny was released from the hospital, and he made a startling statement—that he would return to Russia.
On January 17, 2021, Navalny flew back to Russia. Reporters and many of his supporters were waiting at the airport for him to see what the Kremlin would do. One problem: Navalny never landed at his destination. Instead, his plane was diverted because of “bad weather” in the area. Navalny’s welcoming committee rushed to the new airport to see him land, and surprisingly he did. Navalny’s plane touched down and he was able to make it to the airport. However, Navalny was detained at border control by law enforcement saying that Navalny’s medical trip to Germany violated the terms of probation on a 2014 charge that an international court had already acquitted him of. Just before he was taken into custody, Navalny was able to get a message out to his supporters via the internet, telling them to take to the streets and protest the actions of the Kremlin.
Almost a week later, on January 23, protesters joined in the streets of over 100 Russian cities to protest the government. Russia, spanning thousands of miles and 11 time zones, had well-organized, simultaneous mass protests against the injustices of the Kremlin. Protestors braved harsh violence from riot police, reactions from the Kremlin, and in some cases, temperatures of -60℉, to show their support for Navalny’s opposition movement, if not for Navalny himself. This is what Putin and his allies fear will grow into a “color revolution”—an uncontrollable mass uprising against an authoritarian regime in countries that were once part of the Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, and other Balkan states. While what will come of this movement is unknown, the showing of support by Russian citizens against their government is already a marked improvement for democracy in Russia.