Bessarabia

Bessarabia (Moldova) 1918 and now.

Basarabia (Republica Moldova) in 1918 si in ziua de azi.

Бессарабия (Молдова) в 1918 году и сегодня.

Taken from my book and continued from "1812 Until Now" & "1917-18".

Translations by friends in the story:

- Moldovan / Romanian translation by Diana Valuta in Chisinau.

- Russian translated (as ever) by Anna Ustinova in Tiraspol.

In August 1989 a mass demonstration in Chisinau by up to half a million people effectively delivered the language laws making Moldovan (or Romanian) the one state language.

În august 1989, ca urmare a manifestărilor de masă din Chişinău, limba moldoveneasca a devenit limba oficială în Republica Moldova.

В августе 1989 года в результате массовых демонстраций в Кишиневе молдавский (или румынский) стал государственным языком в Молдове.

In 1990 about 3% of the population supported unification with Romania according to a poll. Another survey taken in June and early July 1992 (during the civil war) showed that less than 10% of Moldovans wanted (re)unification*. Split between ethnic Romanians, Ukrainians and Russians. 4.2% of Romanian Moldovans wanted “rapid unification” with another 7.5% wanting “unification later”.

Potrivit unui studiu în 1990, aproximativ 3% din populaţie a sprijinit unirea cu România. Un alt sondaj efectuat în iunie şi începutul lunii iulie 1992 (în timpul războiului civil), a arătat că mai puţin de 10% din moldoveni doresc să (re) coniine cu Romania. Rascoala impărţită între români etice, ucraineni şi ruşi. 4,2% dintre moldovenii de origine romana, cum ar fi «asociere rapidă« , 7,5% a vrut sa se uneasca mai târziu ».

Согласно опросу в 1990 г. около 3% населения поддерживали объединение с Румынией. Другой опрос, проведенный в июне и начале июля 1992 г. (во время гражданской войны), показал, что менее 10% молдаван хотят (вос)соединения.* Раскол между этическими румынами, украинцами и русскими. 4,2% молдаван румынского происхождения хотели «быстрого объединения», 7,5% хотели «соединиться позже».

Support for unification between Romania and Moldova has always been very low. To understand this better let’s turn the clock back to a crucially important time in Moldova’s history…1917 - 1918.

Sustinerea unirii Romaniei cu Republica Moldova a fost întotdeauna neglijata. Pentru a întelege mai bine acest lucru, să revenim înapoi la momentul crucial pentru istoria Moldovei ... 1917 1918.

Поддержка идеи соединения Румынии и Молдовы всегда была незначительной. Чтобы лучше понять все это, давайте вернемся назад в критически важное для молдавской истории время… 1917-1918г.г.

In August 1917, remnants of the battered and successively defeated Romanian Army stood to make a final stand against the Central Powers at Mărăşeşti, Moldavia province. The Russian Army supported them. It was clear then that this action would be the last one before German forces swept into Russian controlled Bessarabia a short distance away.

În august 1917, resturile armatei române s-a oprit pentru a da o replica finala la principalele forţe de la Marasesti, un sat din Republica Moldova. Ei au fost sprijiniti de armata rusă. Acesta a fost clar co va fi ultima bătălie, înainte ca forţele germane sa verifice Basarabia ruseasca, care se afla in apropiere.

В августе 1917 г. остатки разбитой румынской армии остановились, чтобы дать последний отпор главным силам у села Мэрэшешть в Молдавской провинции. Их поддерживала русская армия. Было ясно, что это последний бой, перед тем как немецкие силы войдут в контролируемую Россией Бессарабию, которая находилась неподалеку.

The Romanian Army defeated the invaders. In those following few months it also had the continuing support of a weakening Russian Army.

Armata romana a fost invadata. În acele câteva luni, de asemenea, a continuat o slăbire a armatei ruse.

Румынская армия разгромила захватчиков. В те несколько месяцев также продолжалась поддержка слабеющей русской армии.

Romanians and Russians were unlikely and uncomfortable allies.

Români şi ruşi au fost aliaţi puţin probabil.

Румыны и русские были неправдоподобными и неперспективными союзниками.

In Bessarabia in 1917, Russia’s century plus hold on power was lessening. A power vacuum was developing and Romanians arrived there to promote interest in Romania and Romanian. In November 1917, the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia. At the same time a soldiers’ congress in Chisinau called for an autonomous Bessarabia within a democratised Russian state. A provisional parliament, Sfatul Tarii (the National Council) was formed. Its most immediate task: to unite the country and tackle marauding bands of soldiers returning from the front.

În Basarabia, în 1917, scade puterea de influenţă ruseasca. Acesta a dezvoltat un vid de putere, şi a ajuns ca romanii sa-si promoveze propriile interese. În noiembrie 1917, bolsevicii au venit la putere în Rusia. În acelaşi timp, un soldat din Chişinău, in cadrul congresului a proclamat autonomia Basarabiei, ca parte a unei Rusii democratice. A fost creat un organ suprem de guvernare - Sfatul Tarii (Consiliul de muchii). Sarcina lui imediată a fost să se unească ţara şi sa se lupte cu banditii veniti de pe front.

В Бессарабии в 1917 г. уменьшалось влияние русской власти. Развивался вакуум власти, и туда прибыли румыны, чтобы продвигать интересы Румынии и румын. В ноябре 1917 г. большевики захватили власть в России. В то же время солдатский конгресс в Кишиневе провозгласил автономность Бессарабии в составе демократической России. Был создан верховный орган управления страной Сфатул Цэрий (Совет Края). Его непосредственной задачей было объединить страну и бороться с мародерскими бандами солдат, возвращающимися с фронта.

In December, the Moldavian Democratic Republic was declared within the framework of an anticipated democratically run Russian state. Ukraine declared its independence, immediately claiming (the right to take over) Bessarabia.

În decembrie, a fost proclamată Republica Democratică Moldovenească, ca parte a Rusiei. Ucraina a declarat independenţa si a cerut imediat sa i se intoarca Basarabia.

В декабре была провозглашена Молдавская Демократическая Республика как часть России. Украина провозгласила независимость, немедленно потребовав (право вернуть) Бессарабию.

Lacking the resources to deal with Bessarabia’s internal and external security threats, the National Council invited in support from the Romanian Army. In January shortly after Romanian forces arrived, the Sfatul Tarii proclaimed the independence of the Moldavian Republic. Its life would be a short one…

Lipsa forţelor de securitate care ar putea sa se confrunte cu ameninţarea Sfatului Tarii din Basarabia au adus la cererea ajutorului din partea Romaniei. În ianuarie, la scurt timp după sosirea trupelor române, Sfatul Tarii a declarat independenţa Republicii Moldova. Existenta ei a fost de scurtă durată ...

Из-за нехватки сил противостоять угрозе безопасности Бессарабии Сфатул Цэрий попросил помощи у Румынии. В январе, вскоре после прихода румынских войск, Сфатул Цэрий провозгласил независимость Молдавской Республики. Ее существование было недолгим…

The Romanian Army strengthened its grip. In April 1918, the Sfatul Tarii voted to maintain its self autonomy while leading Bessarabia on a course of intended union with Romania. In May 1918, Romania entered into a treaty with Germany that guaranteed Romania’s right to annex Bessarabia. In return, Germany would have complete economic control over Greater Romania.

Armata română şi-a consolidat poziţia sa. În aprilie 1918 Sfatul Tarii a votat pentru autonomie, cu scopul unirii cu România. În luna mai 1918, România a semnat un acord cu Germania, care a asigurat dreptul de a anexa Basarabia la România. La rândul său, Germania, va avea dreptul la un control al economiei României Mare.

Румынская армия упрочила свои позиции. В апреле 1918 г. Сфатул Цэрий проголосовал за автономию с курсом на объединение с Румынией. В мае 1918 г. Румыния заключила договор с Германией, который гарантировал право Румынии аннексировать Бессарабию. В свою очередь у Германии будет право на полный экономический контроль над Великой Румынией.

In France, German forces continued their successful spring offensive defeating British and French forces. In May 1918, Bessarabia too could expect to fall under full German economic control. While all Moldavians would owe their allegiance to Romania’s monarchy of recent German ancestry.

În Franţa, trupele germane au continuat cu succes o ofensivă de primăvară împotriva forţelor britanice şi franceze. În luna mai din 1918 Basarabia, de asemenea, ar putea intra sub controlul complet economic al Germaniei, şi toţi moldovenii ar trebui să fie loiali subiectelor monarhiei române în frunte cu regele de origine germană.

Во Франции немецкие войска продолжали успешное весеннее наступление на британские и французские силы. В мае 1918г. Бессарабия тоже могла попасть под полный экономический контроль Германии, а все молдаване должны были бы стать верноподданными Румынской монархии во главе с королем немецкого происхождения.

King Ferdinand never ratified the treaty with Germany. On November 11^th 1918, the armistice was signed. Germany surrendered. Its treaty with Romania consequently nullified. But on November 27^th, the Sfatul Tarii was pressured to dissolve conditions it had attached to protect the interests of ordinary people in Bessarabia and then dissolve itself. The events of this unacceptable episode are clearly described in Charles King’s book.

Regele Ferdinand nu a ratificat tratatul cu Germania. 11 noiembrie 1918. Armistiţiul a fost semnat cu Germania. Rezultatul este că în condiţiile unui tratat de pace cu România au fost anulate. Dar, la noi 27, 1918. S-a decis cu privire la aderarea necondiţionată a Basarabiei la România prin eliminarea tuturor condiţiilor din Actul din martie 27, 1918. La scurt timp după această decizie Sfatul Tarii a încetat să mai existe. Interesele oamenilor obişnuiţi, în Basarabia nu au mai fost sustinute de nimeni. Toate evenimentele din aceasta perioada sunt descrise în carte lui Charles King.

Король Фердинанд никогда не ратифицировал договор с Германией. 11 ноября 1918г. было подписано перемирие с Германией. Вследствие чего условия мирного договора с Румынией были аннулированы. Но 27 ноября 1918г. было принято решение о безусловном присоединении Бессарабии к Румынии, ликвидировавшее все условия акта от 27 марта 1918 года. Вскоре после принятия этого решения Сфатул Цэрий прекратил своё существование. Интересы простых людей в Бессарабии больше никто не защищал. Все события этого периода описаны в книге Чарльза Кинга.

In 1918, Moldovans were ignorant peasants with a 7% literacy rate. That was in the countryside where ethnic Moldavians pre-dominated. In the towns, Russians dominated the scene and Russian was the main language. A large proportion of the towns’ population was Jewish, 45% in Chisinau! In the Russian empire, Jewish merchants were in fact quite poor. Jewish culture was suppressed, but moreso in other places such as the Ukraine.

În 1918, moldovenii au fost cea mai mare parte ţărani analfabeţi, numai 7% dintre ei au fost carturari.. Moldovenii etnici au prevalat în mediul rural. În oraşele dominate de ruşi, limba rusă a fost limba cea mai importanta. Cea mai mare parte a populaţiei urbane au fost evrei, peste 45%! În Rusia, negustorii evrei au fost destul de saraci. Cultura evreiasca a fost înabusita, acest val a fost simtit si-n alte tari, cum ar fi Ucraina.

В 1918 г. молдаване в основном были безграмотными крестьянами, всего 7 % из них были грамотными. Этнические молдаване преобладали в сельской местности. В городах преобладали русские, и русский был главным языком. Большую часть городского населения составляли евреи, в Кишиневе их было 45 %! В Российской империи еврейские купцы были довольно бедными. Еврейская культура подавлялась, но еще больше это происходило в других местах, таких как Украина.

For Bessarabia was a relatively ethnically tolerant state. It was also a country of two distinctly different parts – town and country.

Basarabia a fost o tara toleranta atunci cand se discuta despre existenta mai multor etnii. Basarabia a fost tara impartita in sate si orase.

Бессарабия была относительно этнически толерантной страной. Также это была страна двух совершенно разных частей – города и села.

Ordinary countryfolk in 1918 considered themselves “Moldavians”, Moldavian not Romanian. Over 90 years later, ethnic Romanian Moldovans still see the situation that way. Identifying their culture, language connections and history with the western part of Moldavia.

Deobicei populaţia rurala tipica, în 1918 se considera «moldoveni», moldoveni si nu români. Şi dupa 90 de ani mai târziu, situaţia nu s-a schimbat - aceştia isi identifică cultura, limba si istoria lor.

Обычное сельское население в 1918 г. считало себя «молдаванами», молдаванами, а не румынами. И 90 лет спустя ситуация не изменилась – они отождествляют свою культуру, языковые связи и историю с западной частью Молдавии.

In the Moldovan countryside in 1918, ordinary people spoke Romanian. They also spoke their own peasant language which varied from place to place. Even today you can hear in Chisinau words never spoken outside Moldova. Additionally, Russians, Ukrainians, Bulgarians, Gagauz, Jews and gypsies in the countryside added their own words, customs and thinking. Along with smaller numbers of Germans and Poles. Different peoples placed (by race) into often rigid village class structures with their own local religious rituals and superstitions. These intricate and complex customs and practices were taken very seriously.

În mediul rural din Moldova în 1918, oamenii de rând vorbeau în limba română. Pe diferite zone se vorbea diferit, fiecare cu dialectal sau. Chiar si astazi poti sa intalnesti aceste dialecte, desi nicaieri peste hotarele Moldovei nu se mai vorbeste asa. Bulgarii, rusii, ucrainenii si evreii au venit cu regionalismele lor. Gaseai in diferite zone si familii de polonezi si germani.

В молдавской сельской местности в 1918 г. простые люди говорили на румынском языке. Они также говорили на своем крестьянском языке, который варьировался в разных местах. Даже сегодня вы можете услышать в Кишиневе слова, которые не используются нигде за пределами Молдовы. К тому же русские, украинцы, болгары, гагаузы, евреи в сельской местности добавляли в язык свои собственные слова, обычаи и образ мышления. Кроме того, там еще жили небольшие группы немцев и поляков. Представители разных народов часто находились (по национальному признаку) в строгих сельских классовых структурах со своими собственными местными религиозными ритуалами и религиозными предрассудками. Эти запутанные и сложные обычаи и устои воспринимались очень серьезно.

Into this situation from 1918 arrived Romanians with Moldovan teachers they’d trained to teach Romanian. Equipped with a huge number of books, periodicals and maps. Their aim: educate ordinary country people about their Romanian language and culture – the one they had apparently missed out on.

În această situaţie, din 1918 românii au început să sosească cu un număr foarte mare de cărţi, periodice şi hărţi, profesori pregatiti pentru a preda limba roman in Moldova. Scopul lor a fost predarea limbii romane si a culturii romane.

В этой ситуации с 1918 г. начали прибывать румыны с огромным количеством книг, периодики и карт, которые обучали молдавских учителей преподавать румынский язык. Их целью было образование простых сельских жителей румынскому языку и культуре.

The main problem with this was that ordinary Moldovans thought their own language Moldovan only suitable for local (mainly agrarian) purposes. Over and over they called it: limba prostime: the language of simple people. Russian was the superior language. Although attempts by Tsarist Russia to impose Russian on these peasants had been rejected, they still perceived it as being part of a higher culture. Just not one they fully accepted. The tiny number of Moldovans who wrote or recorded their own language used the Cyrillic alphabet in use pre-1860, pre the Romanian state. In any case, Moldovans were all very clear - they did not speak Romanian.

O problema destul de strigenta a fost monopolizarea limbii moldovenesti, care uneori ducea la dezbateri intre localnici. Limba moldoveneasca a fost numita limba oamenilor simpli.. Limba rusă era superioara limbii romane. Mereu populatia din acea zona a fost constienta de faptul ca nu cunosc cu adevarat limba romana.

Главная проблема заключалась в том, что простые молдаване думали, что их собственный молдавский язык единственно пригоден для местных (в основном сельскохозяйственных) целей. Вновь и вновь они называли его limba prostime – язык простых людей. Русский был превосходящим языком. Хотя попытки царской России навязать русский этим крестьянам были отвергнуты, они все-таки воспринимали его как часть более высокой культуры, хотя и не принимали ее. Очень небольшое число молдаван, которые умели писать на своем родном языке, использовали кириллический алфавит до 1860 г., до румынского государства. В любом случае, молдаване всегда были убеждены, что они не говорят на румынском языке.

“The Family That Did Not Know It Spoke Romanian”, the title of a chapter in Stephen Henighan’s book: “Lost Province…” Two years after the August 31^st 1989 language demonstration, this family in Chisinau still thought that Moldovan was very different from Romanian. A message firmly delivered to the Canadian author when he got out an English – Romanian dictionary. Yet the lady who delivered it had visited relatives in Romania and communicated easily with them. When Henighan raised this point, she became very upset.

În cartea lui Ştefan Henigana «Te-ai rătăcit Provincia ...» gasesti un capitol cu titlul - familia care nu constientiza ca vorbea limba romana. Doi ani mai tarziu dupa o demonstratie, 31 august 1989, dedicata limbii romane, aceasta familie inca mai credea ca de fapt limba moldoveneasca difera enorm de limba romana. Membrii acestei familii clar au demonstrat acea diferenta dintre aceste doua limbi. Autorul de origine canadiana a incercat sa scoata in evidenta aceasta diferenta cu ajutorul unui dictionar romana-canadian.Femeia, care era sigura de aceasta mare diferenta si-a vizitat de mai multe ori rudele din Romania si foarte bine se intelegeau.Când Henigan vorbea despre aceasta diferenta, femeia era foarte suparata.

В книге Стефена Хенигана «Затерянная провинция…» есть глава, которая называется «Семья, которая не знала, что говорит по-румынски». Через два года после демонстрации 31 августа 1989 г., посвященной языку, семья в Кишиневе все еще думала, что молдавский язык очень отличается от румынского языка. Члены этой семьи очень четко дали это понять канадскому автору, когда он достал свой англо-румынский словарь. Женщина, которая в этом уверяла автора, навещала родственников в Румынии и легко с ними общалась. Когда Хениган заговорил об этом, она очень расстроилась.

Leading academic, Irina Livezeanu describes this similar 1918 situation as a psychological problem in her book: “Cultural Politics in Greater Romania…1918 - 1930”**.

Conducatorul academicianul Irina Livezyanu în cartea sa «politicii culturale din România Mare ... 1919-1930» ** descrie o situaţie similară, în 1918 ca o problemă psihologică.

Ведущий академик Ирина Ливезяну в своей книге «Культурная политика в Великой Румынии… 1919-1930»** описывает подобную ситуацию в 1918 г. как психологическую проблему.

Moldovans disliked the Bucharest directed “Romanization”. But they wanted to become educated and learn how to read and write their own main language. Largely hostile to the propaganda of “The Greater Romania”, they readily accepted (the change to) the latin script. For ethnic Moldovans, this aspect of Romania’s occupation was welcomed especially in the three or four years following The Great War.

Moldovenilor nu le placea ideea de Bucuresti romanizat.Ei doreau sa fie cat mai educati, inteligenti si sa poate comunica in limba lor proprie. Au fost foarte ostili fata de promovarea Romaniei Mare, insa cu usurinta au adoptat alfabetul latin. Pentru moldoveniii din acele locuri aceste schimbari importante au fost benefice pentru dezvoltarea lor profesionala.

Молдаванам не нравилась бухарестская «руманизация». Но они хотели быть образованными, чтобы их научили читать и писать на их собственном языке. Они очень неприязненно относились к пропаганде «Великой Румынии», но с легкостью приняли латинскую графику. Для этнических молдаван этот аспект румынской оккупации был хорошо принят за три-четыре года до первой мировой войны.

There were social and economic reasons for this initially positive response amongst rural ethnic Moldavians and occasionally other peasants such as Ukrainians. Learning to read and write Romanian was a means to advance themselves, often through their children. In their class structures, ethnic Moldavians, (Romanian Moldovans) were often disadvantaged due to little or no education. Now they saw the chance to advance their family and community interests. In doing so, they initially allied themselves with their Romanian conquerors. But this was largely a temporary device or manoeuvre. There was little appetite for serious ethnic division leading to conflict. In fact there are recorded cases of Jews and other ethnic groups assisting ethnic Moldovans to gain schools, teachers and educational materials in the immediate post war period.

Pentru populatia din acea zona era foarte important aceasta descoperire a limbii romane. Deseori majoritatea au invatat a scrie si citi in limba romana de la copii lor, care la randul lor faceau scoala. In clasele pentru elevi deseori apareau divergente din motive de apartenenta la paturile sociale. Doar asa au observat cat e de usor sa atingi succesul. Exista diferite materiale care demonstreaza altruism everilor in desolater moldovenilor, acestea i-au ajutat cu materiale didactice pentru ca eventual aces tea sa progrese.

Среди сельских этнических молдаван и других крестьян, таких как украинцы, были социальные и экономические причины для такого позитивного ответа на начальной стадии. Научиться читать и писать по-румынски было средством достижения успеха для себя, часто через своих детей. В классовых структурах этнических молдаван (молдаван румынского происхождения) часто были препятствия из-за отсутствия образования. Сейчас они увидели возможность того, что их семьи и общество могут стать более успешными. И для этого они на начальной стадии были согласны объединиться со своими румынскими завоевателями. Но в значительной степени это был временный метод или маневр. Никто не хотел серьезного этнического разделения, ведущего к конфликту. Были официальные факты, показывающие, что евреи и представители других этнических групп помогали этническим молдаванам добиваться успехов в школе, получать учителей и учебные материалы в послевоенный период.

After on balance a positive start, conditions in rural Bessarabia began to deteriorate from the early twenties. Conditions were always more difficult in the towns. Unsurprisingly the largely Jewish and Russian population there had always been openly hostile to Romanian rule. This rule became progressively more brutal, oppressive, corrupt and discriminatory. Enforced by a deeply unpleasant military occupation. Conditions which also existed in Transylvania and other parts of Romania where “Romanization” might also be harshly applied. But Romania’s state policies were at their most extreme in Bessarabia.

După un start pozitiv condiţiile în Basarabia a început să se deterioreze de la începutul anului 20.In localitatile urbane situatia s-a inrautatit. Nu este surprinzator, poporul evreu deseori isi exprima deschis ostilitatea fata de guvernul roman.Aceleaşi condiţii, au fost în Transilvania şi în alte părţi din România, utilizand pe scară largă «romanizare». Politica statului romana s -a manifestat mai mult in Basarabia.

После позитивного начала условия в сельской Бессарабии начали ухудшаться с начала 20-х годов. В городах условия часто были еще хуже. Неудивительно, что в значительной степени еврейское и русское население открыто выражало неприязнь к румынскому правлению. Это правление становилось все более жестоким, деспотичным, коррумпированным и дискриминационным. Все это усиливалось очень неприятной военной оккупацией. Такие же условия были в Трансильвании и других частях Румынии, где широко применялась «румынизация». Но крайности румынской государственной политики больше всего проявлялись в Бессарабии.

Moldovans often have a limited grasp of their own history. But some shocking stories, backed by historical sources have survived and they’re often quoted.

Moldovenii intotdeauna nu si-au cunoscut propria istorie.Insa foarte multe manuscrise ale multor savanti au fost si continua sa fie discutate de catre multi cercetatori.

У молдаван всегда было ограниченное понимание своей собственной истории. Но некоторые шокирующие рассказы, подтвержденные историческими источниками, сохранились, и их часто цитируют.

But wasn’t the Romanian occupation doomed to fail anyway? Given the mutual hatred in the towns from the start for which the Romanians blamed and harassed the “Jews and foreigners”. However, Irina Livezeanu in her book** finds instances where Moldavian culture, language expression and thinking was much more readily accepted. There was initially a battle between Romanian purists and some wise seniors from Moldavia province.

Dar, dacă ocupaţiei româneasca, în orice caz,a fost sortită eşecului? De la bun început, în oraşe a existat o ură reciprocă, pentru care românii au fost acuzati de evrei si străini. Cu toate acestea, Irina Livezyanu în cartea sa ** sunt câteva exemple, în care cultura Moldovei, limba sunt de buan voie acceptate. De la inceput, a existat o luptă între suporterii de purificare a limbii literare si bătrânii întelepti din provincia Moldova.

Но не была ли румынская оккупация в любом случае обречена на неудачу? С самого начала в городах существовала взаимная ненависть, за которую румыны обвиняли «евреев и иностранцев». Тем не менее, Ирина Ливезяну в своей книге** приводит отдельные примеры, когда молдавская культура, язык, экспрессия и образ мышления охотно принимались. С самого начала существовала борьба между сторонниками очищения литературного языка и некоторыми мудрыми старейшинами из молдавской провинции.

In theory, the Romanian state could have won over most of the Moldovan population. But the bigotry from Bucharest and its supporters alienated ordinary people leaving deep scars.

Teoretic, statul roman ar putea castiga peste majoritatea populaţiei din Moldova. Insa phantasmal orb bucurestean si supporter acestuia au dat la o parte oamenii simpli marcandu-i enorm.

Теоретически румынское государство могло бы склонить на свою сторону большинство молдавского населения. Но слепой фанатизм Бухареста и его сторонников отдалило простых людей, оставив у них на душе неизгладимый след.

Pro-Romania historians respond partly by pointing to events in Soviet controlled Moldova during 1946 – 1949 especially. But from a modern western point of view this bi-polar focus is of limited value. What Moldovans want (and wanted) is the question, is the issue. It wasn’t, hasn’t been and still isn’t being properly addressed.

Istoricii proromani partial explica acest lucru, facand referinta la evenimentele din Moldova, evenimente ce sunt sub controlul Uniunii Sovietice, în special în 1946-1949 de ani. Dar, din punct de vedere a tarilor modernizate din vest aceste referinte au duble intelesuri.Intrebarea e ce vor cu adevarat Moldovan.Această întrebare într-adevăr nu a fost specificata, şi nici nu a fost pusa pana astazi.

Прорумынские историки частично объясняют это, указывая на события в Молдове, находящейся под контролем Советского Союза, особенно в 1946-1949 годах. Но с современной западной точки зрения это двухполярная точка зрения ограничена. Вопрос заключается в том, чего хотят (и хотели) сами молдаване. Этот вопрос толком и не был задан, да и не задается до сих пор.

In 1918, western European countries expected Romania to re-unite and properly integrate Moldavia within Romania. So, western Europe supported Romania (re)gaining these territories. After all, Bessarabia wasn’t a separately functioning state with an homogenous identity and independent, dominant race. Britain, France and Italy saw Romania as a natural and valuable ally whose efforts in “The Great War” deserved recognition and reward.

În 1918, ţările din Europa de Vest se astepta ca Romania sa se uneasca cu Moldova.Acesta este motivul pentru care Europa de est a sprijin Romania pentru ca sa adereze la UE.In final, Basarabia nu functioneaza ca un stat separat, ca o individualitate sau o natiune independenta.Marea Britanie, Franta, Italia a perceput Romania ca un aliat valoros care merita la randul sau sa fie recompensat.

В 1918 г. западноевропейские страны ожидали, что Румыния воссоединится с Молдовой и должным образом интегрирует её. Поэтому Западная Европа поддерживала Румынию в получении (вновь) этих территорий. В конце концов, Бессарабия не была отдельно функционирующим государством с однородной индивидуальностью и независимой господствующей нацией. Британия, Франция, Италия воспринимали Румынию в качестве естественного и ценного союзника, чьи усилия в первой мировой войне заслуживали признания и вознаграждения.

The United States thought differently and opposed this annexation. In 1918 and usually beyond until 1945, US administrations saw Russia as a potential ally. A fact which surprises some historians even today. The US congress refused to ratify the Treaty of Paris (1920) which intended to legitimise Romania’s take-over of Bessarabia.

Autoritatile Statelor Unite ale Americii au gandit diferit si s-au opus anexarii. In 1918 pana in 1945 Statele Unite ale Americi au vazut in Rusia un potential aliat.Acest lucru este curios pana si astazi pentru istoricii congresului american care au refuzat sa ratifice Tratatul de la Paris din 1920 in urma caruia s-a recunoscut anexarea Basarabiei la Romania.

Соединенные Штаты думали по-другому и возражали против этой аннексии. В 1918 г. и в период до 1945 г. США видели в России потенциальную союзницу. Этот факт даже сегодня удивляет многих историков. Конгресс США отказался ратифицировать парижский мирный договор (1920г.), по которому за Румынией признавалось право на вступление во владение Бессарабией.

The American perspective is an intriguing subject, one that fascinates many historians. It includes US President Woodrow Wilson’s views on the forming of nations following The Great War (1914 – 1918). Reputedly, he was disturbed by the arbitrary abolition of Bessarabia’s fledgling parliament and wanted a plebiscite. There are also other American perspectives on nation building. In “The Moldovans”***, American author, Charles King poses the provocative question: to what extent is a nation forged or is a forgery? ****

Opiniile americane vizavi de viitor- este un subject intrigant si atrage interesul multor istorici. Aceste opinii include si cele ale lui Woodrow Wilson, si anume form area natiunilor dupa primul razboi mondial din 1914-1918. In cartea “Moldovenii”, autorul american Charles King pune o intrevare provocatoare: in ce masura o natiune conceputa poate fi o fictiune?

Американские виды на будущее – это интригующая тема, и она увлекает многих историков. Сюда относятся и взгляды американского президента Вудро Вильсона на формирование наций после первой мировой войны (1914-1918). По общему мнению, его беспокоила деспотичная ликвидация молодого бессарабского парламента, и он хотел плебисцита. Были и другие американские перспективы по строению наций. В книге «Молдаване»*** американский автор Чарльз Кинг задает провокационный вопрос: до какой степени нация придумана, является вымыслом? ****

The Treaty of Paris (1920) which awarded Bessarabia to Romania never became part of international law. But in the real world of 1918, either Romania, Russia or the Ukraine would occupy Bessarabia. Within a few years, the Ukraine was taken over by Russia. Western Europe would never have approved of Russia controlling Bessarabia again. Britain’s position was clear. We sent tanks to help the White Russians in their war against the Bolshevik army.

Tratatul de la Paris (1920), vizand anexarea Basarabiei la Romania, niciodata nu a devenit un tratat international. Insa in 1918, Romania, Rusia sau Ucraina ar fi facut tot posibilul ca sa anexeze Basarabia la territorial sau.Dupa cativa ani, Ucraina a fost domina de Rusia. Europa de vest nu si-r fi permis niciodata ca Basarabia sa redevina teritoriul Rusiei.Pozitia Marii Britanie a fost destul de clara.

Парижский мирный договор (1920 г.), по которому Бессарабия отошла Румынии, никогда не стал часть международного законодательства. Но в реальном мире 1918 года, либо Румыния, либо Россия, либо Украина оккупировали бы Бессарабию. Через несколько лет Украина оказалась под властью России. Западная Европа никогда бы ни одобрила, чтобы Россия вновь контролировала Бессарабию. Позиция Британии была ясной. Мы послали танки, чтобы помочь белым в их войне против армии большевиков.

Over 90 years later, we in Western Europe all agree that Moldova is a nation forged. Since 1918, the League of Nations developing into the United Nations gained the real support of the world community. This is what makes Moldova’s continued independence a reality.

A fost nevoie de 90 de ani ca sa facem parte din Europa de vest. Din 1918 Liga Natiunilor a devenit Organizatia Natiunilor Unitte si a obtinut sprijinul comunitatii internationale. Datorita acestui fapt si astazi Republica Moldova este o stat independent.

Прошло 90 лет, и мы все в Западной Европе согласны, что Молдова – это придуманная нация. С 1918 г. Лига Наций превратилась в Организацию Объединенных Наций и получила реальную поддержку мирового сообщества. И благодаря этому продолжается независимость Молдовы.

* First poll reported in “The Moldovans” by Charles King. Second poll: “Studies in Moldovan” by Dyer. During the civil war, there were great fears by many Moldovans about Russian intervention into Moldova proper. Romania provided limited military assistance.

**“Cultural Politics in Greater Romania”, subtitled: “Regionalism, Nationalism and Ethnic Struggle 1918 – 1930” by Irina Livezeanu, an American author Romanian born and bred. This is an excellent text. However the author has encountered limited but well supported criticism which should also be taken into account when reading her material (see Wikipedia).

***”The Moldovans: Romania, Russia and the Politics of Culture” by Charles King, 2000. Commissioned and published by Cambridge University press. An outstandingly impressive standard text on Moldova.

**** Romanian and Russian readers with some English, please look at the English sentence.

* Prima anchetă în cartea lui Charles King «moldoveni». A doua carte Dyer «Studiul» limba moldovenească. În timpul Războiului Civil, multi moldoveni se temeau de intervenţia Rusiei în Republica Moldova. România are o asistenţă militară limitată.

** «Politicii culturale din România Mare», subtitlu: «Regionalismul, naţionalismul şi tulburările etnice în 1918-1930 GG» - o carte de către autorul american Irene Livezyanu, născute şi crescute în România. Aceasta este o carte excelentă. Cu toate că autorul a fost confruntat cu o limitat, dar bine sprijinit de către critici, care, de asemenea, trebuie să fie luate în considerare, materiale de citit. (a se vedea Wikipedia).

*** Charles King «moldovenilor: România, Rusia, şi politică culturală», 2000. Cartea comandata şi publicata la Cambridge University Press (Cambridge University Press). Cartea face o impresie neobisnuit de profundă cu privire la Moldova.

**** Românii şi cititorii ruşi, care cunosc limba engleză, citit si in limba engleza.

* Первый опрос в книге Чарльза Кинга «Молдаване». Второй в книге Дайера «Изучение молдавского языка». Во время гражданской войны многие молдаване боялись русской интервенции Молдовы. Румыния оказала лимитированную военную помощь.

** «Культурная политика в Великой Румынии», подзаголовок: «Регионализм, национализм и этническая борьба в 1918-1930 г.г.» - книга американского автора Ирины Ливезяну, родившейся и выросшей в Румынии. Это отличная книга. Хотя автор столкнулась с ограниченной, но хорошо поддержанной критикой, которую тоже надо брать в расчет, читая ее материалы (смотрите Википедию).

*** Чарльз Кинг «Молдаване: Румыния, Россия и культурная политика», 2000. Книга заказана и напечатана "Кембридж юниверсити пресс" (издательство Кембриджского университета). Книга производит необычайно глубокое впечатление о Молдове.

**** Румынские и русские читатели, знающие хоть немного английский язык, прочтите английское предложение.

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US President Woodrow Wilson’s influence on the 1919 Treaty Of Versailles

Summarised extracts from: “Blood & Soil”

An article by Professor Niall Ferguson about a public debate at the annual Hay book festival, May 2009.

By the author on the Sunday Times 31.05.09, Comment pages.

The 90^th anniversary of the Versailles Treaty was discussed between Niall Ferguson of British Conservative beliefs and the 92 year old Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm. Although obviously of totally opposite political beliefs, Niall Ferguson said: “I deeply respect him as a historian”. Going on to record that the communist and imperialist agreed on much more than they disagreed.

“The fatal flaw of Versailles, we concurred was the attempt by Woodrow Wilson to draw the map of Europe on the principle of self-determination, whereby states and peoples would be one and the same.”

Ignoring “the fact that eastern Europe was a heterogeneous patchwork of ethnic, linguistic and religious groups”. A warning of “the dangers of idealising the homogeneous nation-state. People move and mingle; you can’t pin blood and soil together.”

He adds that had the principle of self determination been consistently applied, then Germany would have ended up larger after the First World War, than it had been before.

Both Germany and Russia were excluded from the 1919 peace making process. 20 years later (1939) they agreed the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in which both countries agreed how to divide up Eastern Europe between them*.

Niall Ferguson is the Laurence A Tisch professor of history at Harvard University.

Only historian rated as one of the top 100 most influential British people. Author of many books also presented as popular documentary series on TV. Professor Ferguson makes easy and pleasurable sense of complex subjects.

The origins of the The Times newspaper date back to 1785. Necessary reading for anyone wishing to understand what was happening in the British Empire. It included an important letters page which influenced world events. The Sunday Times circulation commonly equalled the combined circulation of its quality rivals.

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* Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for War, 1919 quotes:

Bolshevism must be “strangled in its cradle”.

In 1919, Churchill asserted the issue of the possible future combination of Germany, Soviet Russia and Japan:

“In the ultimate result we could contemplate a predatory confederation stretching from the Rhine to Yokohama menacing the vital interests of the British Empire in India and elsewhere, menacing indeed the future of the world”.

In 1939, the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia led to extensive trade and co-operation between the two countries. Both were allied to the Empire of Japan which had invaded China and threatened other Asian countries plus British, French and American interests in the Pacific.

Churchill became British Prime Minister in 1940.

He then had to deal with the consequences of his prediction until 1941 and beyond.

See also: brilliant, witty, multi-award winning: "Peacemakers" by Margaret Macmillan (Paris peace conference, 1919 - 1920).

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United States position on territorial status of Bessarabia 1919 – 1920

In 1920 the United States government saw Bessarabia as part of Russian controlled territory.

In its view Romania should withdraw its forces, political control and claims on this territory.

This view followed many meetings and much exchange of documents and correspondence 1919 – 1920 with Romanian state officials and representatives of “the Big Four”.

The US, Britain, France and Italy decided on the borders of Europe (for the interwar period).

Importantly, Germany and Russia were excluded from any decision making.

Western Europe believed that Bessarabia should fall under Romanian control.

The reasons for the US position (supporting Russian control) were based on:

(1) The US’s interpretation of how countries’ borders should be arranged (around peoples).

(2) United States core values and beliefs, both ethical and commercial.

(3) The US (& others) gaining political and economic advantage with a Russian alliance.

American core values and beliefs have changed little over the centuries and apply to their foreign policy. They represent a narrow ethical base resulting in a wide range of interpretations. This has created problems with decision making; contributing to variations in policy setting. The result has often been uncertainty, sometimes accompanied by unpredictable behaviour.

Arguably that is less of a problem in looking at US – Romania relations 1919-1920. Because Romanian state policies and their rationale were often clearly contrary to strongly held American core values and beliefs. It’s also clear looking at the transcripts and statements of senior Romanian officials that they failed to properly understand or care at all about the American position.

US officials became increasingly frustrated and infuriated by Romania’s state policy, actions and the supporting rationale.

In dealing with other parties, Americans always ask (themselves): “can we do business with these people?”

They felt that they could deal well with the relatively more straightforward Russians.

In considering the Russians’ position, US President Woodrow Wilson and his officials (and even British Prime Minister Lloyd George at times) believed that communism was a passing phase; bourgeois values would triumph as usual. A common view outside Western capitals; held for example by Prince Urusov, the very wise Russian governor of Chisinau in 1903.

Now let’s look at some of the situations and events taking place in Bessarabia at the time.

Sequestration of foreigners’ property without compensation (including citizens of US, Britain, France, Italy), and violations of their rights – complaints dismissed.

The rights of (ethnic) minorities opposed and trampled on (including in Romania).

Rejection of the US demand for a plebiscite. (But White Russians’ leader agreed to a limited poll).

Imposition of semi-feudal system by new Romanian state landlords along with harsh Agrarian Law.

1919 Khotyn (Hotin) demonstrations leading to a rebellion which was brutally suppressed.

Moldovan boyars’ complaints ignored including that by the former mayor of Chisinau.

An obvious decline in Moldovan living standards, whereas previously Bessarabia (under Russian Tsarist control) had been as materially well off as Romania.

Persistent petitioning of the Romanian government by the “Big Four” led to British citizens and others being compensated years later. The Romanian government had agreed early on to pay this compensation when they needed support for their take-over of Bessarabia, but were slow to comply. By including just specific named countries in their agreement, they alienated other powers e.g. Japan which delayed agreement (to the 1920 Treaty of Paris).

The Romanian government took the uncompromising position that their laws were sacrosanct and praiseworthy. They would not sign up to treaties to protect the rights of minorities. No other country’s government had any right to question Romanian state actions. Furthermore, within the boundaries of Mare Romania, Romanians belonged to Romania as a matter of ownership. Regardless of what these citizens wanted for themselves.

In 1919, Prime Minister Bratianu stated that 72% of Bessarabia’s population were Romanian and the other 15% were Slavs, Bulgarians and Romanians. The figures in his statement didn’t add up – the missing 13% were largely Jews…

Jewish people had been denied Romanian citizenship rights by Bratianu in 1917.

In 1918 at the height of the all consuming Great War, some Germans officials but mainly the Austrian government partly succeeded within the Treaty of Bucharest in getting Romania to sign up to provisions protecting Jews and other minorities’ rights in Romania. History can be surprising! Anyway, these provisions had been bitterly resisted by the Romanian government. The treaty was never formally ratified.

In opposing the US request for a plebiscite or election, Romanian Prime Minister Bratianu asserted that it would mean a choice between democracy and communism. He didn’t appear confident that Bessarabians would vote for union with Romania.

The outcome of such an election he claimed would be a rise in Bolshevik agitation which could result in Romania losing its military control over Bessarabia. Even if the poll went Romania’s way, he claimed the Russians would never accept the result.

One of the two leaders of the White Russians responded to the US request suggesting a poll in central Bessarabia only.

Now let’s look at, or remind ourselves, of some of the most relevant American values, many of which are shared with different emphasis by other (western) countries. Here’s a typically British view.

Simon Schama, possibly the most watched and popular British historian on UK television is Jewish. He has spent half his life in the US, and is now Professor of History at Columbia University. He produced in 2008 the BBC TV series (and book): “The American Future: A History”. Many of us Brits saw him in America’s oldest and most prestigious synagogue recounting the time when the Jewish community there asked the first American government what rights and privileges they as Jews would be allowed. The answer amazed and delighted them: total equality, full rights, citizenship without restrictions, freedom of belief and worship. It was the same as what all white immigrants could expect.

The assertion of trading rights for US enterprises and freedom of trade around the world is a vital US requirement. Much loved and respected British military historian and genius A.J.P. Taylor delivered live on television in the 1960s and 1970s lectures without notes. One of these was on US foreign policy. Endlessly repeated, Taylor claimed that the US had only ever gone to war to protect its commercial interests abroad. On that basis, actions by the Romanian government against American citizens, their economic interests and other foreign interests were totally unacceptable.

In addressing the Bessarabian situation directly, the US alone it seemed wanted to keep open the option of Bessarabia surviving as an independent state…like Poland ? Other countries dismissed this as impracticable. The Poles and Soviets were involved in the Polish – Soviet War from February 1919 to March 1921 (ultimately resulting in a Polish victory). Lenin saw Poland as the geographical bridge to Germany where he believed communism was gaining a strong grip. In addition there were a large number of other smaller wars in eastern Europe at this time which involved Soviet Russia. This important backdrop is rarely mentioned now in considering the Bessarabian question of 1919 – 1920.

In the 1919 – 1920 negotiations, US officials sometimes asked whether Russia (excluded from the negotiations) was an enemy. The US government hoped and believed the White Russians would defeat the Bolsheviks. But there was no Plan B. The US was of course aware that Romania led by its German king had nearly sided with the Central Powers in 1916.

From a western European point of view, the real potential threats were correctly identified as a Bolshevik communist Russia and a resurgent Germany. Enormous resources had been required to defeat Germany. But that was just the latest chapter covering the German peoples’ impressive two millennia long military history. Germany would have to be managed and Bolshevism opposed.

Western European politicians considered the effect of Stalinism on citizens under Soviet control and weighed that up against the new semi-feudalism in Bessarabia. Furthermore, Romania had proved very militarily effective in 1919 against an invasion from Soviet Hungary and Soviet invasions of Bukovina and Bessarabia. The war against the Hungarian Soviets ultimately lead to the occupation of Budapest and the destruction of the Soviet regime there. But by 1920, American officials were more concerned about human rights violations by Romanian troops in Hungary.

In Britain, Prime Minister Lloyd George was in power throughout these crucial years. Early on he questioned Romania’s record and intentions towards the human rights of minorities. In August 1920, political alignments in Romania changed to make it more likely that we could insist on the Minorities Treaty being signed. So British policy changed to make this a binding requirement for us to sign The Treaty of Paris. Britain was arguably Romania’s greatest ally; so the Romanian government yielded and the Romanian parliament ratified the treaty.

From a British view, this was a morally courageous but calculated, opportunistic approach. At the time it seemed most likely Soviet forces would decisively defeat the Poles. (Battle of Warsaw, August 1920). Then threaten Romania. Lloyd George felt strongly that Romania needed Bessarabia to combat the Soviet menace.

British foreign policy usually asserts principled positions when they can be pragmatically applied for “the greatest good of the greatest number” over the longterm. American domestic and foreign policy is heavily influenced by the relative and changing power of various US interest groups. The Jewish lobby for example is very powerful. Add in the record of US presidents’ successfully deceiving their own electorate (e.g. F.D.Roosevelt about Russia, 1943 - 1945). And other countries are left in an often uncertain position when dealing with the US. That was the case from 1918 when countering the expected communist onslaught on eastern Europe was clearly the priority. That issue was not properly addressed by US administrations until 1945.

Twenty years after 1920 and onwards, the practical destructive effect of Germany’s and Russia’s policies on Bessarabia / Moldova dwarfed the awfulness of Romania’s royalist regime.

In 1945 America by chance found itself with a president who arguably had the greatest in depth understanding of history of any American president. That’s Professor Schama’s assessment of President Harry S. Truman.

Like his former boss, President Roosevelt, Truman on meeting Stalin was immediately impressed by Stalin's straightforward approach. Was this someone, the US administration could do business with?

But wiser, Truman then quickly and effectively addressed the Soviet threat head on – by now it was very late in the day…

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“Those that don’t know history are destined to repeat it.”

Edmund Burke, British Statesman and Philosopher (1729 – 1797).