Negeri Sembilan Origins = Minangkabau
Negri Sembilan - Their Origin and Constitution
1887 JRASSB #19 pg.35-53, by M. Lister (with D.F.A. Hervey)
THE NĔGRI SĔMBILAN : THEIR ORIGIN AND CONSTITUTION
The history of these States has been handed down by word of mouth from generation to generation of the inhabitants. It is difficult to say how long it was that a great number of Sákei* travelled from the mountains of Skúdei † and arrived in Johól. Their numbers amounted to as many grains as are contained in a gantang ‡ of paddy, as on their arrival in Johól each individual planted a grain of paddy, and it was found that a gantang was exhausted. They tied a rótan§ from tree to tree and hung up their bĕliungs (the small Malay axe) and the rótan was completely filled. This latter statement, however, is one which conveys little idea of the numbers, as the distance between the trees is not given. There were four great Chiefs, or Bátins, amongst these Sákei. Three were men and one a woman. The woman elected to remain in Johól. The three men separated with their followers ; one went to Jĕlĕbu ║, one to Klang, and one to Sungei Ujong. These are the Suku yang ampat, and are the origin of the Undang yang ampat, the four law-givers, of which Klang was the Chief or oldest and which will be referred to later as the development of the constitution is dealt with.
* ‘Sákei’, a dog. But the term is not applied to the tribes described in this paper by the surrounding Malays. I have not heard it further South than Sĕlangor.† The Sĕkúdei stream takes its rise in the Púlei range.‡ A gallon measure.§ i.e., ‘rattan,’ ‘rautan’ from ‘raut’ to scrape.║ Said to mean 'mist.'
It would now appear that these Chiefs assigned various districts either to their relations or to the lesser Chiefs who had accompanied them. The lesser Chiefs again separated to Náning,* Rĕmbau, Jĕlei † (Pahang), Sĕgámat, and Pásir Bĕsár. These completed the nine States of the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan. This fact is generally known, though considerable incredulity has always been expressed with regard to Jĕlei in Pahang, detached as it is from the remaining eight States.
* A stinging insect of the bee kind.† Name of a creeper.
Thus these Sákei were established in the nine States, and their power and numbers appear to have been considerable. A fact that has much struck me both here and in Pérak and Sĕlangor is the pronunciation of the final k by Sákei when talking Malay. This pronunciation is not within the memory of Malays in the Peninsula, and it is quite possible that this great number of Sákei who arrived from Skúdei, came originally from Borneo‡, and made Skúdei their last halting place before travelling on to Johól and separating throughout the Peninsula.
‡ Primary origin in Java.
The next chapter in this history, unconnected as it is by dates, is the arrival of Mahomedan settlers from Mĕnangkábau in Sumatra. There must have been very free immigration, and that within a short period, and the policy pursued by these settlers was one of conciliation with the aborigines, and not as in Pérak and Sĕlangor, where the Sákei were driven back into the mountains, and their wives and children caught and enslaved by the Mahomedan settlers on the coasts. These Mĕnangkábau settlers brought their tribal laws with them — the illegality of intermarriage in a tribe, the election of the Lĕmbága,* or Chief of a tribe, etc.
They fell in with the aboriginal views, and observed their rights to all waste lands, and their power in each State.
* 'Lembaga,' condition, quality, system, and so applied to 'manager' of latter.
The best instance of the lines pursued by these settlers, and their amalgamation with the Sákei, is that of the first settlers at Sri Mĕnánti and Úlu Muar, then a part of Johól. Four settlers arrived with their families, each belonging to a different tribe. Their names were PADÚKA BĔSÁR, ENGKEI† BONGSU, SĔNÁRA MÚDA and SI MAHARAJA. As they travelled to the Úlu of the Muar River, they came on a valley where they found the paddy in the ear, ripe, and they resolved to settle there, and called the name of the place Sri Mĕnánti. Sri is the Mĕnangkábau word for the ripe paddy,‡ Mĕnánti “awaiting." Sri Mĕnánti has been generally translated “The beautiful resting place." This is far more poetical, but not in accordance with Malay thought, which is always of the most practical, neither can this translation be reconciled with grammar.
† i.e., 'ĕngkáya,' for 'órang káya,' lit: 'rich man,' but merely a title actually.‡ It is not the name, but an epithet from the colour and flourishing condition of the padi, it is not confined to it in the ripe stage, but is used of it when green also.
These four men settled at Sri Mĕnánti and conciliated the Sákei of Muar and Johól to a certain extent. It is, however, probable that they found their position somewhat insecure ; they, therefore, applied to the Dato' of Johól for a Pĕnghúlu.* It is not clear whether the Dato' of Johól had then been converted to Islam ; in any case, he sent a Sákei Bátin as Pĕnghúlu. Some time after this, a family of Mĕnangkábau settlers of the tribe of Sri Lĕmak came from Paháng, hearing that their own countrymen had arrived in Ulu Muar. This family consisted of a man, his wife, two daughters and one son. The son married the daughter of the Sákei Pĕnghúlu, sent from Johól, and his wife bore him a son. The Pĕnghúlu died when this child was about six years old, and the son was elected as Pĕnghúlu, but, being a minor, his father administered for him until he came of age, and hence the title of Pangku † Pĕnghúlu (Deputy Pĕnghúlu) from the four original settlers and their families. It is thus that in all these States the Mĕnangkábau settlers observed the Sákei, or, as they are termed, Waris ‡ rights, and intermarried with Sákei, the women on their marriage adopting the religion of their husbands. In writing this sketch, my principal object is to make the constitution as clear as possible, and I will not enter into any elaborate stories or theories which created slight shades of difference in the individual States on questions of origin, as the constitution is but slightly affected by these.
* ‘Pĕng’ a personal prefix and ‘Húlu’ head, this officer was the head, while the ‘Pĕnglima’ was the hand, 'lima' was the hand, and so came from the number of the fingers to stand for five.† Bosom, lap, and to hold in the same so to support, in this case, temporarily.‡ ‘Warith’ (Ar.) corrupted into 'waris,' heirs.
Before proceeding further, I would lay special stress on the supremacy of the female Pĕnghúlu of Johól over the States of Sri Mĕnánti, including Muar, Jĕmpol § and Gĕméncheh. The Dato' of Johól to the present day wears his hair long, and the Pĕnghúlu of these States must go to him if necessary, as he is not expected to travel, the first Johól Pĕnghúluship having been held by a female, and the same rules as applied to her then, apply to this day.
§ Name of a fish, which is handed on to the river and so to the State.
Another point that must be borne in mind is the succession by the female not only to property but also to title and State revenues. The Sákei or Waris adopted the tribal system introduced by the Mĕnangkábau settlers, and are now termed Bĕduánda * as a tribe. They cannot intermarry. Thus the women of the Waris tribe must marry into the Mĕnangkábau tribes, but the children of the marriage are Waris. A Bĕduánda man again must marry into one of the Mĕnangkábau tribes, the offspring in this case being of the tribe of the woman and having no Waris rights.
* Cf. 'Biduan,' a player, musician, (Sansk. 'vidwas' skilled.)
I have already mentioned the first settlers in Sri Mĕnánti and I infer that they had considerable difficulty in conciliating the Sákei. The same, I think, applied in Rĕmbau. Both in the Sri Mĕnánti States, now subdivided into Ulu Muar, Jĕmpol, Tĕráchi, and Gúnong Pásir, and also in the State of Rĕmbau, land was purchased by the Lĕmbága or Chief of tribe, for his people, from the Sákei. The purchase was a piece of cloth, a knife or a weapon, a cooking-pot. In the other States the Sákei placed no obstacles in the way of the Mĕnangkábau settlers, and lands were cultivated by the tribes without purchase from the Sákei, though only with their consent. Thus throughout the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan, with the exception of Rĕmbau and the Sri Mĕnánti States, the lands are still State lands and virtually the property of the Waris. The tribes are most tenacious of their freehold rights ”tánah bĕrtĕbus.” The old saying in these two States is ”tákek (tákok †) káyu Bátin ‡ Jĕnang,§ pútus tĕbus kapáda Undang.” That is, the blazing of the trees (defining of the boundaries) is performed by the Bátin jĕnang,║ the purchase is decided by the Undang.
† 'Tákok' is deeper than 'tákek.'‡ Chief.§ Deputy, probably originally derived from 'Jĕnang' a post, brace, support.║ The Bátin and his Jenang (Deputy).
In all these States, however, the Dato' of Johól, acting In concert with the other three Dato's, i.e., the Undang yang ampat, made certain State reserves in order to provide for purposes of State and resting places for themselves when travelling from State to State. These lands are called tánah tĕlápakkan,* and will be dealt with again later.
* ‘Telápak,' the sole of the foot, a variant of 'tápak;’ so 'telápakkan,' place under the sole of the foot, resting-place.
The term used in describing the Sákei or Waris rights is ”Gáung, Guntong, Bukit, Búkau, Herta Waris,” i.e., ravines and hill-locked basins, hill and surrounding flats are the property of the Waris. This is equivalent to all State lands. Although the tribes are so tenacious of their rights to land acquired by purchase, yet it is impossible to infer much from it, if taken from its origin. The purchase has developed on account of the rapacity of the various powerful Waris families. The evil, however, has great advantages in administration, consequent on the great facility in dealing with all land matters with the Chiefs of tribes, who are most jealous of interference by others and who are anxious to thoroughly secure their rights.
I have tried to keep the origin and the constitution of these States separate, but although I have diverged slightly and dealt with matters of constitution, it was necessary to do so when origin and constitution were so closely allied. These States prospered exceedingly, and the first arrivals were joined by many others, who, no doubt, heard of the success of their fellow-countrymen
All these settlers came from the inland districts of Mĕnangkábau. In Mĕnangkábau there are two “ádat,” or customs, viz., the ádat tĕmĕnggung † and the ádat pĕrpáteh.*
The ádat tĕmĕnggung prevails on the sea coast, and is the same as in all other Malay countries.
The ádat pĕrpáteh, inland and very different. The ádat pĕrpáteh prevails in these States.
In Sungei Ujong the ádat pĕrpáteh and the ádat temenggung are mixed.
† Or ‘katĕmĕngúngan’, by some thought to be a person like Pĕrpátih Pínang Sábatang. [See Undang-undang Moco-Moco (Múka-Múka West coast of Sumatra) Malayan Miscellanies, Vol. II.] It dates from before Islamism in Sumatra, but they are now mingled.* Sansk. ‘páti’ lord. In full ‘adat Pĕrpátih (or Pĕrpati) Pínang Sabátang,’ i.e., ‘lord of the single areca-palm’.
It is to be inferred that, after a time, it was found that the constitution of these States could not be thoroughly secured, unless a Raja was placed over them to settle differences between States, and questions which the Pĕnghúlu were not competent to settle in each State. It was, therefore, decided that six men should be selected to travel to Johór and to Mĕnangkábau, and apply for a Raja of the Mĕnangkábau royal family. It would appear that Johór and Mĕnangkábau were at that time closely allied, Johór being the greatest power to the east of the Straits of Malacca, and Mĕnangkábau the greatest in Sumatra and on the west. These six Officers bore the titles of (1) Jóhan, (2) Andátar, (3) Laksamána, (4) Laksamána, (5) Pĕnglíma Sútan, (6) Pĕnglíma Raja. They travelled to Johór and thence to Mĕnangkábau and arrived at the Istána. They appear to have been ignorant men, and instead of taking the necessary precautions and going through the proper forms, they were imposed upon by an Officer of the Court who represented himself as a Raja and whose followers, no doubt, supported in the deception. This man’s name was SI KHATIB, and he called himself Raja KABIB. The six Officers then returned to the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan with KHATIB as Raja, but before he was proclaimed, a letter arrived from Mĕnangkábau giving the real facts of the case. It was then arranged that the six Officers should go back to Mĕnangkábau and be more careful. This they did, and the Rajas of Mĕnangkábau selected Raja MĔLĔWAR to return to the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan and be proclaimed Sultan of those States. The Rajas of Mĕnangkábau gave Raja MĔLĔWAR a following of 40 persons to take him to Siak ; from Siak the Raja of Siak sent 40 persons to convey him to Malacca ; in Malacca 40 persons conveyed him to Naning ; and then again 40 persons conveyed him to Rĕmbau. It would appear that the installation took place at Pĕnájis in Rĕmbau, and after the tábal, the Yam Tuan proceeded to the Istana at Sri Mĕnánti, in the State of Úlu Muar.
The terms given to the States of Johól, Sungei Újong, Rĕmbau, and Úlu Muar in connection with the election of the Yam Tuan are :-
○- Rĕmbau, Tánah Karájaan* (Pĕnájis †);
○- Sungei Ujong, Bálei Mĕlintang;*
○- Johól, Bálei Bĕrtengkat;* and
○- Ulu Muar, Tánah Mĕngándong.*
Thus the first Sultan of Negri Sembilan was Yam Tuan Bĕsar Raja MĔLĔWAR.
* For an explanation of these names see Journal S.B., R.A.S., No. 13, for June 1884, paragraph 246.
† Or 'Pĕnájih,' the Rĕmbau river as far as its junction with the 'Pĕnar' at 'Sempang,' from which point it is called the 'Linggi,' but in a map in GODINKO DE GREDIA's Account of Malacca (A.D. 1613) the Linggi at the mouth is called 'Rio Panagim,' which confirms the tradition that the name ‘Linggi' (a certain part of a boat or prahu) is of comparatively recent origin.
The Yam Tuan Múdaship of Rĕmbau was of later creation, and so was the Yam-Tuan-Múdaship of Jĕlĕbu. In Rĕmbau the tribe of Sakei or Waris had been added to by another tribe called Bĕduánda Jáwa. Rĕmbau origin has been thoroughly explained by Mr. DUDLEY HERVEY in his valuable pamphlet on that State. In Jĕlĕbu, the Dato' of Jĕlĕbu had originally Raja powers vested in him ; he later applied to the Yam Tuan of Sri Mĕnánti for a separate Yam Tuan, and this was granted. Jĕlĕbu is a considerable distance from the Istana of Sri Mĕnánti, and this, together with the probability that he was unable to hold his own with the Chiefs, was the cause. The Yam Tuan of Sri Mĕnánti retained suzerain rights as in Rĕmbau. In Rĕmbau, the Yam Tuan of Sri Mĕnánti had the strongest voice in the election and succession of the Yam Tuan Múda together with the Dato' of Rĕmbau, and the Dato' of Rĕmbau had to go to the Istána at Sri Mĕnánti. In Jĕlĕbu, the Dato' of Jĕlĕbu had to go to the Istána, and the Yam Tuan settled the succession. If there was any difficulty with the Yam Tuan, the Dato' of Jĕlĕbu consulted with the Dato' of Johól.
The ceding of Klang to the Yam-Tuanship of Selangor was arranged in a friendly way. The To’ Ĕngku of Klang complained of the great distance to the Istana of Sri Mĕnánti, and it would appear that Klang at the time was but thinly populated by Mahomedan settlers. It was, therefore, decided that Klang should acknowledge the Yam Tuan of Selangor as Raja - Segamat and Pásir Bĕsár became separated from the Negri Sembilan on account of disturbances, and were brought under Muar administration. Jelei in Pahang would not appear to have ever mixed with the nine States. It is only on account of the fact that one of the nine Bátin took up that river as his district that Jelei has been numbered as one of the nine States. The origin of the Waris of the tribes and of the Rajas is, I trust, fairly clear. Several points in constitution combined with origin have also been dealt with, which will be of use towards understanding the constitution, and with which I will now deal.
The main law is the following :—
1. Orang Sĕmĕnda* kapáda Tĕmpat Sĕmĕnda.
2. Anak Buah kapáda Íbu Bápa.
3. Íbu Bápa kapáda Lĕmbága.
4. Lĕmbága kapáda Undang.
5. Undang kapáda Ka'ádilan.
1. The married man shall look to his wife's male relations for assistance in any questions regarding his wife or her property.
2. The people of the tribe shall look to the heads of families (elders) in each tribe for assistance in all difficulties.
3. The heads of families (elders) shall look to the Lĕmbága.
4. The Lĕmbága shall look to the Undang [Pĕnghúlu).
5. The Undang shall look to the Ka'ádilan (the Sultan).
* This expression is now used generally amongst the Mĕnangkábau folk, but perhaps it bears a reference to the custom of cousins marrying; ‘Sa-manda’ 'satu manda,' 'manda' = 'emak,' one mother, she from whom the parents of both took their origin.
I will take these sayings one by one. As property all goes in the female line, it is necessary that the female shall have every protection. Her husband cannot mortgage or sell her property. He cannot touch it. It he brings money or property into his wife's house, it is necessary for him to call the Tempat Sĕmĕnda,* that is, the male relations of his wife together, and declare the property that he brings, in order that, in cases of death or divorce, there may be no question with regard to such property. This is generally done with a feast a goat slaughtered, or in some cases a buffalo. If the husband does not declare property (wang atau herta mĕmbáwa’),† he cannot claim in case of contingencies, such as divorce or death, settlement on his children, &c., and such property lapses to the woman, his widow. The debt of a man cannot be claimed against the property of his wife, unless there is personal property as described, but can be claimed against his herta pĕsáka,‡ that is, the property of his mother, or, if dead, of her heirs. In all cases of debts, or in fines inflicted on a man and unpaid, and failing personal property, the herta pĕsáka can be seized not the herta sĕmĕnda. It is the duty of the Íbu Bápa and the Lĕmbága to give every assistance in this matter. Execution was very rare in these States; in all criminal cases, from murder downwards, fines being Inflicted, hence the term ”sálah di timbang, utang di-báyĕr,”** i.e., the value of the fault is weighed, and when weighed the debt is paid. The property of a woman descends to the female children of the marriage. In the event of there being more than one female child, the house and kampong †† is the property of the eldest, and the sáwah ‡‡ is divided equally. If the man has acquired landed property before marriage, it cannot leave his tribe, it must go to his "anak búah” § in the tribe. Hence the term “herta pĕsáka kapáda anak búah.” If the husband has personal property, he can leave it to whom he likes, unless the property is acquired during his marriage, when such property is shared equally between man and wife, even kampong and sáwah.
* Lit. place where he married.† Money or property brought.‡ Inherited property, (Sansk. 'arta,' goods; 'push', to divide.)** Fault is weighed and debt is paid.†† i.e., rising ground surrounding the house usually fenced in, as the name implies. For a discussion of the origin of this word, see YULE's HOBSON-JOBSON S.V. 'compound'. I believe it to be a Malay word, cf. allied word 'kĕpong'.‡‡ Padi field (wet.)§ Relations, lit. children, fruit.
The tribes are divided into one, two, three and sometimes as many as six families, and it is from these families that the Lĕmbága is elected. Hence the term with regard to the Chiefs of tribes “pĕsáka bergeler.”║ The order of succession by each family to the Lĕmbágaship is fixed, and the election, therefore, is made in the family next in succession. The Íbu Bápa,* or representatives of these families, have to carry out the instructions of the Lĕmbága and assist in all matters in the tribe; such as the collection of the “más mánah”¶ which is a tribute to the Raja, viz., "bras sa’gántang nior sa'táli,” ** i.e., one gantang of rice and two coco-nuts. This will be explained later. The Íbu Bápa is again responsible to the Lĕmbága for all faults committed or debts incurred in his section of the tribe, “katúrunan-nya,”† i.e., the descendants according to the female line from the original family or families of the tribe. In some cases these descendants number 50 families, about 200 souls. The people of each Katúrunan appeal to the Íbu Bapa ; thus in questions of the property or other matters which the Orang Sĕmĕnda and Tĕmpat Sĕmĕnda cannot settle between them, the Íbu Bápa would be the appeal. If again the latter cannot settle the case, he would bring the matter before the Lĕmbága. Íbu Bápa is a curious name, meaning literally father and mother (elder).*
║ ‘Gilir ' or 'géler' to turn, change, so 'pĕsáka bĕrgéler' the succession turns about, or, as we should say, is taken or enjoyed in turn.¶ i.e. gold of respect (Sansk. 'mana' to value, appreciate.)** Lit. '(of) rice a gallon (of) coco-nuts a string.'† ‘Túrun’ to descend.* Mother and Father.
The Lĕmbága's powers are various. In the first place he has the power to fine “dua púloh sĕrĕpi,”† which amounts to $7.20 of the present currency. He is the one who is present at all purchases and sales of land, by his tribe or to his tribe. He is the one who deals with the Waris in purchasing waste lands for his tribe. The purchase of waste lands from the Waris has been touched upon already. When the Bátin Jĕnang has blazed the trees, showing the boundaries of the land, the Dato’ Pĕrdána,‡ who in Muar is in charge of all waste lands, takes the Lĕmbága who has purchased to the Undang, where the purchase is completed. “Pútus tĕbus kapáda undang” is what describes purchase from the Lĕmbága's point of view. It means the Dato Pĕrdána has decided the land “jangka bĕrhéla.”§ The Lĕmbága has fixed his boundary posts “lantak bĕrtúkul”║ at the places where the Bátin Jĕnang has ¶ blazed the trees "tákek káyu." The money has been paid for the land, "más bĕrtáhil.” The purchase is thus completed. If an individual of a tribe gets into trouble and is fined by the Raja or Undang, the Lĕmbága arranges for the payment. He it is who enquires into the personal property of the individual, if there is none, he falls back upon the herta pĕsáka, which he sells or mortgages in order to cover the debt. He also settles debt cases. Mortgage of property tribe with tribe must be declared before both Lĕmbága. If In the same tribe, it is said not to be necessary. All sales must be carried out by the Lĕmbága, and if sold into another tribe the boundary posts are again fixed by both Lĕmbága “lantak bĕrtúkul”. The election of the Íbu Bápa is in the hands of the people of each descent in the tribe; that of the Lĕmbága by the Íbu Bápa. The Íbu Bápa are in some tribes as many as seven, In some as few as one ; if more than one, each family takes it in turn for the Lĕmbágaship, and it only remains to select the man, which rule, if strictly adhered to, makes the election very easy. The Lĕmbága and Waris “orang yang dua-blas * sĕrta waris” elect the Undang.
† Twenty 'sĕrĕpi,' a 'sĕrĕpi' is 36 cents, not a coin, but for purposes of reckoning.‡ First, Chief, Sansk. 'Pradána.'§ 'Jangka' measure, 'bĕrhéla' drawing, i.e., from point to point, by lengths.║ 'Lantak' stuck in, 'bĕrtúkul' and hammered them.¶ Rather ‘Bátin' and 'Jĕnang' have.* i.e., of the 12 'súkú.'
I now come to the Lĕmbága kapáda Undang. The number of Waris descents in each State from which the Dato’ Pĕnghúlu or Undang can be elected varies. In Muar there are three, viz., The To' Muar, the Pĕrdána, and the Pĕrba † descents. The present Undang is of the first, and will be succeeded by the Pĕrdána descents ; then the Pĕrba descent ; and then again the Pĕnghúluship will revert to To’ Muar. In Rĕmbau, there are two descents, viz., the Bĕduanda Jákun ‡ or Waris Sĕdía § Raja, and the Bĕduanda Jáwa or Waris Lĕla Maharaja, and they take it turn and turn about for the Pĕnghúluship. In Johól, there is only one descent from which the Undang can be elected, and the Bátin of Johól have a stronger voice in the election than the Lĕmbága. The other States are minor questions. In Tĕráchi, it is a curious fact that the Undang is not elected from the Waris, but from the tribe of Sri Lemak,* Pahang. The Undang, however, must marry into the tribe of the Waris. Thus, in Muar, the three descents are the three Kĕpála Waris. In Tĕráchi, there are two, in Jĕmpol there is one, in Gúnong Pásir there is one, in Johól and Ínas there is one, with a male and female representative. In Rĕmbau, the Waris are somewhat different. Besides the Undang, there are five Kĕpála Waris, viz., Pĕrba (who is also the Lĕmbága over both families of Bĕduánda), Bandar,†† Mangku Búmi,‡‡ Mĕntri Léla Pĕrkása, and Raja di Raja. There have been several somewhat complicated questions in Rĕmbau, probably consequent on the unequal number of the Kĕpála Waris. Formerly, according to the constitution, if the Undang was of the descent of Sĕdía Raja, the Bandar must be taken from the descent of Léla Maharaja. It was found, however, that if the rule was strictly enforced, it was possible that the Bandar would cease to exist, which did actually occur. A reform, therefore, was made in the constitution and this condition was repealed. Where the constitution is strictly enforced, all elections are comparatively easy, but the slightest departure from the constitution throws the whole procedure into a hopeless state of chaos.
The Undang has in each State the power to fine “Satu Bahra” which is equal to $14 of the present currency. The Undang [Dato' Pĕnghúlu) is virtually he who, as a commoner, has the interests of the Waris and Lĕmbága and the people of their tribes at heart and is the upholder of their rights and of the constitution. The appeal from the Lĕmbága's decision is to the Undang, and all cases in which the jurisdiction of the Lĕmbága is insufficient, must be brought to the Pĕnghúlu's court. All waste lands are, as already described, vested in the Waris. The constitution, however, only provided for the purchase of lands for paddy fields and not for more intricate questions, such as lands for Chinese planters and miners, and it is in consequence of this, that so many jealousies and difficulties have arisen in these States in reference to participation in revenues.
† Sansk. 'Parva' ancient,‡ Cf. Ceylon 'Yakko'.§ Sansk. 'Sádya' ancient.* A local district in Mĕnangkábau, Sumatra.†† Port (Pers.)‡‡ Sustainer of the earth (in his lap.)
It is a mistake to suppose that waste lands are vested in the Dato' Pĕnghúlu only. They are vested in the Waris, and the participation should be rated throughout the tribe. The rule, however, is "Gĕdang sama gĕdang, kĕchil sama kĕchil” ; meaning that the Chiefs get the principal share and the lesser people only a little — literally, big with big small with small.
In Sungei Ujong, the Dato' Bandar is a very important man. Not so in the other States. The Dato' Bandar in Rĕmbau has no greater rights to revenues than the other Kĕpála Waris. In Muar, the Dato’ Bandar is really a mere title, and he does not participate with the Kĕpála Waris in waste lands, nor does he in Jĕmpol or Gĕmĕncheh. The Undang should participate as such in general revenues on account of the office to which he has been elected, viz., the highest office held by a commoner in each State. As a Waris he shares with the other Kĕpála Waris. The Lĕmbága participate only to a small extent as heads of tribes, and they can only claim where taxation is introduced which affects their tribes. All cases nearly are settled by custom — ádat — as already explained. With reference to property, Mahomedan law is only brought in as a last resource, if ádat is insufficient for the case at issue. Mahomedan law is exercised only by the Ka'ádilan (Sultan). Intermarriage in a tribe is looked upon as a very grave offence in Rĕmbau, and used to be visited by death. In Jĕmpol, the people are very strict observers of the Mahomedan religion, and they found that this law was so little in accordance with Mahomedan law that the law was repealed, and it only required a slight alteration in the property laws to make this. The Dato' of Johól is the principal Undang, and the States of Ulu Muar, Jĕmpol, Gĕmĕncheh, Tĕráchi and Gúnong Pásir are "bĕrtáli dengan Johól,”* i.e., they are bound to consult Johól on matters of importance. Dato' Baginda Tan Amás of Johól besides being the Kĕpála Waris, is also, so to speak, Minister of Foreign Affairs. He is also the person to be first consulted before any commoner can reach the Dato' of Johól — "háluan sĕmbah”† is the Malay term given. He cannot succeed to the Pĕnghúluship. Baginda Maharaja the Lĕmbága of the tribe of Sri Lĕmak Pahang and Pangku Pĕnghúlu is the “háluan sĕmbah” to the Dato' of Muar. To’ Mĕntri to the Dato' of Tĕráchi.
On the election of the Undang, he is taken by the Lĕmbága and Waris to the Istána ; the Yam Tuan when satisfied that he is the right man according to the constitution, accepts him, and the ceremony of sĕmbah, or doing homage, is gone through. The Ka'ádilan calls the Undang in speaking to him Orang Káya. Every Undang has a number of Court Officers, the number of which varies in the different States. The Lĕmbága is allowed one Officer by the Undang.
* Lit. 'Strung to', 'in one string with.'† The front or first point of respect,
Undang kapáda Ka'ádilan is the last law to be dealt with. In all cases that the Undang cannot decide, he must refer to the Yam Tuan Ka'ádilan.
The Yam Tuan has the power to fine “anam púloh anam Kúpang,” amounting to $24.80 of the present currency. In cases foreign to the constitution, he is, as the title of Ka'ádilan implies, all powerful to administer justice. The Ka'ádilan alone can try cases in which Rajas are concerned, even though married to commoners. The term is “mínyak ka' mínyak jua áyer ka áyer" — oil to oil, water to water. He is the supporter of the Mahomedan religion, Defender of the Faith.
The Court of Yam Tuan Bĕsár consists of: -
The orang ampat astána, viz.: —
1. Dato' Si Maharaja.
2. Dato' Raja To’ Téwangsa. §
3. Dato' Akhir Zĕmán.*
4. Pĕng-húlu Dagang.
Then come the pĕgáwei yang anam already mentioned viz.:—
1. Jóhan.†
2. Andátar.
3. Laksamána.
4. Laksamána.
5. Pĕnglíma Sútan.
6. Pĕnglíma Raja.
Then follow the pĕgáwei yang sĕmbilan-púloh sĕmbilan, (99) whose titles need not be given, and then,
Bĕntára ║ Kíri.
Bĕntára Kánan.
The duties of the orang ampat are as Court Chamberlains. They receive the Undang of the various States when they come to the Istána.
Si Maharaja and Raja Téwangsa sit before the Yam Tuan until he is ready to receive the Undang.
When the Yam Tuan has given the order [títah) for the Undang to be brought before him, Ákhir Zĕmán * and Pĕnghúlu Dagang bring him into the presence, the other two do not move.
Jóhan † is the officer who receives Rajas arriving from other countries; for instance, if the Yam Tuan of Sĕlángor were to visit the Yam Tuan of Sri Mĕnánti, Jóhan would go to meet him and bring him to the Istána, where he would be received by the orang ampat first.
Andátar's office is to receive the Undang of other States, such as the Klana ‡ of Sungei Ujong, or the Dato' of Jĕlĕbu, or the To' Ĕngku of Klang. He brings them to the Istána where he hands them over to the orang ampat.
Laksamána and Laksamána are the principal sword and spear bearers.
Pĕnglíma Sútan and Pĕnglíma Raja are the messengers, who are sent in connection with the decease of the Yam Tuan. If there was no Raja in the country fit to succeed the deceased, it might be necessary to go to the Yam Tuan of Mĕnangkábau, or to the Yam Tuan of Johór in the old days.
The Pĕgáwei yang sĕmbilan-puloh sĕmbilan (99) have to obey the orders given by the Pĕgáwei yang anam, and cannot fail to come to the Istána on all State occasions. They are so to speak the Police of the Istána.
The Bĕntára ║ Kánan and Bĕntára Kiri both of the tribe of Bĕduánda, stand one on each side of the dais at the election of the Yam Tuan. The Bĕntára Kánan calls the Undang to sĕmbah. The order is ”títah panggil daulat” and the title of the Undang is given, thus in the case of the Dato' of Johól “Oh Dato' Johól Jóhan Pahláwan Léla Pĕrkása Sĕtiáwan ¶ yang mĕmĕrentah didálam nĕgri Johól títah panggil daulat." The Undang then answers daulat and comes forward to do homage.
§ For "Déwa Angsá."* End of time.† Corrupted from 'Jauhan,' perhaps from the Persian 'Jihan,' an intensitive, used in combination with 'Pahlawan,' title of Dato' of Johól, corrupted from Persian 'Pahluwan' a bold man, warrior.‡ i.e. wandering.║ Modern form of 'Abantara,' sword-bearer.¶ 'Lela' fencing; Skr, 'Prakaça' mighty valiant; Skr. 'satya' faith, loyalty.
In dealing with the election of the Yam Tuan Bĕsár of Sri Mĕnánti, it is now only necessary that the Dato's of Johól, Muar, Jĕmpol,Tĕráchi and Gúnong Pásir should be d'accord. The Dato' of Ínas is a branch of the Johól Waris of the oldest descent, but the State is so small that it has never been taken into account. If, strictly in accordance with the constitution, the Dato' of Johól or Dato' Baginda Tan Ămás as his proxy proceeds to one of the State reserves “Tánah Tĕlápakkan” in Ulu Muar.
As soon as the new Yam Tuan is agreed upon, the Dato of Muar, who is Sĕtía Maharaja Lĕla Pahláwan, sends for Pĕnglíma Sútan and Pĕnglíma Raja, who convey the news to the Orang ampat Astána, who then make arrangements for the Tábal or installation of the Yam Tuan. With regard to other forms and ceremonies for the installation of the Yam Tuan and the forms observed in the Istána and by the people to the Yam Tuan, they are similar to those in Perak and Selangor. The Yam Tuan Bĕsár of Sri Mĕnánti has 32 guns fired on State occasions. The Yam Tuan Múda (Jĕlĕbu and Rĕmbau) 16 guns. The eldest son of the Yam Tuan Bĕsár is Tĕngku Bĕsár. The eldest son of the Yam Tuan Múda is Tĕngku Múda. On the death of a Yam Tuan, the old custom is, that all the people in the country shall pay “más mánah” This consists of one gantang of rice, two coco-nuts, one fowl, and duit s'pérak which amounts to six cents of the present currency. In populous countries like these, this amounts to a great deal. I have already mentioned the Tánah Tĕlápakkan or State reserves, Tĕlápakkan Undang yang ampat. If the To’ Ĕngku of Klang, the Dato' of Jĕlĕbu, the Klana of Sungei Ujong, or the Dato' of Johól travelled, they always stayed at one of these reserves, and the people occupying the reserves had to pay a tribute of one gantang of rice, two coco-nuts, one fowl, chillies and saffron, for their sustenance.
The Íbu Bápa of tribes collect the más mánah for the Raja. They then take it to the Lĕmbága, who takes it to the Undang. The Undang then takes it to the Istána on the day appointed by the officers of the Yam Tuan's court. It is necessary that every Undang should go to the Istána on every Hári Ráya, or if not Hári Ráya on Ráya Haji, to do homage to the Yam Tuan. This is the same in Pérak and Sĕlángor. The people of these countries are exceedingly tenacious of their individual rights, viz., the rights of the Tĕmpat Sĕmĕnda, the rights of the Íbu Bápa, of the Lĕmbága of the Undang, of the Waris and of the Raja; and if their laws are adhered to and strictly supported, it is very easy to administer a large Malay population.
MARTIN LISTER.
Malay Law in Negri Sembilan
by Martin Lister 1890, JRASSB #22 p.299-319
MALAY LAW IN NEGRI SEMBILAN.
Hon. MARTIN LISTER,
In 1888, I wrote an appendix to my Administration Report on the Negri Sembilan for 1887 entitled “Origin and Constitution.”* It has been suggested that what was only a very brief and superficial sketch might further be enlarged upon. What I wrote was explanatory of my Report, was sketchy and in many points inaccurate, and it was not written for publication in a Journal. This paper, however, was reprinted in the Asiatic Society’s Journal, though this had not been my intention when I wrote the Report, and it is excusable, I think, to say that difficulties have arisen in writing what I had intended to write later, viz., a far fuller and more careful paper for publication in connection with this very interesting subject. Without constant repetition of the previous paper this is impossible. Thus I have decided upon taking the question from a different view, and giving some illustrations of cases and decisions in Malay custom connected with their origin, such custom being of a curiously complicated form and derived from a singular origin of Muhammadan Malay occupation and are, if not unknown, ignored in other Malay States.
First and foremost it must be understood that; instead of Bugis and other Malay pirates occupying a coast line, as in the case of Selangor and Perak, driving back and taking as slaves the non-Muhammadan aborigines of the Peninsula termed “Sakei,” “Jakun,” “Semang” and “Waris laut”; the people of Menangkabau who penetrated into the Negri Sembilan via Malacca or the Muar River came as settlers. They came in search of pastures new, possibly on account of troubles and disturbances in the State of Menangkabau in Sumatra, just as we did in leaving English shores for the continent of America. There were no Rajas or Warriors on the look out for conquest and plunder, merely peaceful emigrants from Sumatra who hoped to find fertile and rich countries in which they might quietly settle and make their home. Now it is more than probable that all these settlers came from the interior of Sumatra. They were accustomed to mountainous, hilly districts where existed rich alluvial valleys in which they knew they would find soils fertile and easy of irrigation. Thus, taking a number of the States as instances, we have Rembau and Naning both inland from Malacca and within easy reach of high Mountains — Ledang (Ophir) on the one side, and the range of hills from Gunong Tampin running to the North. Those who penetrated here were evidently not piratically inclined, they came to cultivate, to live and let live. Then, we have Sungei Ujong where all the original settlers are to be found at Pantei (at the foot of Gunong Berembun) and in the upper reaches of the Linggi River, though later they occupied the Coast, in contention however constantly with the Rajas of Selangor (very piratically inclined gentlemen), who did all they knew to harass the people of the interior. This is a very possible explanation of the claims of Selangor to Lukut and Sungei Raya, which can only be viewed in connection with some such piratical occupation, and not from any real territorial rights. Malacca was a very ancient Sultanate dating from even before the Muhammadan religion reached the Straits of Malacca. I add this, as it might be said, in speaking of territorial rights, “Then why did not the Negri Sembilan possess Malacca?” Again the Sultans of Malacca and of Menangkabau were apparently closely related, the Negri Sembilan settlers acknowledging the Sultanate of Malacca supreme, as it was, in the Malay Peninsula, and when this Sultanate was driven by the Portuguese to settle in Johor, they acknowledged the ancient Sultans of Johor, of which the present Sultan is only a distant connection.
* Vide “The Negri Sembilan, their Origin and Constitution,” 1889.
The inhabitants of the State of Johol, which includes Ulu Muar, Terachi and Jempol, are said to have reached this country by ascending the Muar River. The origin of the word Muar is said to be from the Malay word “Mua,” for which the best translation may be “satiated.” Thus “Suda mua mudek sungei ini” — “l am utterly satiated (by fatigue) in ascending this river.” Thus Muar became the name given to the district from the Segamat boundary to Kwala Jelei in the State of Johol. The settlers, however, appear to have recovered their strength and colonised again “Ulu Muar,” almost the most populous State, at present, of the Negri Sembilan. From this again we have Kwala Muar, the name given to the small territory on the Muar River from the Segamat boundary to the mouth of the river. Segamat was ruled by the Sultans of Johor, through the Temenggong of Segamat, and Kwala Muar was never a place of any importance except as the mouth of a large river and the residence latterly of Sultan Ali of Johor. Ulu Klang, one of the four original States of the Negri Sembilan, appears to have been principally so in origin as but very few Menangkabau settlers went there, and it was more from the aboriginal point of view that it was considered one of the Negri Sembilan, though in connection with the ancient constitution there is no doubt that it formed a part. This I described more or less in my original paper, I also sketched the arrival of emigrants from Sumatra, and later the demand by these thriving colonists from Menangkabau for a Raja from that Sultanate to be suzerain and constitutional Sultan of the Negri Sembilan, i.e., for a number of States which had become so populous that the necessity for a Raja and high court of appeal had become felt.
From what is here written and from my original paper, the way is paved to giving intelligibly a number of political cases and cases of custom which may go further to give a general insight into custom from origin. Much of what occurs here in connection with Malay laws is frequently found in other Malay districts of the interior, such as Kinta, Ulu Selangor and Ulu Pahang, where the Malay custom is closely allied with aboriginal customs and ideas.
In order to treat the question in a consecutive form, it will be necessary to take first the aboriginal or as here termed “Rai’at” cases on custom first. The “Baten” or chiefs are, according to ancient usage, closely connected with the Malay tribe from which the Penghulu of States are in nearly all cases elected. The four principal “Baten” are of Ulu Klang, Sungei Ujong, Jelebu and Johol. They had a strong voice in the election of the Muhammadan Penghulu. The cause is apparent. The Menangkabau colonists married the daughters of Batens. Their children were Muhammadans and the female children (in accordance with Menangkabau law) inherited and became the origin of the “Waris” or tribe of “Beduanda” which was declared to be the inheriting civilized tribe, whilst at the same time they still had to recognise the Baten or Rai’at powers in the mountains and forests and preserve their position and identity in connection with the “Beduanda” tribe. This explains the custom of female inheritance and according to Menangkabau custom a man cannot marry in his tribe, that is, in the tribe of his mother. Thus a Beduanda man must marry into another tribe and thus his children belong to the tribe of the mother.
It is often most interesting to converse with Baten and Rai'at chiefs on their traditions and laws especially in tracing the connection with the Malay Muhammadan customs. A Baten will invariably tell you that all the forest and waste lands, called by them “Gaung,” “Guntong,” “Bukit,” “Bukau” as inclusive of everything uncultivated, belong to them. This is by origin correct, but there is at the same time no doubt that they have parted with their rights to the Muhammadan tribe of Beduanda in all cases of Government concession and taxation. Still the Datoh of Johol pays to the Baten of Johol a proportion of the revenues derived from waste lands through his minister the Jenang of Johol, who is, so to speak, minister for the aborigines. The Baten often collect themselves where the Beduanda are remiss in doing so. For instance, in Muar (i.e., on the reaches of the Muar River above the Segamat boundary) Baten Gemala, who is the principal Baten of Johol, told me he collected a fee that he called “panchong alas” from the Malays who collected jungle produce. The amount of the fee was insignificant, being per man once in three years. He told me with some pride that this was the “peti duit orang utan” or “the penny box of the man of the woods.” The simplicity of this form of taxation was most curious and shows the freedom from guile of the aboriginal mind. He was attempting at the time I first met him to collect this fee for the past three years, not in advance. I tried to assist him, but my attempt was vain. He was somewhat indignant at the falseness of the Malay, but for my own part I was not astonished at it. In talking of his position with reference to the Datoh of Johol, he said that as between him and the Datoh “adat tiada berubah, perjanjian tiada beraleh, setia tiada bertukar,” i.e., “custom cannot be altered, agreements cannot be changed, alliances cannot be revoked.” This is a very beautiful expression of Malay fealty and loyalty. Sometimes a Baten or Jerukrah who is minister to the Baten is very indignant. He will say “the Penghulu get thousands of dollars now in selling our forests.” Then I explain to them that it is necessary that this earth should be developed. I point out to them that they are not able to govern or regulate such things and that they cannot truly claim the forests as being theirs, but that what they can claim is to have all that they require for their maintenance from forests. They will then reply that this is quite right and that they are really perfectly happy as long as they have forests reserved to them and that they do not know what to do with money. They are delighted with presents of tobacco, stuffs and other trifles. If you give them money they generally go home to the forest and bury it, never telling any one where, so that on their death it is lost. I know one man who likes getting money and he always comes alone to see me and asks for it. He comes alone so as to be able to bury the money without difficulty. He has evidently a craving for silver and experiences the satisfaction of a miser in knowing that he has money, though he does not make use of it.
The Rai'at talk in the most proverbial manner and constantly quote sayings which have certainly become Malay, but which often and often are unknown to Malays of the present day. It is a usual thing for a Malay to exclaim when a Rai'at is talking “pandei sekali chakap” — “how clever he is at talking” — and he looks at him in admiration. The Malay, however, knows the Rai'at’s intense simplicity, and if he wants any advantages from him he will get all he requires. He will also laugh at him, though in a friendly chaffing way and it is often amusing to hear the Rai'at get by far the best of the laugh.
The Rai'ats never object to the collection of revenues by British Officers. They say that the English know how to do it and that they do it rightly and that it should be so, but they say the Malays know nothing about it and that when money comes into a Malay country it makes nothing but difficulties and trouble. They are lookers on, and it is hardly necessary to say how correct their views are.
A Rai'at has the greatest dread of a grant for land ; nothing will persuade him to take out a grant and if pressed, which in the Native States is unnecessary, he will leave the country and travel away into the mountains of the interior. Anything binding, any direct taxation or registration drives them away.
Their real objection to taking out grants for land is because of their custom that if there is a death in the house, they must leave the place and settle elsewhere generally many miles away.
The origin of land tenure here is very curious and probably unknown in any other State of the Malay Peninsula. When the original settlers arrived, they ingratiated themselves with the aborigines and first of all no doubt got free gifts of forest land from the Baten. Later on there probably was competition for waste lands in fertile valleys and presents were given to the Baten for the land. This resulted later in the sale of land to the Muhammadan settlers. The price was a knife or a weapon, a piece of cloth or some article valued by the Rai'at, but it became an actual sale. According to Muhammadan law, land cannot be sold, it is God’s land and man cannot sell it. Thus here we have distinctly the aboriginal origin in the sales of waste lands. Later, as the Muhammadans became powerful in the country, the Muhammadan tribe of Beduanda took up the sale of waste lands and made considerable profit by it, and during the last twenty years, the Beduanda chiefs have sold waste lands of, say, three or four acres in extent for eight and ten dollars and sometimes more.
As this custom was against Muhammadan law it was easy for the Government to put a stop to an usage which caused many disputes, trouble and even bloodshed in the country.
In my article printed in this Journal, 1889, I have given the dry facts in connection with origin and constitution. The tribes are governed by the “Adat Perpateh” and by the customs derived from the aborigines. With the Raja family this is not the case, and the “Adat Temenggong” governs property and inheritance.
In order to explain by practical instances the entire constitution, I will now give a number of political and customary cases which have occurred to my knowledge as these may be useful in understanding a somewhat elaborate constitution and code of laws. I must remark at the same time that in quoting past cases I do not wish in any way to criticize what was done in the past, when it was absolutely impossible to make head or tail of the intricate laws of these States and when we had the very smallest experience in the Malay Peninsula.
First of all, I would refer to the case of the Yam Tuan Mudaship of Rembau. An Arab Syed (Saban) from Malacca married a daughter of the Yam Tuan Muda Raja Ali of Rembau. He learnt something of the tribal laws of Rembau and what to him was the great thing was the law of female inheritance. He advised his father-in-law to abdicate in his favour. At this the Penghulu and Lembagas of Rembau were furious, refusing to have a Syed as Yam Tuan Muda. They applied for assistance from the Yam Tuan of Sri Menanti and together they drove the Syed and the other Raja out of the country. After this the British Government quite rightly arranged with the Rembau Chiefs that Tampin should be settled on the Raja family of Rembau, Rembau refusing to accept a Yam Tuan Muda for the future. Syed Saban took possession of Tampin.
Now in this case the Syed was all wrong. He learnt a little of the laws of the country, but not enough. Female inheritance does not follow in the Sultanate or Raja Mudaship, but only amongst commoners in the tribes, and the Yam Tuan and the chiefs of Rembau were justly incensed. The Syed after having been the means of dispossessing his father-in-law, became his lawyer so to speak, being a man who had experience of the outer world. The only wrong result has been that instead of the true Raja family obtaining Tampin, the Syed descendants of the clever Syed Saban have inherited, and the other Rajas of Rembau get comparatively nothing.
The case of the Sungei Ujong war is interesting. The late Syed Aman, Klana of Sungei Ujong, was the son of another such Arab Syed who married a woman of the Beduanda tribe in which the Dato’ Klana is elected. On the death of Dato’ Klana Sendeng, Syed Aman got himself elected as Klana of Sungei Ujong and this led to one long dispute with the Dato’ Bandar who is the other great Waris Chief of the State. Syed Aman cleverly sought the assistance of the British Government, at the same time saying that he was Klana and Raja (being a Syed) combined and that he would no longer acknowledge the suzerainty of the Yam Tuan of Sri Menanti. This brought down upon him the wrath of Sri Menanti. Syed Aman, however, had already obtained British protection, he was protected in his State, and the Yam Tuan of Sri Menanti, who was really quite right, was repulsed with great slaughter, and his country [was] occupied by British troops. Sungei Ujong thus became independent. This case brings to notice the law that it is illegal for a Raja to marry in the tribe of Beduanda for fear that the offspring might become Penghulu and, as a Raja, [may] usurp the Rajaship at the same time. “Penghulu dia, Raja dia” is the phrase given, or perhaps more properly “Undang dia, ka’adilan dia!'
The same thing happened in Jelebu. The present Penghulu is a Syed and on the death of the late Yam Tuan Muda of Jelebu he successfully intrigued in getting rid of the Raja family and governing alone in Jelebu.
It is impossible that Malay States such as these should be ruled in accordance with constitution and custom, without a Raja who is independent of all the commoners of the State and who can control the actions of the “commoner ” chiefs, and without the Raja, the whole constitution becomes a chaos. By removing this link the chain falls to pieces. I will give an instance of this. Ever since the Yam Tuan Muda of Rembau ceased to exist, the Penghulu alone has had to rule a turbulent people with whom he is connected by marriages and intermarriages, and since that there has been nothing but difficulty in Rembau. He was being dragged in every direction, his decisions were disregarded and not a single decision did he give that was deemed right. He had no longer the support of the Raja, thus the chiefs of tribes, who are numerous, attacked him in every direction and would have been glad to get rid of him in the same way as he had got rid of the Raja.
He used to say to the Chinese who took up land for planting in Rembau “Jikalau kris terchabut, sahaya yang sarongkan” “If the kris is drawn, I will replace it in its sheath.” This was a vain boast, as he could not, being a commoner, and there being no fear of him as in the case of a Raja.
Another case in point is that of the Yam Tuan of Sri Menanti. As soon as the Klana of Sungei Ujong became independent, by our assistance, the other States of Sri Menanti all thought that they would like the same thing, and the disputes, the bloodshed and general chaos in these States became simply indescribable. Seeing the Penghulu anxious to get rid of the Raja, the Lembaga started fighting the Penghulu and the Chiefs of families fought the Chiefs of tribes.
There are a number of cases which might be quoted, but I think that the above demonstrate the law of “Lembaga kapada Undang , Undang kapada kaadilan. “
In order to put things right, here in 1884, it was necessary really to put everything back to what it was 20 years before. To put the Raja in his place, the Penghulu in his, the Lembaga and the chief families in a tribe in theirs. In some tribes, there were as many as six Lembaga in Sri Menanti in 1887. There were also two Penghulu in two of the States. The only thing to do was to bring the constitution to bear and adhere strictly to it, and very stringent measures were taken in order to restore peace and order and to guarantee the proper power of each Chief of the State. A false Penghulu was deported, and anumber of false Chiefs detained until they would acknowledge the Chief of Tribe, recognised by the Raja and the Penghulu.
Members of the chief families in a tribe were threatened for bringing got up cases against the Lembaga and in a short time everything resumed its proper condition. But this was not all; the Waris tribe was clamouring for revenues, was selling land and claiming lands from the tribes as not having been paid for when occupied ten and fifteen years ago. The Waris were treated as a tribe and the Chiefs of the Tribe only recognised and they were allotted a percentage on the revenues derived from waste lands. The sale of land and the claiming of the value of occupied lands was knocked on the head by Muhammadan law as already described. The Chief in each tribe was kept responsible for his tribe and was called and is now called in every case, in or out of Court, affecting his tribe. Every Chief was told that, in every case the ancient usages and constitution would be adhered to, and he was warned that any departure from the same would be likely to cause his dismissal from office. The Chiefs soon saw how much better this was and how secure each man’s position had become. The Raja was treated as supreme and all the rules of homage and the laws of the Istana were strictly enforced, the Raja at the same time recognising the British Officer in the administration of the State and of its Courts.
The above has, I think, explained a great deal which might not have been understood except by illustration. It shows the position of all the Chiefs, and from this I will pass to a number of cases in customary laws.
The method of the election of the Raja, the Penghulu and Lembaga have been briefly described in the original paper. I will, however, give an instance of the election of a Lembaga of one of the principal tribes here, viz., that of Sri Lemak Pahang the Chief of which is also Deputy Penghulu of Ulu Muar (Pangku Penghulu serta haluan sembah). There are six families in this tribe from which the Chief of the Tribe can be elected. These families come in turn for the election of the Chief. At the last election, in troublous times the order in which the families stood for the election of the Chief had been taken wrongly. It may be understood how this disturbed the equanimity of the various families when the question of succession again had to be decided. First of all it was impossible to get the six families to arrive at an agreement or an election. This being the case the question went on appeal to the Penghulu of Ulu Muar, who is an old man and imagined that with a British Officer in the State he could put in his favourite relation in the tribe regardless of families and be supported in so doing. The tribe however knowing that the constitution was being carefully adhered to would not accept the Penghulu’s decision and the case went to the Dato’ of Johol who did not wish to interfere openly with the Penghulu of Ulu Muar and recommended that they should go to the Resident. The Raja was then consulted. He was of course indifferent as to who was elected Lembaga and the case was fully inquired into. One of the families had been missed over and the question was whether the chieftainship should return to that family and then go on or whether the order of the families should be proceeded with as if there had been no previous mistake. It was decided that what had been, had been (“yang sudah, sudah ”) and that the next family in order should take the rank. Directly this was decided and upheld there was no further trouble and in a few days all the families acquiesced in this being the best: it was then easy to elect the individual in the family to be Lembaga.
Nothing can be more dangerous in these States than for any one to practice what we call patronage. For instance, to say “ I want this man as Chief. He is intelligent and he can read and write and I won’t have this ignorant dirty looking indivi- ual.” Such action throws the whole system into chaos, and not only that but the intelligent reading and writing man imagines that he has more power than he really has because he has been selected above all others, regardless of custom, and before long the whole tribe is up in arms, generally justly, at his doings and he has to be dismissed.
In Terachi, in 1887, there were two Penghulu. One of them, and the right one, was recognised by the Raja and by the Dato’ of Johol. The other one had half the State on his side, but he was really wrong though he had a grievance. In the origin of things there were two families in Terachi who ruled. A former Penghulu had formally renounced the office for his family. He was a very strict Muhammadan and did not consider that such worldly things as office should be entertained in his family. Thus the office devolved entirely on the other family for election. This was ratified. The descendants, however, of this devout Mussulman did not view the matter in the same light. There was a good deal of trouble on this score in old days and a settlement was arrived at of creating an officer in the exempted family to be called “Andatar.” This smoothed matters for a time.
For some years, however, previous to 1887 the conflict between the two families had broken out with renewed vigour, hence the two Penghulu.
The question was referred to the Resident, it was referred to the Raja, and a decision was after considerable antagonism from the family of the Penghulu holding office, eventually arrived at.
It was this, that the old custom should be reverted to; that the two families should take it in turn for the Penghuluship and equally so for the office of Andatar. There was a great feast and many rites were gone through, many proverbs, wise saws and Menangkabau legal phrases quoted, and the thing was done. There has been no difficulty since.
Here again is a case that has only been referred to as having created ill-feeling, but which illustrates the Baten influence in State matters. Baten Gemala, the principal Baten of Johol, who lives some miles in the interior on the left bank of the Muar River, was induced, in consequence of a number of his people becoming Muhammadans and of other Muhammadan settlers arriving in the rantaus (reaches) of the Muar River above Segamat called Muar, to consider recently the advisability of bringing forward a Penghulu.
The Penghulus of States having by origin been brought into office by the Baten, this was no doubt constitutionally correct. Baten Gemala brought the individual whom he had selected to the Dato’ of Johol in order that the Dato’ should recognise this new Penghuluship. The Dato’ of Johol did so. He thought it would conduce to a settled population in Muar, where formerly, like on many other rivers, the people of the “Rantau” had been nomadic, moving from “rantau” to “rantau” and never permanently settling. The Penghulu of Ladang, however, whose ancestors before him had always ruled this district under the Penghulu of Johol, was much annoyed at this new departure and the result was quarrels and jealousies. Penghulu Muar died a short time ago and the Dato’ of Johol will not make further experiments in accepting a Baten Penghulu.
The case of the Raja di Muda of Terachi, Lembaga of the tribe of Beduanda, is not without interest. It was decided only recently, but may be quoted as showing how the Chief of a tribe must recognise the Penghulu and cannot depart from the usages and customs required of him in his office. I would remark parenthetically that the titles Raja di Muda, Beginda Maharaja, &c., are only titles of commoners, not of Rajas. These titles are derived from the Menangkabau customs of “gĕláran” which I shall make mention of further on.
An important case of inheritance of personal not entailed property occurred in Terachi. The case came to the Penghulu in appeal. The Penghulu gave his decision in the case. The decision was given against the Raja di Muda tribe. Raja di Muda considered himself ill-treated and the Penghulu himself brought the case before the Resident, who decided in favour of the Penghulu’s decision, but modifying the Penghulu’s decision in consultation with the Penghulu himself. From that date Raja di Muda has placed himself in every State matter in opposition to the Penghulu and has become a violent obstructionist. The Penghulu for some time took no notice of this, but at last a serious constitutional error was recorded amongst the many acts of Raja di Muda. The mother of an officer with the title of Mendika and of the tribe of which Raja di Muda was Chief, died. Mendika is what is termed the “Tiang Balei” of the Penghulu, that is, the centre post of the Penghulu’s office. The Penghulu must immediately be officially informed, and various rites have to be gone through. The funeral has to be officially arranged by the Penghulu. All this Raja di Muda ignored, carried it through himself with a high hand and the Penghulu was never consulted. This was too much and the whole matter was reported. Enquiries were made, the Penghulu sent for Raja di Muda, who did not come, and the Penghulu asked to be allowed to dismiss Raja di Muda and that the re-election of another officer be recognised. This was accorded. To the outside world this may appear trivial, but to the Malay mind the Raja di Muda had by his last action placed himself in direct and meaning antagonism to the Penghulu absorbing the Penghulu’s rights in his own, and this could not be.
A case in Rembau is one of some interest. The Chief of the Sri Melenggang tribe became intensely unpopular in a certain section of his tribe, in consequence undoubtedly of irregularities he had committed in that section. After a good deal of seething and boiling in the tribe the whole matter bubbled up before the Penghulu and ruling Waris of Rembau (vide Origin and Constitution ). The Penghulu referred the matter back to the tribe for further consultation and for proofs to be brought forward of the complaints made. The plaintiffs went away and not long after it was rumoured abroad that a new Chief had been elected, the actual holder of the office not having been formally deposed with the sanction of the Penghulu. Then the Penghulu and Waris enquired the meaning of these signs, such as the firing of guns, the hanging of curtains in the house of one MARASHAD and let the tribe explain the adoption of such forms which were only allowed to a Chief. The disaffected ones in the tribe asked for a meeting of all the Chiefs at which they would present themselves. The Penghulu accorded this and ordered the Chiefs to be present at his Balei. The day arrived. All were congregated. A message came from those disaffected who were outside the fence of the house in the padang or field for the Waris to come out and meet the new Chief and escort him to the Penghulu’s presence. This created general consternation and, after deliberation, it was decided that this was unconstitutional; that the Chiefs had not met for the purpose of receiving a newly elected Lembaga, but to deliberate on the shortcomings of the existing one. The answer was couched in these terms. Again the demand was made, and again it was refused. Nothing more occurred at the time, but the Penghulu and Waris applied for the arrest of the ringleaders in this unconstitutional proceeding. This was granted and the arrests were made. The defence was that the tribe was dissatisfied with its Chief, that the tribe had the right of electing its Chief. Against this it was urged that there could be at no time two Chiefs in the same tribe. That the Penghulu had not acknowledged the dismissal of the existing Chief, that the action of the disaffected members outside the Penghulu’s Balei was not customary, and that the prisoners had been guilty of attempting to make disturbances in the tribe in no way warranted by the constitution. The ringleaders were comparatively heavily fined and the original complaints against the Chief were again referred for enquiry to the Council of Chiefs ( Waris serta orang yang dua blas).
In 1887, the Rembau Chiefs were all divided against the Penghulu. The point at issue was that of revenues from waste lands. The question commenced to assume a very serious aspect when a force of thirty or forty armed Malays stopped a Chinaman, to whom the Penghulu had granted forest land for planting, from felling the forest. This act on the part of the insubordinate Chiefs resulted in a very elaborate enquiry. The disaffected Waris urged that they had never received any part of revenues and the Chiefs of tribes urged with the disaffected Waris that they were entitled to revenues from waste lands in the vicinity of their holdings. The Penghulu and his friends, however, denied the statements of the disaffected Waris. They also brought up a point of importance, viz., that if the Waris had a grievance they should do everything they could to settle it in the tribe. If they could not that they should together bring the matter to the Penghulu’s Balei. This had not been done and the Penghulu had been ignored throughout. The disaffected Datohs at the enquiry all asked to leave the Balei of the Penghulu and urged the other Chiefs to do the same. Nearly all the Chiefs left. This was a sign that they were going out to try and arrive at an agreement to depose the Penghulu, but in this they failed, and returned without having been able to be of one mind in the matter (kabulatan). Then came the question of the Lembaga claiming a share of the revenue from waste lands. Now, according to the custom a Lembaga has no rights in the State except in his tribe and over the land which he bought from the Waris (tanah bertebus). It was evident that the mere fact of purchase gave him no rights to other waste lands, the matter was discussed at great length, the Lembagas bringing up numbers of sayings and laws that were useless by themselves being all governed by the main laws, viz., “Gaung, Guntong , Bukit , Bukau Herta Waris; Penghulu prentah loa , Lembaga prentah suku”, i.e., that all waste lands were the property of the Waris; that the Penghulu ruled the State and the Lembaga ruled his tribe. The case was given entirely against the Lembagas. This being done and the disaffected Waris and Lembagas having been proved to be wrong, it was necessary to consider the crime they had committed against the State. They were found guilty of departing from the constitution and of ignoring the rules of appeal and the ancient customs and usages of the State of Rembau. They were all dismissed from their posts and the families in each tribe were sent for, in order that re-elections should be made. This was done and this one decision has restored the Penghulu as head of the State, the Waris as inheritors of waste lands, and the Lembaga as rulers in their tribes.
This was a very leading case in reference to all the States of the Negri Sembilan, and by it every State has been maintained on the same lines.
In Sri Menanti there were terrible disputes regarding ownership to mines and Waris claims. Because a Waris claimed as a Waris he also claimed ownership. This was evidently wrong. The Waris’ claim was a State claim, ownership was a private claim. Thus by giving a small percentage of tin revenues to the heads of the Waris tribe and by registering the various mines to the owners and legalizing a royalty to be paid to them by the Chinese miner, the difficulty was overcome and every one became contented. The late Yam Tuan of Sri Menanti, in order to make a last attempt at quieting a very turbulent and powerful Waris faction in Ulu Muar, had married a lady of this family. This unfortunately did not improve matters, as although this faction became friendly with the Raja, it started terrible struggles with all the other Waris and even with the tribes and being allied to the Raja became more formidable to the peace of the country than hitherto.
Land cases are not very frequent here as land is so well defined by custom. At the same time there have been a number of cases which dated from previous years and had never been settled. Directly a case was brought up again faction fights occurred and then the case was again left unsettled. A very old case at Ampang Serong, about five miles from Kwala Pilah, required immediate settlement. It was as between the tribe of Beduanda Waris and the tribe of “Tiga Batu.” The Waris first claimed that they had never sold the land and that it had been appropriated by the Tiga Batu tribe. This, however, they failed to prove, as it was ruled that they could not claim purchase money after upwards of one hundred years of occupation. Then they claimed proprietorship of a great portion saying that the Tiga Batu tribe had encroached. The Tiga Batu tribe on the other hand said that the land had been mortgaged to the Waris for fifty dollars ($50). The whole case was investigated on the spot. It was perfectly evident that the Waris’ claim was incorrect. They claimed the paddy land and had forgotten to consider the hill land on the side of the valley where the houses and gardens are. Taking the hill land in the occupation of the tribe, it was evident that, in accordance with the ancient usage of selling land in straight strips across a valley or across it up to the main stream, the land claimed actually did belong to the tribe of Tiga Batu though, in consequence of the mortgage of the paddy field to the tribe of Waris, it had been for years cultivated by the Waris holder of the mortgage. It was ordered that the amount of the mortgage should be paid to the Waris tribe and that the land should remain in the possession of the tribe of Tiga Batu.
Land once held by a tribe is very seldom sold to other tribes. If debts have been incurred and a person’s holding has to be sold it is nearly always bought in by the tribe and this avoids many complications in proprietorship that might otherwise arise. There are of course disputes in a tribe, but these are disputes of inheritance more than of boundaries and are far more easily settled. The technical terms for land purchased from the Waris and the dry outline of land tenure has already been described in my former paper. I have referred also to “herta membawa,” that is, property brought by the husband to his wife’s house, as in these States, the women being inheritors of all lands, the man always goes to his wife’s house (“tempat semenda”). If he divorces or his wife dies, he returns to his mother’s house (“hertapesaka”). Cases of “herta membawa” are most difficult to decide upon.
I will give an instance. A foreign Malay from Sungei Ujong married a woman in Ulu Muar; he was accidentally wounded by a spring gun that had been set for pig, and died. His mother who lived in Sungei Ujong was informed by letter by the Chief of her daughter-in-law’s tribe. The mother arrived and claimed $150 worth of property that she had given to her son when he was coming to live with his wife here and which she stated he had brought to his wife’s house. The orang semenda or male relations of the lady denied this saying that the property had never been declared to them as “herta membawa” which was necessary and that they altogether discredited the statement. After hearing a mass of contradictory evidence with good points on both sides, it was ruled that the mother would not have claimed without cause and awarded to her half the amount claimed.
A question of some importance and which has not yet been decisively settled is that of “pencharian berdua” i.e., the fortune acquired by husband and wife apart from “herta membawa” or “herta pesaka.”
The law runs “chari b’hagi dapatan, tinggal, bawa kembalek.” This cannot be translated literally, but it means that the money acquired by husband and wife must be divided, each person’s share remain to each, and the husband’s share must go back to his mother’s house or to his “anak buah,” that is, his blood relations. That property of this kind should not go entirely to the children made a great deal of difficulty, as it is not in accordance with Muhammadan law and in Rembau the Chiefs decided that all property other than “herta pesaka" or “herta membawa ” became unconditionally the property of the children and could not in any case return to the man’s relations. It was ruled, however, that land should not be affected, coming as it does under “herta pesaka” and that weapons, ornaments and silver utensils which were “herta pesaka” must be returned. Also that “herta membawa” could still be claimed by the man’s relations. In Jempol where the people are very Muhammadan also this has been adopted, I will relate a case, however, which created great discussion.
A man died the possessor of ten buffaloes. His child was a boy seven years old. The man’s brother took the buffaloes back to his mother’s house in order, it was supposed, to take care of them until his nephew came of age. The boy grew up and, when he was about fifteen, he claimed these buffaloes from his uncle, who would not satisfy his demand. The case came forward as the Chiefs could not settle it to the satisfaction of all parties.
The boy claimed the buffaloes. The uncle first said the buffaloes had died of disease. Enquiries were made and it was found that he possessed buffaloes. The boy said that even if the buffaloes had died of disease his uncle should have informed his mother’s family. Then came the question of inheritance, trusteeship, and the guardianship of the buffaloes, finally the question of “herta membawa .” The uncle first urged that the boy’s father had brought a number of buffaloes to his wife’s house from his mother’s house and that they should be returned. After a considerable enquiry it was found that there was no reliable evidence of this. Then the uncle claimed that according to the Malay rule, he being the caretaker of the buffaloes, was entitled to one-half of the buffaloes now that his nephew wished to divide. The boy said that his uncle had had no right to take the buffaloes. Then came the question of inheritance. The uncle said he only knew the old rule of “chari b'hagi dapatan tinggal bawak kembalek ” and claimed half the buffaloes. The boy said he knew that in Jempol the Muhammadan custom had been adopted that property acquired during marriage became the property of children and not of the “anak buah;” finally it was decided that half the buffaloes should be handed to the boy in satisfaction of all claims. It will be seen from this example how many rules there are in these States that may be brought forward in a case, in connection with which careful investigation is required. If, however, a dispute is carefully summed up and the points fully explained which lead to the decision, the public here is nearly always satisfied and the individual who loses his case has to be satisfied also.
In connection with inheritance by the children, of property acquired during married life, it is necessary for the children to pay their father’s debts, if there are any. If there is no property, even the children are responsible for the debts of their father. Where the old rule is in force the “tempat semenda” and the “tempat pesaka” would have to arrange together to pay, and not only that but the “anak buah” were supposed to pay the funeral expenses of their male relation and not the “orang semenda.” It is still a question that has to be very carefully investigated in every case of debt, viz., as to whether one of the two should pay all.
The rules of “pantang larang” are important, minor laws on dress, on the architecture of houses, of covered gates to enclosures, of the firing of guns, the slaughtering of buffaloes and many other causes. For instance, no one but a Chief may have a covered gateway. No one but a Raja may put his kitchen behind the house, and no one but a Raja may run his front verandah round to the back. No man may wear all yellow nor all black. A quaint custom is that of “gelaran.” When a man marries, the “orang semenda” of his wife assemble together. Here all property questions are brought forward and decided such as “herta membawa” &c. The “orang semenda” then confer a title on the man, such as “Mentri”, ”Si Maraja”, “Peduka Raja”, “Laksamana” and many others.
It must be borne in mind though, in connection with all these customs and laws, that Muhammadan law is always present and is enforced in many cases, but it requires careful handling. Nothing is more distasteful to the people than that Muhammadan law should be applied where custom provides the remedy, and, as the Kathi is generally anxious to exercise Muhammadan law only, great care has to be taken to prevent him from interfering in cases of custom.
What I have written may throw some light on the working of a curious constitution.
MARTIN LISTER.
Folk-Lore and the Menangkabau Code in the Negri Sembilan.
By A. Hale, District Officer, Tampin - from “Records of Malay Magic” 1898 p.43~60
The Negri Sembilan, unlike the other Protected States of the Malay Peninsula, has not yet quite got away from the traditions which prevailed among-st the Aboriginal tribes ; these traditions were partly adopted and somewhat modified by the colonists from other States of the Peninsula and from Sumatra; who, as the Resident, the Hon. Martin Lister, has pointed out in a paper communicated to the Society in 1887, “fell in with the Aboriginal views, and observed their rights to all waste lands, and their power in each State” but at the same time “brought their tribal laws with them.”
It is well known that the primitive Malays of Sumatra practised exogamy, and — like all other exogametic races inter-tribal marriage was one of the most heavily punished offences.
When I went to the District of Kinta, Perak, in 1884, and was engaged in settling native Malay claims to mining lands, it puzzled me at first to understand the term “Waris Kinta,” which was often quoted by native mine owners, and when I was transferred to an appointment in the Negri Sembilan, I remember that the late Sir Frederick Weld told me that one of the chief reasons why he had selected me, was, because there were few men in the service who could distinguish between a Waris and a Lembaga. I am afraid I looked confused, and I know that as soon as I got back to my Hotel, I looked in my “Swettenham” and found that the word Lembaga meant somebody who had something to do in the affairs of the State. I had not lived long in Tampin, and mixed in Rembow and Gemencheh affairs before the distinction was made quite clear to me.
In 1890 Mr. Lister communicated a further paper to the Society, enlarging on the subject, shewing how the Sakais were merged in the Bidwandas, and how the constitution was established on Menangkabau lines.
My purpose in the present instance is to try and trace through the Folk-lore of the country, the why and wherefore of certain customs, which, always stronger than written laws, have made the country what it is, a very favurite resting place for Malays, because of the conservation of such customs ; in doing this, I shall endeavour to explain, as far as I am able, a few old fashioned savings, which are even now less quoted than they used to be a few years ago.
Tengku Sayid Abdollah bin Sayid Saban, the Assistant Magistrate of Tampin, has greatly assisted me in the work, by explaining what seemed to me obscure in some of the sayings ; the words and diction used being in many instances more or less obsolete, and also likely to bear a double meaning.
I have romanised each saying and made a very free translation ; in the latter, so far as I know how, giving what the native Malay understands to be meant; this seemed preferable to a more literal rendering as that would not so easily convey the meaning.
The sayings are more or less arranged in progressive sequence, as they seemed to suit the case as it occurred in the Negri Sembilan ; first inhabited by Sakais, then gradually colonized by Malays, who, as they increased, amalgamated their own customs with those of the Aborigines, and ultimately brought their Settlement to the dignity of a State, with a Raja chief, whose principal duty was to administer the Mohammadan laws, but with due regard to the Ancient Customs, many of which are very opposite to what is understood by the Law of the Prophet.
I have used the collective name Sakai here, as the Malays commonly do, to express all the different sections of the Aboriginal tribes, whether true Sakais, Jakuns, Mantras, Semangs or any others.
The State of Rembow is particularly interesting at the present time, being in a transitory stage as to customary laws. The people are of course professed Mohammadans, but they are at the same time ashamed to abandon the old fashioned customs of the “Ada Perpatih” The incongruity of this was pointed out to them by the late Sultan of Johor, when for a short time Rembow came under his influence, about eighteen years ago; from what I have heard he most likely laughed at their customs, and advised them that the only way for professed Mohammadans was to follow the “Adat Tomonggong,” in other words the law of the Prophet. Since that time Rembow customs have greatly changed, and in such matters as debt quarrels, a man may act for his wife instead of her own relations, the law inheritance also follows the code of Islam, so that a man’s children may inherit his property instead of his wife’s relations.
In spite, however, of these decided advances made by the clever Rembow people they are still behind in some of matters; for instance, the law of marriage is still the law exogamy as in force amongst savages; as the people say it is not lawful to marry within one pĕrut, or sa waris. that is within the limits of a well defined group of families whose common descent is more or less clear from one ancestress who was probably an immigrant from Sumatra several hundred 3 years ago; this is very different from the Mohamadan law on the subject, where the table of affinity is even less comprehensive that it is under Christian rule.
Another Rembow custom, which I expect is almost peculiar to it as a Mohammadan country, is, that a man may not have more than one wife at the same time, except by special authority of the Penghulu ; I cannot find out when this custom arose, nor can I find any special saying connected with it; the people can only remember that it always prevailed in Rembow, in accordance with a vow made by a tribal chief in Menangkabau before he and his people migrated to Rembow. At any rate the idea has taken such strong hold of the people, that although when the late Sultan of Johor came to Rembow, as before stated, he ridiculed the custom as opposed to the teaching of Islamism, the people still hold by what has been handed down to them by their ancestors, and I understand that even to-day there are only three men in Rembow with more than one wife.
-1- [Jawi script (Malay written in Arabic-script)]
Ayer sa’gantang- sa’lobok,
Sa’dangkang yang ber-bunyi’
Siamang ber-jawat-jawat,
Tompat ungka ber-dayu-dayu;
Batin yang ampunya-nya.
From every pool a gallon of water,
The frogs that croak ;
The gibbons that travel from hill to hill
And the places of their noisy councils,
All these belong to the Sakai chief.
-:-
The Sakai who first enunciated the theory contained in this description of his rights must have been far advanced in the imaginative power so well displayed in the story of Sri Rama, told by Mir Hasan and published by Mr. Maxwell in the Journal of the Society : or perhaps it was a Malay who made it up with the intention of putting on record that after all the Sakaies could only claim a little water in the recesses of the jungle where unclean beasts dwell.
The Sakais of today seem to wish for very little else, and all efforts to civilize them are unsuccessful ; they are the least harmful of all savage races and are bound to retire before civilization, even if only the civilization of Malays, luckily there is still plenty of room for them in the forests of the Peninsula.
-2- [Jawi script]
Sal-silah ka-hutan,
Tromba ka-loak.
The Genealogies belong to the Sakais
But the written account of them, to the Malays.
-:-
This is a very curious expression, Sal-silah is distinctly Arabic, and one is forced to imagine that Malays taught by Arab traders in the olden times invented the saying by way of flattering the Sakais.
The tradition is that the “Undang yang ampat” i.e. the four principal Lawgivers or Penghulus of the Negri Sembilan, are descendants of a Malay chief who settled on the Moar river and married one or more Sakai princesses, and by that means came into the possession of a good slice of the Peninsula, including the present Negri Sembilan, Sungei Ujong, Klang, parts of Pahang, Nanning, Moar, and Jelebu. The Penghulus of Johol and Ulu Moar are the only two left of the “Undang yang ampat” whose jurisdiction still to some extent follows the ancient customs ; when new Penghulus of Johol and Ulu Moar are appointed, the Batins or Sakai chiefs have a strong voice in the matter, as they are supposed to be the people who know most about the legitimate descent; reciprocally the Penghulus confirm newly appointed Batins.
-3- [Jawi script]
Gaung guntong, bukit bakau,
Waris dan Penghulu yang ampunya-nya.
The stream heads and narrow valleys,
The hills and the surrounding plains
Are the property of the chief and people of the Waris tribe, (i.e. Bidwanda).
-:-
The claim here set forth by the first settlers in the original Sakai country embraces the whole country side, to the effectual exclusion of the Sakais, who themselves tacitly acquiesce in it, by gradually retiring to the more remote jungle-covered hills without any protest.
The Waris tribe were the first-comers, followers of a chief, who followed their chiefs example and intermarried with the Sakai race ; therefore as the land belonged originally to their Sakai wives, the custom is still in force in the Negri Sembilan, that all ancestral land shall be held by the women.
The census taken in 1891 shewed that the Malay population in Rembau was much more dense than in any other of the protected Native States, and that it was the only State in which the native women outnumbered the native men ; in Rembau not one per cent of the native customary holdings are registered as the property of men. I believe the same thing obtains in Nanning of Malacca, where the customs are very similar.
The Johol chief, Dato Johol Johan Pahlawan Lela Perkasa Setia Wan, is to this day, although a man, to some degree looked upon as a woman, and in consequence except to pay homage to his suzerain he is not supposed to leave his house for any purpose of administering justice or attending ceremonies. Of the Undang yang ampat who first administered the Negri Sembilan; one of them, the youngest, was a woman, who settled in Johol. As a further mark of his feminine attributes he always wears his hair long.
Although the Sakais have given up the land to the Malays, they still, as shown under No. 2, retain the right — or the semblance of it—of appointing the Undang or Penghulu; them¬ selves being in turn confirmed by the Penghulu when appointed as Batins by their people.
-4- [Jawi script]
Taki Kayu Batin Jenang’
Putus tebus kapada Undang
Jengka ber-elak
Lantak per-tukul
Amas ber-tahil.
The trees are blazed by the Batin and the Senang.
But the price is paid to the Penghulu.
The land is measured,.
The boundary posts are planted,
The gold is weighed out.
-:-
It is to be understood that the Batin is the purely Sakai chief, the Undang or Penghulu the purely Malay chief, the Jenang is the Penghulu’s officer, appointed by him as his Departmental chief for Sakai affairs; it is his duty to kra the Sakais for any important matter, lo act as intermediary and conduct all negocia- tions between the two races. This saying describes the system of the alienation of the land from the Sakais to the Malays of the Waris or Bidwanda tribe ; and the subsequent selling of blocks by the Waris to the different tribes. The saying by itself does not very clearly express all that, but in practice it soon becomes evident; the first two lines describing how the land was acquired by the first Malay settlers from the Sakais,— with whom they were very closely connected by marriages between Mohammadan Malay men and Sakai women — I do not suppose the reverse ever occurred, or if it did it was very rare; it has now become merely a legend, as the Malays of the Waris tribe now claim the right to all waste lands, which claim the Sakais tacitly admit. It seems very evident, why, although the land was sold by the Sakais to the Malays, the Malay chief received payment; he was of high descent on the mother’s side and the Sakeies therefore trusted him to look after their interests in the alienation of the lands ; although he actually received payment, it was as much for the benefit of the Sakais as of himself.
In the same way, the three lines following describe how in most of the States the different tribes have their allotted portions of the waste lands, within which they should as much as possible arrange holdings for their respective tribes-women ; but this has also been a good deal ignored and the tribes’ hold¬ ings have got mixed up: what has, however, survived of all this is the custom, of the Lembagas of both tribes being present when land is transferred from one tribe or section of a tribe to another, and this custom, which is rigorously insisted upon under the present rule, has proved most useful; no registration of any land dealings being effected unless the custom has been satisfactorily fulfilled and attested by the respective tribal chiefs.
-5- [Jawi script]
Sa halei akar putus
Sa bingkah tanah ter-balik
Sa batang kayu rebah
Sahya yang ampunya-nya.
A trail of liana was broken,
A sod was turned over,
A tree was cut down.
It was I who made the clearing.
-:-
The speaker, who in support of his claim recites this “perbilongan,” or saying, seeks to prove that he was the first to open a certain district ; he would probably be a man with some followers, who, for a reason had migrated from the settled lands to find a fresh place and cut out for himself a new clearing in the primeval forest.
The land is God’s, the Raja administers it for the benefit of the community; the man who squats on it has only the right to his usufruct, and if he does not make it produce he has no good claim to hold it. In a disputed claim, it is evident that he who can prove himself to be the first who brought the land into cul¬ tivation has the best title to it; therefore if he can prove that he felled the first tree of the clearing, cut the first rattan or creeper to tie a fence, and turned the first sod to plant it, his contention is a strong one.
-6- [Jawi script]
Pinang nen gaya
Nior yang saka
Jirat yang panjang
Ninek moyang sahya yang
ter-muka’an (punya buka’an).
The areca and coconut palms are so tall that they are
blown about by the winds ;
The line of graves is lengthened out;
It was my fore-fathers who planted them all.
-:-
This saying is also recited in claiming land in dispute; but in a different sense to that of the last, which is urged in support of a claim to a district, as having been the first settler. In this case the claimant seeks to prove that the holding is ancestral property and bases his claim upon work done and evidence left by his progenitors.
In land disputes I have always found it most useful to prove who planted cocoanut trees, and who were actually buried in the grave-yard which is found at the back of nearly all old holdings.
-7- [Jawi script]
Sa lilit Pulan Pricha (Percha.)
Sa limbong tanah Malayu,
Ber-raja ka-Johor;
Ber-tali ka-Siak ;
Ber-tuan ka-Menangkabau.
The Malays of all countries acknowledge
the Yam Tuan of Parga Ruyong in Menangkabau as their suzerain,
but that they have a Raja in Johor
and that they are dependent on Siak.
-:-
Although the saying infers that all Malays acknowledge the above, it no doubt originated from the Negri Sembilan and refers to that State alone. The “ Undang yang ampat” or four Penghulus of the original Negri Sembilan, finding that they required a Sultan to adminster the Government, expecially the religious law ; first sent to Johor, from whence they were passed on to Menangkabau by the way of Siak. The story of the adventures and ultimate success of the embassy has already been told by other writers both Malay and European.
-8- [Jawi script]
Hulu ayer merinching. Kwala ombak memecha ;
Raja dan Penghulu yang ampunya-nya.
Sawah yang berjenjang, pinang yang ber-jijik,
Lembaga yang ampunya-nya.
From the source where the waters trickle down, to the mouth where the waves break,
The Raja and Penghulu shall govern the land.
But where the padi fields are laid out, and the areca nut palms are planted in rows,
The Lembaga shall rule his tribe.
-:-
The Bidwanda tribe, who glory in their descent from the Sakaies, provide the Penghulu, they are the tribes of the soil, and from them other immigrant tribes may purchase the right to use the land for their sustenance.
In the Negri Sembilan it was the Bidwanda Penghulu and this mixed Malay and Sakai people, who, being converted to Islamism, required a Sultan as the Mohammadan law-giver and sent an Embassy to Menangkabau to procure one. Then the Sultan and the Penghulu together governed the country, the Sultan doing his best to carry out the law of the Prophet — Hukum Sharak — and the Penghulus, whilst acknowledging that law and bowing to it, maintaining the Aboriginal cult by the encouragement of Fetishism, through the Pawangs, and the customs of the tribes — Hukum Adat — who had come to their state, by allowing the Lembagas to act as petty magistrates, and give decisions in accordance ; which more often than not, especially on such questions as marriage inheritance, and the settlement of debt disputes, are not at all on the same level as the Mohammadan law.
-9- [Jawi script]
Alam ber-Raja, negri ber-Penghulu,
Suku ber-Tua, Anak-buah ber-Ibu-bapa,
Orang sa-manda ber-torapat sa-manda,
Dagang ber-tapatan, prahu ber-tambatan.
States have their Rajas, and Provinces, their Penghulus,
Each tribe, its Lembaga, And each family, its elder.
Every married man has his wife’s relations to assist him to his rights,
And strangers go to the chief whose duty it is to attend their affairs;
As also theirs is a place to tie up their prahus.
-:-
Thus is defined, in reverse order, the right of Appeal and the Immigration Department.
A well ordered State under the Menangkabau code — Adat Perpateh — should be provided with a properly defined wharf, where there are berths for vessels of different nations. There should be a proper Minister to look after foreigners; he may be called Dato’ Dagang, or there may be four office holders, called Dato’ Dagang yang ber-ampat abbreviated to ‘To Ampat.
The Court of first instance for a married man is the family of his wife; he having left his own home and gone to live with his wife, whose mother he accepts in the place of his own ; in other words, he is of one mother (Sa-manda) with his wife after he has married. If a man does not obtain satisfaction from his wife’s relations, he as, well as all other unmarried people and married women, take their complaints to the elder of their own particular section (perut) of their own tribe, to the Ibu-bapa (literally mother-father) corrupted to Bwapa; from thence the appeal is to the Lembaga (called Tua or old man ) of the whole tribe or Suku ; the next court is that of the Penghulu or Und- ang ; and the last appeal is to the Raja of the State, called in accordance with old custom Yang-di-per-Tuan, which title has been shortened to Yam-Tuan.
-10- [Jawi script]
Lembaga ber-sekat,
Undang ber-ka-lantasan.
The Lembagas jurisdiction is confined to his tribe, (tingkongan.)
But the Undang may carry the case on, i.e. to the Raja or last appeal; or he may hear it in conjunction with the other Penghulus of the State first.
-:-
Thus is defined their respective jurisdiction.
A most important detail in the old administration of the Negri Sembilan, and probably of all Malay States, was the higher consideration shewn to the Waris tribe or Bidwandas, than to the other tribes or Sukus; I found evidence of this in Perak ten years ago, “Waris Kinta” and “Waris Bukit Gantang” meant much amongst the natives, although little was left of the Waris supremacy in the administration of the State.
The incidence of the Penal laws weighed much heavier on the tribes or sukus than on the heirs of the soil; and although, as has occurred in some instances, important and energetic persons from other tribes and even Arabs, have succeeded in obtaining Peughuluships, as a heritage for their tribes ; it has, I think, invariably been the custom that they should marry a Bidwanda woman.
-11- [Jawi script]
Chari, bagi
Dapatan, tingal ;
Bawa Kembalik.
Joint earnings shall be divided.
The wife’s (ancestral) property shall restored to her tribe.
And the husband’s taken back to his.
-:-
This is custom which governs the division of the property of married people when a divorce occurs, or at the death of either party. It is the whole law of Malay entail and marriage settlements in a nut-shell.
When a marriage is arranged, it is the duty of the elders of the two tribes to see that the real and personal estate of both sides to the contract, is carefully enumerated before witnesses; then at the dissolution of the marriage, the elders should arrange that the joint earnings during the married life of the parties are equally divided ; that the wife's representatives get back what she brought into the contract and the husband his share, It may be imagined that as no written record is kept, the account becomes somewhat confused and quarrels ensue.
-12- [Jawi script]
Kusut menylisikan,
Utong membiar, pintong menerimakan,
Oleh tompat samanda.
To arrange all quarrels,
Pay all debts and receive what is due.
Is the business of the wife’s relations.
-:-
The married man, as shewn in this and the next saying, would seem to be rather at a disadvantage ; he is merely a man married into the family all his quarrels and debts have to be settled by his wife’s relatives, and all debts due to him are collected by them. This seems after all pretty fair under the Menangkabau code, which, in exchange for the actual labour done in the rice fields by the women, exalts them to the position of actual owners of the usufruct of their holdings under the Raja as paramount lord.
-13- [Jawi script]
Orang sa manda ber-tompat sa-manda:
Iika cherdek teman be-eunding.
Iika bodok di suroh dia arah ;
Tinggi baneh tompat ber-lindong,
Rimbun down tompat ber-na’ung.
The married man shall be subservient to his mother-in-law :
If he is clever, I will try to cajole him,
If he is stupid, I will see that he works;
Like the buttresses of a big tree he shall shelter me.
Like the thick foliage he shall shade me.
-:-
One can imagine the satisfaction a Malay mother derives from thinking over this saying, and reciting it to her cronies and her daughter when she has made up her mind to receive a son-in-law into her family ; be he sharp or slow, clever or stupid, either way he cannot be a loser. Her daughter’s house will be built behind her own; if the man is clever he will get enough money to build the house by easy means; if he if stupid she will so bully him that the poor man will be glad to labour with his hands at her bidding ; it would seem to the anxious mother that she and her daughter cannot but be gainers by the contract ; perhaps they forget for the time that there is another side to the question, namely that they may have to pay his gambling debts.
-14- [Jawi script]
Darah Sa-titik, daging sa-rachik,
Ber-tali Kapada bapa.
For a drop of blood, and morsel of flesh,
one is still indebted to one’s father.
-:-
This is equal to saying, that, although the women are the most important members of the community as holders of the entailed property, one is still indebted to one’s father for mere existence ; the axiom is a little plea for the mere man, after all the tendency that has been shewn by the Adat Perpateh to glorify the woman by making- her the nominal owner of the soil. It is not nowever surprising that the woman should have a large share of importance in the tribe, as everybody who has read or heard related the old tradition of “Dato’ Per-pateh pinang sa-batang” will understand. Perhaps after all it was not the heroism displayed by a particular woman under trying circumstances, that decided the ancient chief to fix the land of entail in the female him of descent; so much as it was the difficulty in determining in lawless times the paternity of any given child, the maternity would be easier to decide.
-15- [Jawi script]
Hilang darah, ganti darah.
Blood for blood.
-:-
This on the face of. it, is evidently the old Mosaic law —“ An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”; but primitive Malays were not so wasteful of blood and life as to exact capital punishment except in very flagrant cases.
The expression is explained by numbers 16 and 17 following.
-16- [Jawi script]
Chinchang pempas,
bunoh balas.
For a wound the price of it in blood;
for a murder a life.
-:-
The blood to be spilt in compensation for a wound inflicted, might be that of a fowl, a goat or a buffalo, according to the more or less serious nature of it; also according to the means of the culprit and the power of the offended party to exact payment; in any case the animal or some part of it would go to provide a feast of reconciliation.
The life to be paid for a murder rarely meant amongst Malays that the murderer was necessarily executed; it was more often the adoption by the family of the murdered person of a member of the murderer’s family, or it was a slave passed over by them in compensation for the loss incurred. As I have already pointed out the compensation to the Waris or Bidwanda tribe was heavier than that paid for the death of a member of what may be termed a tribe of immigrants. When I first came to Rembou some very old debts were sued for in my Court, in the hopes that the white man would be strong enough to exact payment where the native chief had failed ; on investigation some of these proved to be judgements inflicted for assaults and even murder or man slaughter.
In Rembau for the death of a Bidwanda, or Waris the life penalty was exacted: but for the death of a tribesman the penalty was a buffalo, 50 gantongs of rice and “wang dua bhara’’(i.e. $28-40): the money to be divided amongst the relatives of the murdered man, and the buffalo and rice to provide a feast to reconcile the tribes of the murderer and his victim.
-17- [Jawi script]
Anak di-panggil makan,
Anak-buah di sorong-kan balas.
The son is called to the feast,
But the nephew pays the debt.
-:-
This explains more fully how the debt of a life for a life is paid.
The Menangkabau code as understood here provides for succession first in the tribe and next in the family ; it would seem absurd to a primitive people ;— Amongst whom sexual relations were not properly governed by even the laxly carried out Mohamadan laws of marriage and divorce,— that property, which amongst all savage races is more valuable than life, should descend from father to son, when no man could with certainty claim an individual as his offspring; it was, evident that the landed property should be held by the women who, being proud of the ownerships, would not hesitate to expend labour on it: it therefore comes about that when a man of one tribe marries a woman of another, he becomes a sort of lodger in his wife’s house, her family and her tribe ; the children that his wife may bear to him are not so much his children as the children of his wife’s tribe ; they way inherit, as explained under No. 11, whatever he and his wife earned together during their married life ; but his wife’s tribe have too strong a claim on them, to allow them to be taken from the tribe in pay¬ ment for a crime committed by their father, who is an outsider ; if he murders a man he must find a relation of his own blood and tribe to pay the debt ; and as when he dies his nephew will inherit his personal estate and any office or title which he may hold in the tribe, it seemed proper that his nephew should pay his blood debt.
-18- [Jawi script]
Tali pengikat deripada lembaga,
Kris penyalang deripada undang,
Pedang permanchong deripada ka’adilan.
The Lembaga shall bind the culprit,
The Penghulu shall kris him,
The Sultan only may behead him.
-:-
It is the duty of the tribal chief — after he has done every thing he can to protect his tribesman from the consequences of his guilt,— to bring him before the tribunal, and if the death sentence is passed, to bind him ; although in Sarawak and other Malay countries I understand that when a man is krissed he is not bound. The Undang is a less powerful person than the Sultan, therefore if he passes a death sentence the execution is carried out with the kris most carefully in order that not a drop of blood may be spilt on the ground, which would be against the popular traditions. The Sultan on the other hand is not subject to these niceties and therefore is empowered to behead with the sword.
Rĕmbau
by DFA Hervey, 1884 JRASSB #13 pg.241 - 258
RĔMBAU
As little has been recorded on the subject of this State, except in works not very accessible, and as I have visited it officially on several occasions, I have thought that a short account of the country may not be without some interest for the readers of this Journal.
{One of Nĕgri Sĕmbilan.} This State is one of the countries known as the “Nĕgri Sĕmbilan” or Nine States, formerly under a Yam Tûan (in full, Yang-di-pĕrtûan) Bĕsar and a Yam Tûan Mûda, each, however, with its own chief or Dato’ Pĕnghûlu.
{Mĕnangkâbau Origin.} In Rĕmbau, as in Nâning and others of the “Nine States,” a considerable portion of the population are Mĕnangkâbau by descent, and Mĕnangkâbau people still come over, as they do to Malacca.
{Supposed derivation of name.} Its name is said to derive from an enormous Mĕrbau tree which used to grow in the plain near the foot of Gûnong Dato’ ; there are said to be some traces left of it still.
Another account states that the great tree fell down from the mountain, and that the name of the country arose from the description of the noise of the fall as the colossal stem thundered down the steeps - “merbau Rĕmbau.”*1
It is further related that so vast was the size of this giant of the jungle that its head reached to the Sungei Ûjong*2 stream, to which it gave its name (i.e Sungei Ûjong Kayu Merbau) ; while its branches extended to the Moar, and it has been pretended that from this circumstance “Merbau Saratus,”*§ one of the limits of fishing rights on the Moar, took its name.
*1 Probably a case of metathesis. This is likely enough to be the origin of the name; the other accounts are, of course, later embellishments.*2 This is the recognised official spelling, or I should spell it “Hujong” in accordance with the proper Malay spelling, though Malays have begun to drop the “h” in this word, as in other similar ones, but I see no reason to drop it because it is mute. Many Malays still sound the “h” in “hitam ” and “hayam,” though the latter is more commonly sounded now without it.*§ The real origin of this name was probably that it was a very large tree, said to have 100 branches: cf. “rengas tujoh” further down the Moar, which has seven stems branching from one root.
{Original settlement of.} Rĕmbau, like the rest of these countries, was, according to Mentra traditions, at first inhabited by the aboriginal tribes alone, and its first Pĕnghûlu was, like that of Nâning, appointed by the Dato’ Kelana Petra of Sungei Ûjong.*2
Another local version is that Rĕmbau was first settled by Bâtin Bĕndahâra Sakudei at Hulu Rĕmbau near Gûnong Dato’, and he it was who felled the mighty Merbau tree. According to native authority quoted by NEWBOLD, Bĕndahâra Sakudei was the first chief of Sungei Ûjong upon whom the title Kelana Petra was conferred, and was the son of a Bâtin,*3 and the following account of this origin was related to NEWBOLD by the Râja di Râja of Sungei Ûjong : -
-::“In ancient times one of the princesses*4 of Sungei Ûjong having had the presumption to laugh at the naked state of a Bâtin of the Jakuns, incurred his resentment, and was compelled irresistibly to follow him through thicket and brake, until, moved with compassion, her ‘sans-culotte maitre de danse’ broke the spell and married her. The offspring of this sylvan union is said to be Sakudei, *5 from whom descend the Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong.”::-
{Pĕnghûlu how elected.} “Bĕduanda” is the name of one of the chief aboriginal tribes in the South of the Peninsula, and two of the chief Rĕmbau tribes hear the same name — the Bĕduanda Jâwa, and the Bĕduanda Jakun - from which the Pĕnghûlu is alternately elected.
{Alternate Election.} This alternate election is said to be due to a dispute in days gone by between the two brandies of the Bĕduanda, each claiming the right to elect the Pĕnghûlu, which was settled by the sovereign of Johor giving each the right alternately.
*2 cf. infra. with approval of Johor.*3 cf. infra.*4 The tradition, if the word “princess” is to be taken literally, is somewhat mixed (a not uncommon occurrence) about this, for there was no princely race in Sungei Ûjong at the time ; but it is a common practice to confer this title on women remarkable for beauty and fairness of complexion, and it may mean no more.*5 cf. with Rĕmbau tradition infra, which makes him come from Johor,
{Titles.} He at the same time gave distinctive titles to the Pĕnghûlus - to Titles, the one elected from the “Bĕduanda Jâwa” that of “Sĕdia Râja,” to him of the “Bĕduanda Jakun” that of “Lêla Maharâja.”
The office is hereditary, descending on the side of the sister, as in Nâning and in all the Mĕnangkâbau States. I attach a table shewing the constitution of the country, and giving an approximate estimate of the numbers of each tribe.
It will be noticed that the population is mixed.
{Mixed nationality.} The Siamese probably date from the time of the invasions by their ancestors recorded in the “Sejarah,” and which, if we may believe that work, took place shortly before the Portuguese took Malacca.
Acheh and Malacca were at one time intimately connected, the latter, at first the superior, having subsequently become feudatory to the former.
{Boundaries.} The boundaries of Rĕmbau with Malacca territory were defined by the Treaty of the 9th January, 1883, and were fixed as follows:—
Kwala Sungei Jerneh,*1
Bukit Bertam,*2
Bukit Jelotong,*3
Bukit Pûtus,*4
Jirat Gunjei,*5
Lûbok Talan,*6
Dûsun Feringgi,*7
Dûsun Kepar,*8
Ûlu Sungga, Bukit Pûtus.
The Rĕmbau branch of the Linggi from Sempang upwards forms the rest of the boundary line.
*1 “Jerneh,” clear.*2 “Bertam,” a palm-like reed, of which, the leaves are used for thatch, and the stem split for walling houses.*3 “Jelotong,” a fine getah-bearing tree. The getah is mixed with other marketable getah.*4 “Bukit Pûtus,” cleft hill, a very common name all over the country.*5 “Jirat,” a grave; “gunjei,” a giant. This giant is said to have been so tall, that he could pluck the cocoa-nuts as he walked along ; he is said to have been killed at Padang Chachar (the plain of the chachar trees) by introducing a spear head into a bambu in which water was given him to drink so that "when he tipped it up to drink he swallowed the spear-head, on which he fled, and was brought down by being cut in the leg ; he fell and was buried where he fell, the heap over this marks the boundary point, where a pillar is now erected. There is another Jirat Gunjei in Tampin, said to be that of a female Gunjei.*6 “Lûbok,” pool in a river ; “talan,” a tree (in other parts of the country called “gapis”).*7 “Feringgi” Portuguese ; “dusun” orchard.*8 “Kepar,” a very peculiar stumpy kind of palm,
The boundary with Sungei Ûjong was fixed about two years ago by His Excellency Sir F. A. WELD, as, previous to that time, there had been disputes about it. It now runs as follows : - from Sempang to Bukit Mandi Angin, thence to Perhentian Tinggi, and thence to Gûnong Angsi. The boundary on the inland side towards Sri Menanti, Inas or Jelei, and Johol has shifted from time to time, Gûnong Pasir, which is now under Sri Menanti, is claimed as properly belonging to Rĕmbau, though in NEWBOLD’s time it was said to have originally belonged to Johol, and this last is confirmed by the aborigines, who are the best authorities. The boundaries with Sri Menanti are said to be Gûnong Tujoh, and Gûnong Lipat Kajang.
Those with Johol, Batu Gajah (on hill of that name), Gûnong Dato’, Perhentian Lantei (or Tinggi) on Bukit Ûlu Api-Api, and (including Tampin) Batu Berapit (now claimed to be in Tampin, Perhentian Manggis being said to be the right point, on Bukit Kuda Mati), Jeram Kambing and Bukit Pûtus.
{Chief places.} Sempang, where the Rĕmbau and Penar join to form the Linggi, and where we have now a Police Station on a small piece of land ceded to Government in 1874, was formerly one of the chief places in Rĕmbau ; Kwala Pedas, a few miles further up on the right bank, was another, but they have both been abandoned. At Bandar Rasau was the residence of the Yam Tûan Mûda, and latterly of the late Pĕnghûlu Haji Sail. In NEWBOLD’s time the Pĕnghûlu lived at Chembong. The present Pĕnghûlu resides at Gemayun near Chengkau, where Haji Sail had another residence. {Population.} Rĕmbau, in proportion to its size, is, no doubt, the most populous of these native States, being probably about 11,000, exclusive of Tampin, Kru and Tebong ; the details will be found in the table shewing the constitution of the country : in NEWBOLD (1839) it is given at 9,000 including Tampin and Kru. The most populous part of the country is said to be inland at Sri Lemak and Ûlu Sepri, but this is not confirmed by the numbers I have obtained.
{Character.} From the table first alluded to it will be seen of what a mixed character the population is. They likewise bear, among the Malays, the character of being pre-eminently treacherous. The Gadong district (lying between our frontier and Gûnong Dato’) near which Haji Mastafa lives, is said to be the harbour of robbers and cattle-lifters, but Haji Mastafa is too far advanced in years, too imbecile, and too much in the hands of others to do anything to improve matters ; but under the new regime we may in time look for amendment.
{Rĕmbau place of installation of Râja.} As Rĕmbau used to be the place of installation of the Yam Tûan or Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar, it will not be out of place to deal here with the subject of the Yam Tûans. The original States in the interior of this part of the Peninsula, according to tradition, before they became “Nĕgri Sĕmbilan” were Kelang, Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong and Johol, with seniority in the order given.
{Original Nĕgri Sĕmbilan} The “Nĕgri Sĕmbilan” are stated by NEWBOLD, and probably correctly, as being originally as follows, Kelang, Jelobii, Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Segamat, Nâning, Rĕmbau, Hulu Pahang (including Serting and Jempol) and Jelei (in Pahang, adjoining Jĕlĕbu).*1 Kelang soon fell under the domination of Selangor.
Johol originally included Jempol and the whole watershed of the Moar as far as the Palong on one side and Mount Ophir on the other, having on the N. & W. common boundaries with Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong, Rĕmbau and Nâning (the latter now included in Malacca).
Segamat seems to have been absorbed by Johor a generation or two since. Nâning and Rĕmbau were children of Sungei Ûjong, and when the former of them came more directly under Dutch influence, Sri Menanti, or more correctly Hulu Moar, which had asserted independence of Johol, took its place in the confederation.
{Origin of Yam Tûan Bĕsar.} About the middle of last century, the Dutch, in conjunction with the sovereign of Johor, Sultan ABDUL JALIL SHAH, who was suzerain of the Nine States, appointed Daing Kamboja, a Bugis Prince, as their chief.
*1 There is of course another Jelei also known as Inas, which, till a generation or two ago, formed part of Johol, nor is it clear that it is entirely separate now ; this district could not have been one of the original “Nĕgri Sĕmbilan;” the title of its chief is the same as that of the Johol Dato’, while that of the Jelei in the text was Maharâja Perba. No doubt with the decadence of the Johor dynasty, and the practical independence of Pahang, Jelei ceased to be regarded as anything but a dependency of the Bĕndahâra.
His rule, however, was not approved of, and the Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hulu Moar invited, with the assistance of the Dutch and the consent of Johor, the Princes of the Mĕnangkâbau dynasty to come over as their chiefs. Daing Kamboja, however, found support with some of the Pĕnghûlus, and for a time hostilities ensued between the rival parties, but in the end Râja Melawar, the Mĕnangkâbau Prince, prevailed, and Daing Kamboja withdrew to Riau, where he died in 1773. Thenceforward Johor, by common consent, had nothing more to do with the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan.
Râja Melawar was then duly installed as Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar by the four Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hulu Moar (who were styled the Pĕnghûlu Belantik from their office of installing the suzerainty in Rĕmbau, which was thenceforth called “Tanah Kerjaan,” i. e., the place where the business of installation is performed, not “karaja-an,” so it is said.*1
Thence the suzerain proceeded to Sri Menanti, his place of residence, so named from the chief and Bâtins there waiting to receive him in state, and it was called “Tanah Mengandong.”*2
The baleis erected for the suzerain on his visits to the different States were constructed of peculiar form, which must not be altered. That in Sungei Ûjong was called “Balei Melintang” according to the best account, figuratively speaking from its Pĕnghûlu being in a position to oppose any innovations attempted by the Yam Tûan;*3 that in Johol “Balei Bertingkat” in the same way, being as it were, a third story on Sungei Ûjong and Rĕmbau, and being next door io Sri Menanti, would bring their representations right up to the Astana.
*1 I am disposed to think it was “karaja-an” originally.*2 “Kandong,” to be with child, in that sense to carry, to support, so this place bore or supported the Yam Tûan Bĕsar.*3 Not, I am informed, as NEWBOLD states, because it was built at right angles to the river. The allegorical explanation given in the text is more in accordance with Malay ideas.
{Real power with Pĕnghûlu.} The real power in these States is vested with the Pĕnghûlu, that of the suzerain being nominal only. NEWBOLD, from whose writings I have taken much of the account here given, states that, on the elevation of Râja Melawar to the office of Yang-di-pĕrtûan, the following arrangement was agreed to between him and the Pĕnghûlus: that he should assemble them on affairs of State and submit to a majority ;
{Maintenance of Yam Tûan Bĕsar.} that his maintenance be furnished equally by the inhabitants of the four States, each house contributing annually a gantang of padi, two cocoa-nuts and one sûku (i.e., 13½ cts.).
On the occasion of a death, marriage, or circumcision in the Royal Family, each Pĕnghûlu was to send three buffaloes and to furnish a certain sum for distribution (probably for the benefit of the various officers who took part in the ceremonies).
In the case of a war also, the Pĕnghûlu was expected to come forward with a certain contribution of men, arms, ammunition, and provisions.
{Pĕnghûlu’s revenue.} The Pĕnghûlu derived his revenue from his power of inflicting fines, and from contributions in kind made by the people of his State ; he was said, too, to have the power, in other Malay countries reserved to the sovereign, of enforcing gratuitous labour, but I doubt if the power has been exercised, except to a very limited extent.*1
*1 Such as helping in padi-planting and repairing the Pĕnghûlu’s house and fence.
The respective positions of Yang-di-pĕrtûan and Pĕnghûlu are also defined by the following verbal Mĕnangkâbau traditions: -
{Undang-undang.} Undang-undang of the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan.*§
Alam nen beraja, luhak nen berpenghulu, sûku bertuha, anak buah beribu bapa.
The kingdom is under the Râja, the district under the Pĕnghûlu, the sûku under the elder, and the members of the sûku under the ibu bapa, (lit., father and mother) title of subordinate elder.
Sa-bingkah tanah terbalik , sa-helei urat kayu yang putus; undang yang punya.
Every clod of earth upturned, every slip of root snapped, is the Pĕnghûlu’s.
Deri hulu ayer menyencheng sampei ka-hilir ombak memechah; To’ Bandar yang punya.
From the trickling source of the stream to the mouth when the waves break is the To’ Bandar’s.
Di-pijak tanah, di-langkah akar; undang yang punya.
All the soil and roots under foot belong to the Pĕnghûlu.
Di-sauk ayer, di-patah ranting sa-champak galah di-tepi tebing To’ Bandar yang punya .
All water taken, or boughs broken within reach of a punting-pole from the banks, belong to the To’ Bandar.
Adat itu di-anjak*1 layu, di-alih mati.
Neglect of these customs will bring decay on the country, and if they are changed, destruction will result.
Adapun Râja itu tiada mempunyai Nĕgri dan tiada buleh menchukei kharajat, melainkan berkaadilan sahaja serta permakanan-nya duit sa-sûku, beras dua gantang, nior sa-tali.
Now the Râja does not own the country, nor can he levy taxes on its produce, but with him lies the final award of justice only, and he obtains a maintenance of a “sûku” (12 cents), two gantangs (gallons) of rice and a string of (i.e., 2) cocoa- nuts. [A contribution from every householder.]
Karna sesar ikan ka-belat sesar belat ka-tebing.
For the fish (being pressed) rest against the weir and the weir is attached to the bank, (i.e., the Lembaga look to the Pĕnghûlu, and the Pĕnghûlu to the Râja).
Jika runtoh tebing, binasa-lah belat.
If the bank gives way the weir is destroyed (i.e., if the Râja is without justice, the Pĕnghûlu is undang-less, and the four sûkus are without their Lembaga , the Waris get no inheritance, and the country is destroyed).
*§ i.e., of the “Perpatih (or perhaps more properly “Pati” Pihang) Sabatang, opposed to which is the “adat temenggongan I may refer to this in greater detail on a future occasion.*1 v.l. “di chabut.”
{Table of Yam Tûans.} The following table gives a view of the Yang-di-pĕrtûans Bĕsar and Mûda from the time of their first introduction to 1832, from which it will be seen that up to the time of Râja Ali’s appearance on the scene, the Yang-di-pĕrtûans came over regularly from Mĕnangkâbau. He was called in by the Rĕmbau people to help in the conduct of hostilities against Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, and his son Râja Haji, who had given offence by a marriage that was considered unlawful.
[- From - - ][- - - Yam Tûan Bĕsar - - - - -][- - Yam Tûan Mûda - -] [Mĕnangkâbau] Râja MELAWAR. -------------( Do. ) - - ADIL [(died 1795-96) leaving Râjas ASIL and SABUN, latter became Yam Tûan of Jĕlĕbu, and Tengku PUTIH.] -------------
( Do. ) - - HITAM (died 1808.) Râja ASIL (son of Yam Tûan Bĕsar, Râja ADIL.)
( Do. ) - - LENGGANG LAUT (died Râja ALI (1815.)*1 1824) had two sons RADIN and UJANG.*2
( Do. ) - - LABU (1826.) -------------
- - ALI 1832. Syed SABAN 1832.*3
*1 Son of Râja Hitam’s wife by her former husband, Râja Haman, brother to Sultan Ibrahim of Selangor.*2 Tengku Antah, the present Yam Tûan of Sri Menanti is son of Râja Radin.*3 Syed Hamid, the present ruler of Tampin, is his son.
{Râja Ali} Râja Ali intrigued himself into the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, and after the defeat and retirement from the country of Râja Labu, the last Mĕnangkâbau prince, he succeeded in obtaining the object of his ambition, the position of Yam Tûan Bĕsar, to which, as to that of Yam Tûan Mûda, he had no real claim at all.
From the time of his advent till quite lately, Rĕmbau and the neighbouring States have continued to be troubled by a series of intrigues.
{Syed Saban} He appointed Syed Saban, his son-in-law, Yam Tûan Mûda, who was ultimately unable to hold his own, and after the Nâning war became a pensioner of the Government, living alternately in Malacca and Tampin, which latter place has, from the time of the first Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, been assigned to the prince holding that position for his maintenance.
{Syed Hamid} Syed Saban’s son, Tengku Syed Hamid, though he has long endeavoured to obtain the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, has never succeeded in securing the needful recognition, and now rules in Tampin only, which may be now considered to be as completely severed from Rĕmbau, as that State is from any further connection with a Yam Tûan either Bĕsar or Mûda.
{Origin of Pĕnghûlu Chiefs and “Sûku.”} The following account embodies those traditions which have been handed down in Rĕmbau regarding the origin of the Pĕnghûlu, of some of the chiefs, and of some of the sûkus, and will be found, as might have been expected, to differ in some points from others on the same subject already referred to and obtained from different sources.
{Lembaga.} Among the “Lembaga” or eight chiefs of “sûku,” the two highest are the Gempa Maharâja, and Merah Bangsa.
This is because, on the decease of a Sĕdia Râja Pĕnghûlu, when the chiefs are assembled for the election of his successor, the Dato’ Gempa Maharâja’s duty is to install him and notify it to the people. And on the decease of a Lêla Maharâja Pĕnghûlu, the Dato’ Merah Bangsa discharges similar functions.
The four Lembaga in the low country are held senior to the four inland, and when one of the former dies, his insignia are half those displayed on the death of a Pĕnghûlu, while those of an inland chief are slightly less; money, for instance, is not scattered on the way, nor are cloths spread on the path.
{Origin of Gempa Maharâja Perba and Putih} The story of the origin of Dato’ Gempa, Dato’ Perba, and Dato’ Putih is as follows: There was a chief named Dato’*1 Bĕndahâra Sakudei*2 (his wife was a Jakun, daughter of Bâtin Saribu Jaya, she was called Princess Long-hair), who came from Johor with his followers to open Rĕmbau. After him came a man from Mĕnangkâbau named Dato' Leteh, and he and his party became trusted to the Dato’ Bĕndahâra, and supported the people from Johor: they all settled at a place called Kebun Lada (Pepper Garden). After a time Bĕndahâra Sakudei had three children (female) the eldest named Dato’ Bungkal, the next Dato’ Mudek, and the youngest Dato’ Mengkudu. Later on, he removed to Sungei Ûjong, but he left his eldest child Dato’ BUNGKAL in Rĕmbau with Dato’ Leteh. Dato’ Leteh belonged to the Mandiling branch of the Batu Hampar Sûku, and at the time all those of the Batu Hampar Sûku who came over from Mĕnangkâbau to Rĕmbau put themselves under him.
There were five branches of the Batu Hampar Sûku from Mĕnangkâbau who adhered to Dato’ Leteh, viz., the Mandiling, the Cheniaga, the Paya Bidara, the Pagar Chinchang, and the Agam.
In course of time Dato’ Leteh looked round for a suitable husband for the daughter of the Bĕndahâra, and while he was considering the matter, there came a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Cheniaga branch of the Batu Hampar Sûku named Dato’ Lêla Balang, to ask for Dato’ Bungkal as a wife ; all the family were agreed to it, and they were married.
In due course Dato’ Lêla Balang became father of a son, whom he named Lêla Maharâja.
When he was about six years old, and the country had become populous, Dato’ Leteh consulted with Dato’ Lêla Balang, and suggested that it would be advisable for the latter to go to Johor and make over the country, for it belonged to the Dato’ Bĕndahâra (Sakudei), the two Dato’ thought that no one else could rule the country but Lêla Maharâja, for he was the grandson of the Dato’ Bĕndahâra.
*1 The account quoted supra calls him a Bâtin, which would imply that he was himself a Jakun. The title of Bĕndahâra is now in use amongst the Jakuns.*2 Probably because he came from the river of that name in Johor.
{First appointment of Pĕnghûlu} Then Dato’ Lêla Balang went with Dato’ Laut Dalam who was a Mĕnangkâbau man with a Javanese wife, to Johor and there the son of Dato’ Lêla Balang was appointed Pĕnghûlu Lêla Maharâja but, while he was in his minority, Dato’ Lêla Balang undertook the duties, and was given the title of Dato’ Gempa Maharâja.
{Second appointment of Pĕnghûlu} Then came Dato’ Laut Dalam complaining to Dato’ Lêla Balang that he had obtained the Pĕnghûluship for his son and the administration of it for himself with a title, while he, Dato’ Laut Dalam had got nothing for his trouble (the journey to Johor?). Then Dato’ Lêla Balang returned to the presence the same day and represented the state of matters. The Râja asked whether Dato’ Laut Dalam had any daughters, and finding he had, decided that when he grew up Lêla Maharâja should marry Dato’ Laut Dalam’s daughter, and if he got a child, that child should be Pĕnghûlu Sĕdia Râja, whose duties should be undertaken by Dato’ Laut Dalam, and Dato’ Laut Dalam had the title of Dato’ Merah Bangsa conferred on him. They then returned to Rĕmbau.*1
It was subsequently decided, in consultation with Dato’ Leteh, that all the Cheniaga branch of the Batu Hampar Sûku should be handed over to the charge of the Dato’ Gempa Maharâja, i.e., Dato’ Lêla Balang. The other four branches of the sûku remained under Dato’ Leteh, who was Dato’ Putih, and have so continued to this day.
The descendants of Dato’ Laut Dalam became the “waris” of the Pĕnghûlu Sĕdia Râja, because of the mother having been Javanese, and when the “waris” of both Pĕnghûlus had become numerous, an elder was put over them with the name of Dato’ Perba, who was chosen alternately from each side, being at one time Jakun and the next Jâwa.
Dato’ Putih has always been considered to be connected with the Dato’ Perba up to the present time, because Dato’ Leteh brought up Dato’ Bungkal, and Dato’ Putih is descended from Dato’ Leteh, and Dato’ Perba is descended from Dato’ Bungkal,
*1 This and the other States were no doubt at the time of the taking of Malacca by the Portuguese inhabited by aborigines only. These latter assisted in the defence of Malacca with their primitive weapons.
The following account is given of the origin of the name “Lima Sûku” in the low country : —
{Origin of Lima Sûku} In the time of Pĕnghûlu Kasir, a woman of the Dato’ Perba’s people was taken to wife by a man of the Mungkar tribe in Tampin, but his people did not pay the marriage dowry. On this the Dato’ Perba and Dato’ Putih after consultation summoned their people together and went to Tampin to demand the dowry ; they kept up the attack for about a fortnight, but without success; then Dato’ Putih and Dato’ Perba called to their aid Dato’ Maharâja Senara, Dato’ Lêla Angsa, and Dato’ Ganti Maharâja: these three agreed to help them in the affair they were engaged in, and assembled all their people and attacked Tampin, which was defeated at their first attempt; the Mungkar people admitted the dowry claim, and the matter was settled. Then the five Dato’ returned to Rĕmbau, and there they agreed to act together always, and they had a feast and slaughtered buffaloes, and Pĕnghûlu Kasir removed to a place called Mesjid Batu Putih, where there was a great assembly and the five chiefs mentioned registered an oath with the spilling*1 of blood and under the Koran, that they would remain five elders with one Lembaga, each with his own people, but of one mind, whether advantage or injury should accrue, they should share it as long as the sun and moon, which cannot change, endure. Whichever of the five chiefs should change or depart from the above solemn agreement, he would be punished by the testimony of the thirty books of the Koran, the Majesty of Pagar Buyong would fall upon him, and the weapon Kawi would make an end of him. This was the origin of the five sûkus, and thenceforth Dato’ Pĕnghûlu Kasir spoke of the four and five sûkus, in the low country, with respect to the “berampat berlima sûku,” and the “berampat berSĕmbilan sûku” inland.
*1 Each party puts some of his blood into a cup, and then each dips his finger into the blood and conveys it to his month.
{First settlement “di-darat” i.e., inland.} It is said that the first settling of this part of the country was agreed on by three chiefs from Mĕnangkâbau; one Dato’ Laut of Paya Kumboh*1 selected a stream called Layang; from him Dato’ Si Maharâja*2 is descended: another Dato' Putih from Sri Lemak took the stream called Lûbok Rusa; from him is descended Dato’ Sinda Maharâja:*2 another Dato’ Inda Petra, a man of Batu Balang took the stream of Bintongan; he was the ancestor of Dato’ Andika.*2
These three all began planting in the places named. They claimed from the sources of the streams to their junction with the main stream. While engaged in clearing, they heard the sound of many trees falling down-stream within the range of their claims; on going to see the cause, they found one Dato’ Puteh Kepala a Sri Melenggang man of Mĕnangkâbau occupied in clearing. (Dato’ Mandelika*2 descends from him.) The place was called Batu Hampar. Then there was a dispute between the three chiefs and Dato’ Puteh Kepala, the former claiming from the gullies to the mouths of their streams, saying: they had settled there first; the latter claimed the same, and their claims were equally strong, for they had been all recognised from Johor. Later on, authority came from the Pĕnghûlu dividing the land between them, and making the boundary from Batu Menunggul to Tunggal Merbau in the Batu Bĕsar jungle, and thence to Tunggal Chachar, on to Kwala Anak Ayer Hitam in the Sepri stream ; whoever went up the Leng stream must be under Dato’ Si Maharâja, whoever went up the Lûbok Rusa stream must be under Dato’ Sinda Maharâja, and any one settling up the Bintongan stream must be under Dato’ Andika. So the Tiga Batu people under Nang Bĕsar, who went up the Bintongan, were under the jurisdiction of Dato’ Andika. So likewise in the ease of the Sepri, Dato’ Pĕnghûlu Uban brought two men from Johor, Dato’ Chindei Luatan (a Bĕduanda, from whom descends Dato’ Setir Maharâja), and a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Paya Bidara branch of the Batu Hampar, (from whom Sutan Bĕndahâra is descended), and told them to settle on the Sepri. They worked with the three chiefs, Dato’ Si Maharâja, Dato’ Sinda Maharâja, and Dato’ Andika, and they became five sûkus, and were called “berampat berlima sûku” being confined within the boundaries above-mentioned.
*1 Name of a rush-like grass growing in swampy ground.*2 Lembaga “di-darat.”
Further down-stream came Dato’ Mengiang o£ the Mungkar sûku from Machap,*1 and a Mĕnangkâbau man, i.e., Dato’ Maharâja Inda, making three with Dato’ Putih Kepala, i.e., Dato’ Mandelika, and these were called three elders and one Lembaga.
The origin of the appellation “bersĕmbilan” is that they descended from nine mothers in these three sûkus, four in the Sri Melenggang, three in the Mungkar, in the Tanah Datar*2 two ; these worked together, together bore disgrace and shame.
The eight Lembaga of sûkus, four in the low country and four inland, hold the next position in the State to the Pĕnghûlu, and in all affairs of consequence he is obliged to consult them and to follow the opinion of the majority, and no treaties or agreements affecting the country generally are valid without their signature.
The four Orang Bĕsar, though not heads of sûkus, still, from their position as “waris” and consequent eligibility for the Pĕnghûluship, are able to exercise considerable influence. But subordinate chiefs of intriguing character are, of course, often found to have an influence greatly disproportioned to their official position.
The Dato’ Perba, the foremost of the “duablas sûku,” also occupies an influential position, from his being the head of the joint sûku of Bĕduanda Jakun and Bĕduanda Jâwa, from which he, like the Pĕnghûlu, is alternately elected. He is also eligible for the Pĕnghûluship. It will also be noticed that his sûku is by far the most numerous, being double any of the others.
{Nature of Country.} The soil of Rĕmbau resembles that of Nâning generally. The same may he said of its physical configuration; the country is of an undulating character, the depressions being mostly “sawah” and the rising ground kampongs or secondary jungle. The hills, except near the Malacca frontier, seem to be of less elevation than in Nâning. Bukit Bĕsar is the only mountain in the country, exclusive of those in the ranges which divide it from Sungei Ojong, Sri Menanti and Johol.
*1 In Naning.*2 Datar, i.e. flat.
{Padi-land} The “sawah” or padi-fields are extensive, but a good deal is now out of cultivation, owing to the fatal cattle disease which has raged during the last three years, and has carried off almost all the buffaloes. I saw very few indeed.
A large proportion of the “sawah” have, however, been planted out with padi this season, the fields having been prepared by means of a large wooden “changkul” or hoe, which is much used by the Rĕmbauans.
The “sawah” divisions (“jalor” or “petak”) strike me as being a good deal smaller than those in our territory, probably owing to the fact that they are cultivated by hand, and the “batas” or dividing ridges appear much better kept.
The soil of the ‘“sawah” is of a lighter colour than is common in Malacca and there is more tendency to sand and quartz grit in it.
{Crops.} The yield appears to be high, averaging eighty to ninety, and in some places runs as high as a hundred-fold. At Gadong I noticed the “sawah” soil was a very white clay with an admixture of grit, and was told it was particularly good and produced a hundred-fold. In this, as in other Malay countries, a certain amount of “ladang,” or high-land cultivation, of padi takes place, more particularly when circumstances are unfavourable for the “sawah” or wet cultivation.
{Tin.} There is no tin worked in Rĕmbau, though it was acknowledged that it existed, but was not worked for fear of the water flowing from the workings poisoning the “sawah” and preventing the cultivation of padi. At Ûlu Pedas tin has been worked, but I heard it had been given up owing to rival claims.
{Prevailing rock.} Granite is the prevailing rock, but quartz occasionally appears cropping up to a limited extent, and loose fragments are found in the streams. The soil on the mountains of Tampin and Dato’ is good, of light brown, occasionally clayey. The variety of ferns on Gûnong Dato’ was considerable. The Tampin soil is said to be richer than any in Malacca, except that in the Machap district where tapioca is said to grow best.
{View from Gûnong Dato’} The view from Gûnong Dato’ is a fine one, extending westerly from the Sungei Ûjong mountains, over the sea-board down to Pulau Bĕsar in the South, where Gûnong Tampin shuts out the view ; between the latter, however, and Bukit Hulu Api-Api, over which is the route to Johol from Rĕmbau proper, Mount Ophir rears its great pile.
To the immediate North lies Gûnong Beragak slightly higher, and forming the end of the amphitheatre opposite Gûnong Dato’, with which it is connected by a semi-circular ridge : from this rise two nameless summits, the one adjoining Gûnong Dato’ being decidedly higher than the latter, and like the rest of the ridge covered with trees which shew no tendency to be dwarfed.
{Height of Gûnong Dato’.} Gûnong Dato’ itself I make 2,060 feet above Gadong at Haji Mastafa’s house, which cannot be much above sea-level. Tampin is, to judge by the eye, 200 feet higher.
{Peculiar summit.} The summit of Gûnong Dato’ is very peculiar, being formed of immense rocks, some 50 or 60 feet high resting on a space which is barely enough to support them ; between the two main rocks hang suspended 2 or 3 smaller rocks, under which is sufficient room for a large party.
{Legend.} On one of the smaller rocks in this chamber below has been placed an earthen jar into which water trickles from above ; this water is often preserved by the devotees, who are constantly making the ascent to pay their vows, as having peculiar and sacred properties. On the top of the massive rocks first mentioned are smaller rocks which form the actual summit, and on one of these is to be seen a small hollow, shaped something like the print of a human foot. This footprint is attributed to the Petri Gûnong Ledang (Princess of Mount Ophir) — a fairy being, who touched here on her way from Tanjong Tûan, whence she had taken flight in her magic robes from the importunities of the crew of her late lord Nakhoda Ragam, whom she had in a moment of irritation slain with a prick of her needle. To this footprint the mountain owes its name of Dato’ and its reputation as a “kramat.” There is only one tree among these rocks, and that not in the summit, so that there is a clear view all round, except where the mountains, lying close inland, intervene and shut out Sri Menanti, Jelei, Johol, and the Moar River.
I was fortunate in having a fine clear day on Gûnong Dato’ and was able to take a number of bearings with a prismatic compass, including a certain number of places in Rĕmbau territory lying at my feet.
The result is embodied in the accompanying rough chart, which has of course no pretensions to accuracy, but may perhaps serve to give a better idea of the country than has hitherto been attainable. On a further occasion I hope to give some further account of the chiefs of this State and their subordinates, as well as of their functions, and some of the local customs.
D. F. A. HERVEY.
Election and Installation of Tuanku Muhammad Shah
By E. W. Birch 1906 - JRASSB #46 pg.9-22
The Election and Installation of Tungku Muhammad, C.M.G. Bin Tungku Antah, as the Yang Di Per Tuan Bĕsár, Negri Sembilan
I have been induced to publish the story of how the ancient constitution of the Negri Sembilan was restored. It will be conceded that it is easier to overthrow than re-establish the constitution of a country. The event I am about to describe being one of very deep importance to the Chief and people of the beautiful State that lies between Malacca and Selangor. A brief reference to the history of the Nine States and to the establishment of the dynasty, represented by Tungku Muhammad, is first necessary.
No dates have been handed down to define the time at which the descent of a great number of Sakai from the hills peopled the countries of (1) Klang (now Selangor), (2) Naning (now a portion of Malacca), (3) Jelai (now a district of Pahang), (4) Segamat, and (5) Pásir Bĕsár (now included in the State and Territory of Johor), (6) Johól, (7) Sungei Ujong, (8) Rĕmbau, and (9) Jĕlĕbu.
Four Bátin, or Sakai Chiefs, were the leaders of this colonisation : one, a woman, remained with her following in Johól : the other three, with their adherents, occupied Klang, Sungei Ujong and Jĕlĕbu.
These four Lawgivers (undang yang ampat) are repeatedly referred to hereafter, but it should here be stated that the state of Rĕmbau has succeeded to the position formerly held by Klang.
As time rolled on other people were attracted to these countries and there was free immigration from Mĕnangkábau. The new arrivals brought their tribal customs with them, and, as the terms "Waris" and "Lembaga" will recur, it will be well to point out that there is only one Sakai, or Waris, tribe — viz., the "Suku Beduanda" — while there are several Mĕnangkábau tribes, the elected head of each being known as the Lembaga or manager of the tribal system.
The Sakai and the people from Mĕnangkábau maintained the most friendly relations, but it became evident that over the Nine States there must be some Suzerain to whom inter-state disputes could be submitted for adjudication : and, through the good offices of the Ruler of Johor, a deputation to Mĕnangkábau was arranged and a Prince of that royal family was induced to come over.
In the year 1773, or thereabout, Raja Melewar was installed by the four Lawgivers as Yang di per Tuan Bĕsár, and he took the title, by which he and all his successors have been known, of Yam Tuan Bĕsár, Sri Mĕnánti. That beautiful valley which it is impossible to traverse without halting repeatedly to feast one's eyes on the scenery of hills, green or golden padi, and feathery bamboos had already been occupied by Mĕnangkábau settlers, and they had so named it because, on their arrival, they found padi in the ear, ripe, awaiting them. There the Astana was built and the site then selected has become the ancestral home of the Raja.
Meanwhile other districts had been opened by settlers. The gaps, caused by the defection or alienation of five of the original Nine States, were filled by
Ulu Muar, Tĕráchi, Jempol, Gúnong Pásir, and Inas.
Subsequently Tampin and Gemencheh, settlements from Rĕmbau and Johól, were added.
Gradually the constitution was built up and strengthened, but, about thirty years ago, dissensions, inevitable in all histories, arose, and Rĕmbau, Jĕlĕbu and Sungei Ujong were estranged.
Then the healing interference of Great Britain commenced : by degrees Sungei Ujong (April, 1874), Rĕmbau (March, 1884), Jĕlĕbu (September, 1886), and Sri Mĕnánti (June, 1887), were brought under British Protection.
Finally, by the agreement of August, 1895, the Confederation of all the States, with one British Resident as Adviser to the Chiefs, was arranged.
Such was the condition of affairs when I assumed my duties as British Resident early in 1897. Apparently everything was in order, but enquiry proved that in matters relating to the constitution and Malay customs the greatest disorder prevailed. The Yam Tuan of Sri Mĕnánti had not been installed : he had merely been declared to be Yam Tuan by British authority in June, 1887 : there had been no formal creation of a Yam Tuan since the installation of Tungku Antah his father, and even then the Rembau and Jĕlĕbu Chiefs had not attended : of the four Lawgivers, Johól alone admitted allegiance to the Yam Tuan : the other three declared that they were absolutely independent and that their independence had been recognised by the wording of the agreement of August, 1895.
The secret of success with Malays consists, to a great extent, in the recognition of the fact that the mainspring of their life, political and social, is built upon the word "adat." Their customs are their inheritance : they regard them as their birthright and they are an absolutely conservative people. I hope that it is not unfair to say that some English adminstrators, who have been very popular with Malays, have fallen into the error of pandering to the Malay veneration for custom. They have put off reforms forgetting as it were that many Malays possess that true conservatism which while tenacious of the constitution, is ready to accept useful measures of reform.
My experience had taught me that the Malay is a very reasonable person, and the Malays of Malacca and of the Negri Sembilan at all events have in a comparatively short space of time consented to the demolition of their ancient but obsolete land customs. It was not without a considerable show of opposition that their consent to that demolition was obtained but knowing that they will generally yield to the arguments of them whom they trust I was hopeful that though at the sacrifice of their self-importance, they would agree to re-establish their ancient constitution.
The opportunity arose in this wise : — When the Hari Raya, or festival which succeeds the month of fasting, was approaching, the Yam Tuan invited the four Lawgivers to Sri Mĕnánti to witness the ceremony of obeisance which is annually performed by the subjects of a Malay Raja.
They (Johól excepted) declined the invitation and made all manner of excuses, their only reasonable plea being that it was customary to receive the homage of their own subjects on the Hari Raya.
The Yam Tuan then arranged to invite them immediately after the festival of the Hari Raya Haji, and I asked them to attend. They urged that there was no reason why they should go, and expressed fears that their attendance might be construed to be a waiver of the freedom from interference which they then enjoyed in the internal affairs of their respective States.
I invited them to a meeting at the Residency and explained that they were placing a strained construction upon the words of the agreement, that the British Government had never intended that they were to repudiate the Raja who was the representative of the dynasty their own ancestors had set up, that they were trying to override ancient custom by arguing on customs of thirty years' growth and that the machinery of the Negri Sembilan Government could not work until its component parts were replaced in their constituted places.
They replied that ancient custom required that they should instal the Yam Tuan, that Tungku Muhammad had not been invested with the powers and position of Yang di per Tuan Bĕsár by them, and that they would be stultifying themselves if they went to Sri* Mĕnánti.
After a hasty meeting with the Yam Tuan, who at once agreed to be formally proclaimed, I suggested to the three malcontent Lawgivers that they should draft an agreement in Malay setting forth their allegiance but providing for freedom from interference in internal affairs and for permission to celebrate the Hari Raya in their own States.
That agreement, when drafted, was submitted to and approved of by the Yam Tuan.
Translated it reads as follows : —
Agreement between the Yang Di Per Tuan Bĕsár, Sri Mĕnánti, and the four Lawgivers.
Now in all truth We, the Yang di per Tuan Muhammad, C. M. G., the son of the late Yang di per Tuan, Antah, have made an Agreement with the Four Lawgivers.
I, The Dato' Klana Petra and the Dato' Bandar of Sungei Ujong.
II. The Dato' Mendika Mentri Akhir Zaman Sutan of Jĕlĕbu :
III. The Dato' Johan Pahlawan Lela Perkasa Setiawan of Johól :
IV. The Dato' Sedia Raja of Rĕmbau.
1. Whereas We and the Four Lawgivers and the British Resident have bound together the constitution and customs of the country and the heritage of Our ancestors of old time, as is related hereunder.
2. Now the Four Lawgivers return to elect Us to be Raja of the Negri Sembilan in accordance with our ancient constitution.
3. Now that We have been installed as Raja of the Negri Sembilan, We, according to the old constitution, cannot interfere in the customs of the country or in Muhammadan Law : and every matter that arises in each State is to be settled in consultation with the British Resident of the Negri Sembilan and is not to be subject to Our commands.
4. If any difference of opinion arises between one Law- giver and another as to the boundaries of their States, and if either Lawgiver appeals to Us by presenting himself before Us, then We are bound to interfere and to settle the matter with justice, but if the officers of the Four Lawgivers or their subjects come to present themselves before Us to make com- plaint or petition Us in writing, We shall not in future enter- tain their complaints.
5. When the festivals of Hari Raya and Hari Raya Haji are celebrated according to ancient custom, the Four Lawgivers will not come to present themselves before Us at Our Astana, at Sri Mĕnánti, but will each celebrate his own festivals, according to ancient custom, in his own State. Always provided that, on great occasions such as ceremonies of Marriage or Circumcision, if We invite the Four Lawgivers they shall carry out Our wishes in their entirety.
6. In the event of the death of the Yang di per Tuan, the Four Lawgivers shall bring, as an offering, gold in such amount as is befitting, such offering being provided by the Government of the Negri Sembilan.
7. Moreover the Four Lawgivers, in conjunction with each other and with their hereditary officers, shall elect one of the royal princes and instal him as Yang di per Tuan in the same manner and in accordance with the customs and constitution under which the former Yang di per Tuan was installed.
BE IT SO.
Written on the 29th day of April, 1898, that is on the 8th day of Zil-haijah, 1315.
The date fixed for the ceremony was Saturday, the 7th of May, 1898. The procedure to be followed in summoning the four Lawgivers to Sri Mĕnánti was adopted as closely as time permitted.
We had to take it for granted that the Tungku Bĕsár had sent for the Dato' Ulu Muar, Dato' Tĕráchi, Dato' Jempol and Dato' Gúnong Pásir, and had announced to them that a Yam Tuan was about to be placed upon the throne.
We assumed the consent of the Dato' Ulu Muar and despatched his four chief Lembaga to convey the news to the four Lawgivers and call upon them to attend at Sri Mĕnánti.
The To' Paduka Bĕsár (Lembaga, Ulu Muar) went to the Raja di Múda (Lembaga, Tĕráchi) and with him proceeded to Pantai and Rasah to wait upon the Dato' Klana Petra and Dato' Bandar of Sungei Ujong, respectively. Those two Chiefs, with all their following, returned with the two heralds to Tĕráchi, which, according to ancient customs, is there resting place.
The To' Sri Maharaja (Lembaga, Ulu Muar) went to the To' Andika (a retainer of Johól) at Cheriau and with him proceeded to wait upon the Dato' Johól Johan Pahlawan Lela Perkasa Setiawan. The aged Dato', who much wished to attend and who had requisitioned the District Officer for a pony and trap in order to do so, was ill and therefore sent the Dato' Baginda Tan Amas, who is his representative in the Council of State. He and his following, which included the Dato' Inas and all his Lembaga, instead of returning with the two heralds to Cheriau, their appointed resting place, came straight on to Kuala Pilah and proceeded the next day to Sri Mĕnánti.
The To' Senara Múda (Lembaga, Ulu Muar) went to the To' Paduka Sri Maharaja (Lembaga, Gúnong Pásir) and proceeded with him to the house of Sinda Maharaja (Lembaga, Rĕmbau). After being informed of their business the Sinda Maharaja conducted them to the Dato' Rĕmbau Sedia Raja. He, with all his following, was escorted by the two heralds to Gúnong Pásir, which is set apart on State occasions as his resting place.
The To' Orang Kaya Bongsu (Lembaga, Ulu Muar) went to To' Lela Raja (Lembaga, Jempol) and requested him to summon the Dato' Jĕlĕbu according to ancient custom. Having given this message the Orang Kaya Bongsu proceeded to Sri Mĕnánti and remained in attendance upon the Dato' Ulu Muar. The To' Lela Raja (Lembaga, Jempol) instructed Si Alang Puteh of Jempol to summon the Dato' Jĕlĕbu. He with all his following, should have returned with the herald to Kampong Bukit, his recognised resting place, but proceeded instead via Seremban to Tĕráchi, where he joined the procession of the Sungei Ujong Chiefs.
To all other Raja, Waris Chiefs, Lembaga, Pĕnghúlu and Malays of good position throughout the States news of the approaching ceremony was duly sent.
I arrived at the Astana with Mr. Chevallier, the District Officer, Kuala Pilah, at about 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, the 5th of May, and found everything in a state of preparedness that spoke volumes for the trouble taken by the Yam Tuan and his household and by Mr. Chevallier. Mr. Bathurst, Mr. Parr and Mr. Hatchell arrived on Thursday evening. I selected these four gentlemen to look after the four Lawgivers and their people, and to see that their comfort was attended to. A great measure of the success of the whole pageant is due to the assistance they gave me : and the Yam Tuan expressly thanked them.
I was told that the Dato' Rĕmbau and the Dato' Johól had already taken up their quarters at Sri Mĕnánti with large folio wings. We wrote letters to the other three Dato', who were at Tĕráchi, advising them to stop the night there and come on next day.
It was decided to procure more rice from Seremban, as all the Kuala Pilah shops had been emptied, and we sent for more drapery for the reception-halls of the four Lawgivers, and for four and twenty large Malacca mats to cover the bamboo flooring of those halls.
It may be well to describe the Astana grounds, and the subjoined plans will assist the description :
An examination of the first plan will show that the distance from one entrance gate (E) to the other (F) was about 300 yards. These entrances (pintu gerbang) were covered with thatch and on each side there was an earthen platform on which cannon were mounted. The road from one gate to the other was broad and was lined on both sides with bamboo poles with cross poles, say ten feet from the ground : along the whole length of the road a broad strip of yellow cloth was hung overhead and the entrance paths to the Astana (H) and royal balai (I) were similarly decorated. At the balai the royal yellow standard was flying from an orthodox flagstaff and the general mixture of yellow with the bright green of the grass and foliage was pleasing to the eye.
The second plan sufficiently explains itself.
Friday, the 6th of May, was, unfortunately, appallingly wet ; but the rain did not check the constant stream of people that flowed in from every part of the Kuala Pilah district.
About mid-day the Chiefs of Sungei Ujong and Jĕlĕbu arrived at Sri Mĕnánti and took up their abode in the houses set apart for them.
The processions of people attending upon the minor Chiefs paraded the Astana grounds, during the brief intervals of sunshine, and helped to make the scene imposing. The party that came with the Dato' Gúnong Pásir was strikingly picturesque : his procession was headed by some two hundred women who wore cloths of every conceivable colour, and immediately behind them came his personal attendants carry- ing spears decorated with the peacock feathers of Gúnong Pásir. The Dato' himself walked next, dressed in a suit of striped silk, the preponderating colour being yellow : behind him followed one hundred men, and two hundred children of all ages brought up the rear of the procession.
At various places, outside the Astana grounds, the usual forms of amusement that are concomitant with every Malay gathering of importance were provided : I was specially struck with the many skilful exhibitions of boxing ( silat ) , which never failed to draw large crowds and provoke much merriment.
On two afternoons football matches, Europeans and Malays against the Police, were played : on a third athletic sports were held and, though the afternoon was wet, were much enjoyed.
Most of the time on Friday was occupied on determining several nice points of procedure to be adopted in the ceremony of the morrow. The Sri Mĕnánti people were, of course, in favour of introducing many forms which the older men, who had witnessed a previous installation, deemed to be essential. The members of the Yam Tuan's family were anxious to use every form of expression which would proclaim the dominance of his position, and, had it not been for the extreme good sense of His Highness, it would probably have taken three or four days to arrange the procedure.
I had many consultations with the Dato' Bandar of Sungei Ujong, whose attitude throughout was firm but friendly, and I explained to the Yam Tuan that the Chiefs had made considerable concessions, that their patience ought not to be taxed in any way, and that the ceremony should be performed punctually and with as much expedition as possible. His Highness at once replied that his desire was to yield every point of minor importance. These discussions did not end till nearly midnight on Friday, but it was satisfactory to feel assured that every possible danger to the success of the very important event about to be celebrated had been removed.
On Saturday morning, crowds of people began to collect from every quarter : with the exception of an early shower, the weather was propitious. The placing of the royal umbrellas in front of the "balai penghadapan" (the royal hall in which the installation took place ) was the signal for an enormous concourse of people to collect at that spot.
At a quarter to eleven, a guard of honour of the Sikh Police was drawn up near the reception halls of the four Lawgivers : the first to arrive was the Dato' Rembau : I received him at the entrance to the " balai panjang " and, after the guard had presented arms to him, we placed his followers in his reception hall and Mr. Parr conducted the Dato' to the Astana to put his signature and chop to the agreement with the Yam Tuan. Almost immediately afterwards, the Dato' Klana and the Dato' Bandar of Sungei Ujong arrived : the guard presented arms to them at the entrance to the "balai melintang" and after their followers had entered the balai, Mr. Bat hurst conducted them to the Astana : meanwhile Dato' Baginda Tan Amas of Johól, followed by all the Datos and minor Chiefs of the Negri Sembilan (old), had arrived : the guard presented arms to the Dato' Baginda at the entrance to the "balai bertengkat " and, after his following had entered the balai Mr. Chevallier conducted him to the Astana : a long wait occurred before the arrival of the Dato' Jĕlĕbu : he was received by the guard at the entrance to the " balai belerong. When his followers had entered it, Mr. Hatchell conducted him to the Astana. The affixing of the signature and chops of the Lawgivers to seven copies of the agreement being completed, I signed and placed the State seal upon them and they were then taken upstairs to the Yam Tuan who added his signature and chop. The four Officers named above then conducted the Lawgivers to their reception halls where they awaited their summons to the installation hall : in the meantime the Tungku Prempuan had taken her seat upon the dais to the left of the throne (Singgasana) and several ladies of high degree had been accommodated with seats in the places set apart for them : the yellow cushion, gold boxes, and other insignia of royalty were brought in and placed on the dais : Tungku Múda Chik, Tungku Ngah of Tampin, Rajah Kadir of Lukut, my four officers and I next took our seats in the body of the hall, and everything being ready the heralds announced that the Yam Tuan was coming to the hall : His Highness was preceded by the " orang ampat Astana " and his " orang anam " earring the weapons of State : immediately behind him were the young Tungku Bĕsár (his brother) and the still younger Tungku Laksamana (his brother-in-law), while a score or so of Rajas completed the procession.
On arrival at the hall, His Highness was received by a guard of honour : he entered the hall and took his seat upon the " Singgasana," the " orang ampat Astana " and the " orang anam " stood upon the right and left below the dais and the Tungku Bĕsár and Tungku Laksamana sat on the right and left of His Highness below the throne. The heralds sum- moned the Lawgivers and -the hereditary Chiefs, who were each conducted from their respective balai to the entrance to the hall by their Officers of State ; they entered the hall alone and took their seats in the following order : —
(1) The Dato' Klana } Sungei
(2) The Dato' Bandar} Ujong
(3) The Dato' Jĕlĕbu
(4) Dato' Baginda of Johól
(5) The Dato' Rĕmbau
(6) The Tungku Bĕsár of Tampin
(7) The Dato' Ulu Muar
(8) The Dato' Tĕráchi
(9) The Dato' Jempol
(10) The Dato' Gúnong Pásir
(11) The Dato' Inas
(12) The Dato' Gemencheh
(13) The Dato' Múda Linggi
The two heralds (Bentara Kanan and Bentara Kiri) took up their positions on the right and left of the Yam Tuan.
When all were in readiness the young Dato' Klana, rising, said, " Oh, Bentara, proclaim to everyone that we the four Lawgivers have assembled here to place the Yang di per Tuan Tungku Muhammad upon the throne of Negri Sembilan.'
The Bentara Kanan thereupon, standing on one leg, with the sol6 of his right foot resting on his left knee, holding his right ear open with his right hand and shading his eyes with his left hand, made proclamation as follows : —
" Oh, gentlemen all, illustrious and humble, great and small, old and young, by order of the four Lawgivers, Tungku Muhammad, the son of the late Yam Tuan Tungku Antah, is proclaimed as Yang di per Tuan of the Negri Sembilan."
The people signified their homage by shouting three times, " Dolat Tuanku."
I then addressed the Yam Tuan as follows : —
" I am very pleased that the Lawgivers and Lembaga and Officers and all the people from all parts of the Negri Sembilan have unanimously installed Your Highness as Yang di per Tuan and have re-established their ancient constitution, and that Your Highness has assented to their action. Now I will convey their wishes to the Resident-General."
The Bentara Kanan proceeded to call, by means of the following formula, upon each of the Lawgivers and on the Hereditary Chiefs of Tampin, Muar, Tĕráchi Jempol, and Gúnong Pásir, to make obeisance : —
" He Dato' Klana Petra, who rules over the territory of Sungei Ujong, titah memanggil ( His Highness summons you).
Each Chief in turn replied, " Dolat Tuanku : " and one by one they emerged from the enclosure ( ujong balai ) in which they were seated, and squatting on the ground each proceeded along the floor (hadapan mejelis ) making obeisance seven times until the dais was reached : there the Yam Tuan gave his right hand t'o the Chief, who, receiving it in both of his, reverently kissed it thrice and then retired, making obeisance five times as he receded.
Each Chief rose and resumed his seat, with the exception of the Dato' Jĕlĕbu, who left the hall after he had done homage.
The Dato' Inas, the Dato' Gemencheh and the Dato' Múda Linggi made their obeisance together and all the chief Lembaga and Waris of the various districts entered and did likewise.
The Lawgivers then left the hall and retired to their re- ception halls and their places were taken by all those who were of Raja blood : they numbered about twenty five: they were almost all dressed in yellow, several with black head- cloths, and, as they all moved up the hall, and, sitting below the dais, made obeisance three times in regular time, I was more impressed by the scene than by anything I have ever previously witnessed at any gathering of Malays. The Rajas were not commanded to come forward : it was an entirely voluntary act, but every one of them joined in it and it was a fine finishing touch to an imposing pageant.
Tungku Dris, Kathi of Tampin, the assistant Kathi of Kuala Pilah and some priests came in and offered up prayers for the Yam Tuan while the people stood with palms uplifted.
All being now over, the Yam Tuan rose and, after shaking hands with me, passed out of the hall and proceeded to the Astana, followed by all the Rajas.
The ceremony, which had lasted two and a half hours, ended at 3, p.m. and the crowd quickly melted away.
On Sunday, at noon, he gave a breakfast to the Undang and made an interesting speech in which he pointed out that the constitution of the Negri Sembilan was now complete ; there were now :—
THE YANG DI PER TUAN ;
THE FOUR UNDANG (from Sungei Ujong, Jĕlĕbu, Johól, and Rembau) ; and -
THE FOUR SERAMBI UNDANG (from Ulu Muar, Jempol. Tĕráchi and Gúnong Pásir who, in the absence of the Undang, would represent them and would always do so by attending to make obeisance annually at the festival of Hari Raya).
On Sunday afternoon the various Chiefs left Sri Mĕnánti to return to their homes, and early on Monday I went back to Seremban.
The above is a brief description of a ceremony that restored good feeling to a number of Chiefs who, for a generation, had been absurdly jealous of each other. Every person taking part in the ceremony recognised its importance and the calm and dignified reserve so characteristic of the well-born Malay was strikingly exemplified.
The concourse of people must have numbered from three to four thousand persons, and good humour reigned everywhere.