Dr. Cornelius Packard "Dusty" Rhoads (born 1898)

Photo of Rhoads taken by the U.S. Army, 1943[HK006M][GDrive]

Wikipedia 🌐 Cornelius P. Rhoads

  • Born June 20, 1898 in Springfield, Massachusetts, U.S. [HK006L][GDrive]

  • Died August 13, 1959 (aged 61) in Stonington, Connecticut, U.S. [HK006L][GDrive]


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Saved Wikipedia (March 11, 2021) "Cornelius P. Rhoads"

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Cornelius Packard "Dusty" Rhoads (June 9, 1898 – August 13, 1959) was an American pathologist, oncologist, and hospital administrator who was involved in a racism and unethical human experimentation scandal and subsequent whitewashing in the 1930s. Beginning in 1940, he served as director of Memorial Hospital for Cancer Research in New York, from 1945 was the first director of Sloan-Kettering Institute, and the first director of the combined Memorial Sloan–Kettering Cancer Center. For his contributions to cancer research, Rhoads was featured on the cover of the June 27, 1949 issue of Time magazine under the title "Cancer Fighter".[1]

During his early years with the Rockefeller Institute in the 1930s, Rhoads specialized in anemia and leukemia, working for six months in Puerto Rico in 1932 as part of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board contingent. During World War II, he worked for the United States Army helping to develop chemical weapons and set up research centers. Research on mustard gas led to developments for its use in chemotherapy at Sloan Kettering.

In early 1932, a letter Rhoads had written in November 1931, which disparaged Puerto Ricans and makes claims (which he referred to later as jokes) he had intentionally injected cancer cells into his patients, was given by a lab assistant to Puerto Rican nationalist leader Pedro Albizu Campos. He publicized the letter in the Puerto Rican and American media, which led to a scandal, an official investigation,[2] and a US whitewashing campaign to protect Rhoads and, by extension, Rockefeller interests.[3] In the ensuing investigation, Rhoads defended himself, saying he had written his comments in anger and as a joke to a New York colleague.[4] Neither Puerto Rico's Attorney General nor the medical community found evidence of his or the project's giving any inappropriate medical treatment, and the scandal was forgotten.[5][6]

In 2002, the controversy was revived. Alerted to the incident, American Association for Cancer Research (AACR), which had established the Cornelius P. Rhoads Memorial Award in 1979,[7] commissioned a new investigation.[8] It was led by Jay Katz, emeritus professor at Yale Law School and a specialist in medical ethics. He concluded there was no evidence of unethical human experimentation, but the letter was so offensive that the prize should be renamed. AACR concurred and stripped the honor from Rhoads because of his racism.[6]

Early life and education

Rhoads was born June 20, 1898, in Springfield, Massachusetts, as the son of an ophthalmologist, Dr. George H. Rhoads, and his wife.[9] He received his early education in Springfield, later attending Bowdoin College in Maine, where he graduated in 1920. He entered Harvard Medical School, where he became class president, and in 1924, he received his M.D., cum laude.[9] Rhoads became an intern at Peter Bent Brigham Hospital, and contracted pulmonary tuberculosis. During his treatment and recovery, he developed a lifelong interest in disease research.

Early career

After recovering from TB, Rhoads published a paper on the tuberculin reaction with Fred W. Stewart, who became his longtime colleague. Rhoads taught as a pathologist at Harvard and conducted research on disease processes.[10]

In 1929 Rhoads joined the staff of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, now Rockefeller University, where he worked for [Dr. Simon Flexner (born 1863)]. He was also staff pathologist at Rockefeller Hospital.[11] His early research interests included hematology and poliomyelitis. He worked at Rockefeller until 1939.[12][13]

Puerto Rico

While working for the Rockefeller Institute, in 1931 Rhoads was invited by hematologist William B. Castle to join his Rockefeller Anemia Commission, to conduct clinical research at Presbyterian Hospital in San Juan, Puerto Rico.[11] This was part of the Rockefeller Foundation's sanitary commission on the island through the International Health Division.[14] Castle's research interest was pernicious iron deficiency anemia, specifically as caused by the parasitic hookworm, which was endemic on the island at rates of 80%, and tropical sprue.[3][6][11] An effective treatment for the latter had just been developed, although the disease's causes remained obscure.[11] As recently as 2010, medical journal Nieto Editores reported that these conditions continued to cause high mortality in Puerto Ricans.[15] The cause of tropical sprue has still not been identified, but since the 1940s, it can be treated with folic acid and a 3 to 6-month course of antibiotics.[16]

Rhoads was to assist Castle, and they established a base in San Juan at the Presbyterian Hospital. Rhoads corresponded often with Simon Flexner at the Rockefeller Institute in New York regarding his research and career interests. In Puerto Rico, the Rockefeller group had more than 200 patients; historian and ethicist Susan E. Lederer notes that, while referred to as patients, they were primarily clinical subjects whose conditions were studied to advance medical research. Because of the effects of anemia and the suspicion that tropical sprue was related to diet, Rhoads experimentally controlled patients' diets.[11] Lederer notes that in letters from this time, Rhoads referred to his patients as "experimental 'animals'." [11] He wrote: "If they don’t develop something they certainly have the constitutions of oxen." Rhoads sought to experimentally induce the conditions he was studying in his patients rather than simply treat them. If they did develop tropical sprue, he could treat it with liver extract.[11]

Castle wanted to perform a similar study in Cidra, in conjunction with the School of Tropical Medicine, which was doing related research, but this was not approved. Rhoads also collected polio serum samples for his boss Flexner at the Rockefeller Institute, for which he was assisted by contacts at the university.

Scandal

On 10 November 1931, Rhoads was at a party at a Puerto Rican co-worker's house in Cidra. After having some drinks, he left, and found that his car had been vandalized and several items stolen. He went to his office, where he wrote and signed a letter addressed to "Ferdie" (Fred W. Stewart, a colleague from Boston, by then working at the Memorial Hospital for Cancer Research in New York).[11]

He wrote the following:

Dear Ferdie:

The more I think about the Larry Smith appointment the more disgusted I get. Have you heard any reason advanced for it? It certainly is odd that a man out with the entire Boston group, fired by Wallach, and as far as I know, absolutely devoid of any scientific reputation should be given the place. There is something wrong somewhere with our point of view.

The situation is settled in Boston. Parker and Nye are to run the laboratory together and either Kenneth or MacMahon to be assistant; the chief to stay on. As far as I can see, the chances of my getting a job in the next ten years are absolutely nil. One is certainly not encouraged to make scientific advances, when it is a handicap rather than an aid to advancement. I can get a damn fine job here and am tempted to take it. It would be ideal except for the Porto Ricans. They are beyond doubt the dirtiest, laziest, most degenerate and thievish race of men ever inhabiting this sphere. It makes you sick to inhabit the same island with them. They are even lower than Italians. What the island needs is not public health work but a tidal wave or something to totally exterminate the population. It might then be livable. I have done my best to further the process of extermination by killing off 8 and transplanting cancer into several more. The latter has not resulted in any fatalities so far... The matter of consideration for the patients' welfare plays no role here — in fact all physicians take delight in the abuse and torture of the unfortunate subjects.

Do let me know if you hear any more news.

Sincerely, "Dusty"[17][18]

His unmailed letter was found by one of his staff and circulated among workers at the Anemia Commission. When Rhoads learned of this, he quickly made a public apology at a meeting of all staff and doctors.[11] A while later, he was dismayed to hear that the letter was going to be discussed at a meeting of the Puerto Rico Medical Association. With relations having deteriorated locally, he returned to New York in December 1931.[11]

Publicity and investigations

Pedro Albizu Campos

At the end of December, Rhoads' former lab technician Luis Baldoni resigned; he later testified that he feared for his safety. In January 1932 he gave the Rhoads letter to Pedro Albizu Campos, president of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party.[11] Albizu Campos sought publicity about the incident, sending copies of the letter to the League of Nations, the Pan American Union, the American Civil Liberties Union, newspapers, embassies, and the Vatican.[2]

In addition to distributing the letter to the media, Albizu wrote his own, charging that Rhoads was part of a US plot to exterminate Puerto Ricans. He linked the letter to other complaints about American imperialism, saying that the US governors in Puerto Rico encouraged labor emigration rather than improving employment, and promoted birth control, which was offensive to the majority Catholic residents.[17] Later that year Governor Beverley struggled with a greater political crisis than the Rhoads letter over his own remarks encouraging birth control use on the island. Residents were outraged and he was removed from office.[17]

A photograph of the Rhoads' letter was published on January 27, 1932 in La Democracia, the Unionist newspaper of Antonio Rafael Barceló, with a translation in Spanish of the entire letter. It did not support Albizu Campos' theory of a US conspiracy against Puerto Rico. On February 13, El Mundo published the entire letter, in both Spanish and English.[17]

The Rhoads' letter created one of the first crises for James R. Beverley, newly appointed as the acting Governor of Puerto Rico. He said the letter was a "confession of murder" and "a libel against the people of Puerto Rico", and ordered an investigation, one of his first acts.[17] Beverley said of Rhoads that "he was just a damned fool, ... a good doctor, but not very strong mentally on anything else."[17] Rhoads, already back in New York, released an official response to the media and the governor. He insisted that he was joking in his letter, which was intended to be confidential, calling it a "fantastic and playful composition written entirely for my own diversion and intended as a parody on supposed attitudes of some American minds in Porto Rico," explaining that nothing "was ever intended to mean other than the opposite of what was stated."[2] Rhoads offered to return to clear things up, but never did. The governor's inquiry concluded that Rhoads did not commit the acts included in his letter, nor any other crimes.[2]

Rhoads and his work were investigated by the Puerto Rican Attorney General Ramon Quinones, with review of medical aspects by Dr. P. Morales Otero, representative of the Puerto Rico Medical Association, and Dr. E. Garrido Morales, representing the Commissioner of Health. Sworn testimony was taken from several of Rhoads' patients as well as his colleagues, including Castle, William Galbreath, and George C. Payne. They reviewed the case files for the 257 patients treated by Rhoads and the Rockefeller Commission, including the 13 patients who died during this period. They found no evidence of the crimes described in Rhoads' unmailed letter. The Attorney General and medical community joined in absolving Rhoads of the Nationalist charges that he was part of a U.S. plot to exterminate Puerto Ricans.[5] Rhoads was subject to separate investigations ordered by the acting American governor of Puerto Rico, Beverley, and the Rockefeller Institute, and "neither...was able to uncover any evidence that Dr. Rhoads had exterminated any Puerto Ricans."[8]

Confirmed in Lederer's 21st century account, "records at Presbyterian Hospital in San Juan, Puerto Rico, where Rhoads had performed his research, revealed no patients in the young pathologist's care had died under suspicious circumstances."[4][11] Additionally, the investigators were "unable to confirm Rhoads's other claim (omitted in Time 's account) that he had 'transplanted cancer into several patients.'"[4][19]

During the investigations, Ivy Lee, who handled public relations for the Rockefeller family, and a team at the Institute began a campaign to defend Rhoads' reputation. He was seen as a promising researcher. The Rockefeller Foundation also wanted to protect its working relationship with medical organizations in Puerto Rico[11] and avoid problems with critics of human experimentation in the U.S. During the early 1930s, there was a revival of the anti-vivisectionist movement in the U.S., which also was concerned about the use of vulnerable populations as human subjects of experimentation: children (especially orphans), prisoners, and soldiers. As Lederer observed, "some members of the medical community...monitored the popular and medical press."[20] [Dr. Francis Peyton Rous (born 1879)] of the Rockefeller Institute was editor of the Journal of Experimental Medicine through the 1930s and 1940s. Although it accepted few articles on clinical research, he was careful about their wording in an effort to avoid criticism by the anti-vivisectionists.[21]

Lee was given access to pre-published versions of the articles on the controversy by both The New York Times and Time. He persuaded Time to eliminate the words "and transplanting cancer into several more," from its published version of the letter.[3] Also, based on the positive testimony of some patients, The New York Times headlined its article as "Patients Say Rhoads Saved Their Lives" and reported on this aspect as well.[22] Rhoads had returned to New York before the scandal broke in Puerto Rico. After the Attorney General's report[5] and that of the Rockefeller Institute in 1932, the controversy quickly faded in the United States.[11][23]

Reaction to the Rhoads scandal and controversy was mixed in the United States, in part due to the Rockefeller campaign. Starr says (in his 2003 article on the scandal) that Rhoads' colleagues did not believe the researcher's attempt to cast his letter as a "fantastic and playful composition...intended as a parody."[2] Some were worried about Rhoads' mental health at the time. A superior dismissed the incident as a case of local ingratitude. Time magazine headlined the incident as "Porto Ricochet"; Starr suggests they meant that Rhoads's humanitarian work in Puerto Rico had come back to bite him.[2]

In Puerto Rico, Albizu Campos used the Rhoads scandal as part of his anti-colonial campaign, attracting followers to the Nationalist Party. In 1950, longtime Puerto Rican pro-independence activists Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola tried to assassinate President Truman to bring their cause to the world stage. When later interviewed, Collazo said that as a young man, in 1932 he heard Albizu Campos speak about the Rhoads letter and decided to devote his life to the Nationalist movement.[8][11][23]

Hematology

Following his study in Puerto Rico, in 1933 Rhoads was chosen to lead a special service at the Rockefeller Institute in clinical hematology, to study diseases of the blood-forming organs. He built on his research on anemia and tropical sprue.[24] In 1934 Rhoads and another researcher published results of the success in using liver extract therapy to treat tropical sprue (and relieve anemia).[25] Their work was recognized as contributing benefit in treatment of the disease by others in the field.[26]

Memorial Hospital and World War II

In 1940, Rhoads was selected as director of Memorial Hospital, which was devoted to cancer care and research, and had recently moved into a new building. Rhoads was selected for his interest in clinical investigation in addition to laboratory research, as the hospital did research as well as treatment.[27] He succeeded James Ewing, a noted oncologist. Ewing had written about cancer transplantation in 1931, a subject which Rhoads had referred to in his scandalous letter written in November of that year.[11] In 1941 Rhoads was studying the use of radiation to treat leukemia.[28]

During World War II, Rhoads was commissioned as a colonel and assigned as chief of medicine in the Chemical Weapons Division of the U.S. Army.[27] He established the U.S. Army chemical weapons laboratories in Utah, Maryland, and Panama. With his enthusiastic participation, secret experiments including race-based tests involving African Americans, Japanese Americans, and Puerto Ricans were performed on more than 60,000 U.S. soldiers. Many were left suffering from debilitating, lifelong aftereffects.[29] For this work, he won the Legion of Merit for "combating poison gas and other advances in chemical warfare" in 1945.[7][29]

Due to his casualty studies on mustard gas from an accident during the war in Italy, Rhoads became interested in its potential for cancer treatment. For the rest of his life, his research interest was in developing chemotherapy for cancer treatment,[27] but he served primarily as an administrator and scientific director at Memorial and Sloan-Kettering. From studies of mustard gas, he developed a drug called mechlorethamine or Mustargen. Its success in clinical trials during the war years was the basis for the development of the field of anti-cancer chemotherapy.[30] Rhoads also became interested in total body irradiation, which led to early work on chemotherapy.[31]

Post-war

In 1945 Sloan-Kettering Institute was founded as a cancer research center, in the hopes that an industrial approach to research would yield a cure.[27] It opened in 1948. While still director of Memorial, from 1945 until 1953 Rhoads also served as the first director of the Sloan-Kettering Institute.[8][27] He was "praised by Memorial for his 'essential role in the evolution of the hospital into a modern medical center.'"[8][27] As director of Sloan-Kettering, he had oversight as well over research related to Department of Defense radiation experiments through 1954. For instance, that year, a Sloan-Kettering team began a multi-year study of "Post-Irradiation Syndrome in Humans."[32]

In 1953, Rhoads stepped back slightly, becoming scientific director of the newly merged Memorial Sloan–Kettering Cancer Center.[27] He also continued as the scientific director of Sloan-Kettering operations.[33] He also was an adviser to the United States Atomic Energy Commission regarding nuclear medicine. Some AEC funding supported Sloan-Kettering research into the use of iodine to transport radiation to cancer tumors.[34]

Rhoads continued to serve as scientific director of the Memorial Sloan–Kettering Cancer Center until his death.[33] He died of a coronary occlusion on August 13, 1959, in Stonington, Connecticut.[10] [He was only 61 yers of age]... In 1979, on the 20th anniversary of his death, the American Association for Cancer Research established the Cornelius P. Rhoads Memorial Prize in his honor, as an annual award to a promising young researcher.[7]

Honors

Revival of controversy

In 1982, Puerto Rican social scientist and writer Pedro Aponte-Vázquez discovered new information at various archives which raised questions about the investigations conducted on Rhoads and Rockefeller Project. Most prominent among his findings was a 1932 letter written by Governor Beverly to the associate director of the Rockefeller Foundation, stating that Rhoads had written a second letter "even worse than the first" and which, according to Beverley, the [Puerto Rican] government had suppressed and destroyed.[23] In 1932 the Puerto Rican Attorney General, aided by top-ranking Puerto Rican doctors, had investigated all of the work of Rhoads and the Rockefeller Project, including 13 deaths that occurred among nearly 300 patients treated. They found no evidence of wrongdoing or crimes.[5] In addition, Rhoads' superior at the Rockefeller Project had conducted a close investigation of the 13 patients who died under Rhoads' tenure, but found no evidence of wrongdoing. But in 1982 Aponte-Vázquez urged the Puerto Rico Department of Justice to reopen the case. It refused as Rhoads had been dead for so long.[23]

In 2002, Edwin Vazquez, a biology professor at the University of Puerto Rico, came across Rhoads' 1932 letter and contacted the American Association for Cancer Research (AACR) about it. Given the letter's offensive nature, he demanded that Rhoads' name be removed from the AACR award. Others also contacted the AACR, including Puerto Rico's Secretary of State Ferdinand Mercado.[35] Revival of the issue generated a fresh wave of publicity. The AACR, which said it had not known of the 1932 controversy,[8] commissioned an investigation led by Jay Katz, a bioethicist from Yale University. Katz said although "there was no evidence of Dr. Rhoads' killing patients or transplanting cancer cells, the letter itself was reprehensible enough to remove his name from the award." The AACR agreed with his conclusion.[8]

Eric Rosenthal of Oncology Times in 2003 characterized the case as the AACR having to "deal with the embarrassment of having history catch up to modern-day sensibilities."[8] He wrote,

The complicated legacy of Cornelius "Dusty" Rhoads, who died in 1959, should not cause society to promote nor deny his existence but should provide a perspective that neither condones what he wrote or thought—or the whitewashing of the incident by institutions and media of the 1930s—but that does give him due appropriate credit for his accomplishments as well as acknowledgement of his faults and sins."[8]

In 2003 the AACR renamed the award, stripping the honor from Rhoads posthumously. The AACR indicated that the new name would be retroactive and past awardees would receive updated plaques.[8][36]

Representation in other media

  • Aponte-Vázquez self-published a book in 2005 entitled The Unsolved Case of Dr. Cornelius P. Rhoads: An Indictment; he writes on this topic via his blog and personal website.

  • During the 1980s, the Puerto Rican political satire comedy group, Los Rayos Gamma, performed parodies of Rhoads with Jacobo Morales portraying a Cornelio Rodas as an insane, Frankenstein-like scientist bent on the elimination of Puerto Ricans.[37]

  • Roberto Busó-García wrote and directed the dramatic film, The Condemned (2013), which he said was loosely based on the Rhoads' controversy in Puerto Rico.[38]

Nonconsensual testing on humans Southam, Rhoads (boss of Dr. Chester Southam), (Dr. Alice Moore also, but not mentioned)

SEE Dr. Robert Charles Nowinski (born 1945) / Genetic Systems Corporation for info on the testing at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center

See Dr. Alice E. Moore (born 1908)

PDF of book "Cancer: Step outside the box" : [HB006A][GDrive]

I used to believe that the “cancer conspiracy” was an unintentional result of the love of money and that there were really no malicious intentions at its roots. However, due to stories like the three that follow, I believe that I was a bit naïve in my initial assessment of the situation.

In 1931, [Dr. Cornelius Packard "Dusty" Rhoads (born 1898)], a pathologist from the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, purposely infected human test subjects in Puerto Rico with cancer cells, and thirteen of them died. Despite the fact that Rhoads gave a written testimony stating he believed all Puerto Ricans should be killed, he later established the U.S. Army Biological Warfare facilities in Maryland, Utah and Panama, and was named to the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, where he began a series of radiation exposure experiments on American soldiers and civilian hospital patients.

Then, in 1963, []Dr. Chester Milton Southam (born 1919)] (who injected Ohio State Prison inmates with live cancer cells in 1952) performed the same procedure on twenty-two senile, African-American female patients at the Brooklyn Jewish Chronic Disease Hospital in order to watch their immunological response. He told the patients that they were receiving “some cells,” but conveniently left out the fact that they were cancer cells. Ironically, Southam eventually became president of the American Association for Cancer Research!

In 1981, the Seattle-based Genetic Systems Corporation began an ongoing medical experiment called “Protocol No. 126” in which cancer patients at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle were given bone marrow transplants that contained eight experimental proteins made by Genetic Systems, rather than standard bone marrow transplants. As a result, 19 human “subjects” died from complications directly related to the experimental treatment. [ MORE on the research in Seattle that may possibly connect to Gates : See Genetic Systems Corporation ] [...]

1949 - Research at Sloan Kettering Institute for Cancer Research - "Inhibition of Development of Sarcoma 180 by 4-Amino-N10-Methyl Pteroylglutamic Acid".

Summary: The compound 4-Amino-N10-methyl pteroylglutamic acid, has shown the ability to inhibit the growth of the transplantable mouse Sarcoma 180 when administered intraperitoneally in concentrations of 1.5 mg/kg each day for 7 days. At this dosage very few …

PDF : [HI002T][GDrive]

1949 (June 27) - Dr. Rhoads on the cover of Time Magazine as "Cancer-Fighter"

[HP005V][GDrive]Text of full article : [HP005X][GDrive]Mentioned : Cornelius Packard "Dusty" Rhoads (born 1898) / Dr. Alice E. Moore (born 1908) /

Even as hospitals go, Manhattan's famed Memorial Hospital is not a light-hearted place. Its corridors never echo with the happy sounds of a maternity ward. No one is there because of minor ailments or for a good rest. Most of the patients know that their chances of recovery, though somewhat better every year, are poor indeed. Visitors passing through the lobby often look stunned by grief. Memorial is a tragic place because its patients are victims of cancer.

Room 1O2L, a short walk down an immaculate corridor, is one of the most cheerful-seeming places in the hospital. Divided by stiff brown curtains into examination booths, it rings on Friday mornings with the voices of children. A little boy with a Tommy gun shoots sparks at a white-coated doctor, and a plump little girl cradles her doll. In a corner, a nurse in a starched white uniform peers through a microscope and makes a click-click sound with a small, sharp-voiced machine. She is counting in some child's blood the deadly white cells of leukemia: cancer of the blood. All the children in 1O2L of a Friday morning have leukemia, for which no cure is known. All of them, as medicine's knowledge stands at present, will die of the disease.

Tower of Hope. Last week, as he does every week, a man with short-cropped, iron-grey hair, blue eyes and an easy smile stopped in at Room 102L. Dr. Cornelius Packard Rhoads, director of Memorial, the world's biggest cancer hospital, is an outstanding symbol of medicine's determined campaign against a disease which causes one out of every seven deaths in the U.S. Dr. Rhoads also heads the Sloan-Kettering Institute for Cancer Research, whose 14 stories rise beside the hospital. In this tower of hope, the world's most ambitious cancer research laboratory, highly specialized scientists and technicians experiment endlessly in the war against cancer; from it have come strange new treatments that have, so far, kept many leukemic children alive.

"We can help only 25%," says Dr. Rhoads, "and they have remissions only. Their disease will recur and recur, perhaps in more violent form. Some people ask, 'Why keep them alive, if they must die eventually?' But we're moving faster now. Perhaps, before they exhaust their last remission, we'll have something really good. And you've seen how happy they are."

The Wartime Method. Dr. Rhoads's jobs as head of Memorial and of Sloan-Kettering allow him little time for his favorite recreation—sailing. Like most men named Rhoads, he is called "Dusty" by his friends. Born in Springfield. Mass. 51 years ago, he graduated from-Harvard Medical School in 1924. He has long been a successful medical scientist, and today he could be mistaken for the go-getting president of a big university.

In World War II, Dr. Rhoads was chief of the Medical Division of the Army's Chemical Warfare Service. The gas program turned out to be "preventive" only; the enemy did not use gas. But the experience made a lasting impression on him. He came away from war work with enormous respect for what can be accomplished when scientists, who are notoriously in dividualistic, get together. Driven by wartime urgency, the scientists abandoned their jealousies and rivalries, submerged their temperaments and attacked each problem cooperatively from every possible angle. High-pressure wartime science achieved in a few years what would have taken decades of sauntering peacetime effort. Why not, thought Rhoads, use the wartime method on cancer?

What Dr. Rhoads thinks he is apt to say —loudly, clearly and often to a great many people. His persuasive tongue, a rare gift among scientists, had some effect. In 1945 Alfred P. Sloan Jr., chairman of the board of General Motors, gave $4,000,000 to set up the Sloan-Kettering Institute, with Rhoads at its head. Other sources of funds promised lavish support. The impressive building was finished 18 months ago, and Rhoads began assembling a staff. "All I can do," he says, "is pick good men, give them opportunities and help them keep pointed at the target."

Among cancer men, who carry on their research work individually and in teams across the country, brisk Dr. Rhoads is not universally popular. A few worry because they think his position gives him too much power over cancer research. Rhoads himself knows that he runs the risk of being called highhanded and arbitrary, the head of a vast research organization that stamps out individualities. But he hopes that Memorial Hospital, with its pathetic patients, will supply some of the qualities of a wartime emergency.

"Some authorities," says Rhoads,"think that we cannot solve the cancer problem until we have made a great, basic, unexpected discovery, perhaps in some apparently unrelated field. I disagree. I think we know enough to go ahead now and make a frontal attack with all our forces. Anyway, that's what we are doing. We'll follow every promising lead, and we know a lot of them. If the ivory tower men solve the problem ahead of us, we won't feel we've wasted our time."

Gangster Cells. The "cancer problem," as pathologists call it, is one of the strangest and subtlest that medicine has faced. Cancer is not an outside enemy that can be fought in the open like a foreign invader. It is civil war among the body's own cells, and it runs through all of nature like a red fiber of ruin spun into the thread of life. All vertebrates, including frogs and fish, get cancer. In all probability, the experts say, invertebrates and plants have cancer too.

As a normal thing, the several hundred trillion cells in a human body cooperate loyally, subordinating themselves to the body's higher life. Their functioning and their usually slow rate of multiplication are controlled, most scientists believe, by the chemical hormones which are poured into the blood by a set of regulating glands.

Sometimes, for reasons which medicine does not yet understand, a cell turns out to be different from normal cells. Most such "mutations," less competent than the normal cells, die and are absorbed by the body. But occasionally a variant cell appears that is disastrously competent.

Something in its chemistry allows it to defy the hormones that regulate the growth of ordinary cells. It multiplies wildly, growing into a useless mass of disorderly tissue. The tumor pushes among the normal cells, presses on nerves, thrusts organs aside or invades them. Often the gangster cells get into the blood and spread around the body like seeds carried by the wind. Where they lodge they grow into "metastases"—secondary tumors as lawless as the first one.

That is cancer: war between the body and its rebel cells. But it is not a two, sided civil war, because the body has almost no defenses. The body creates no antibodies against cancer as it does against diphtheria or typhoid. It builds no tissue walls to confine the destructive cells. It feeds them well, allows them to grow unchecked, and dies helplessly when they disrupt some vital function.

"The Nazis were rather like cancer," says Rhoads, growing philosophical as all scientists are apt to do when they think about cancer. "Starting with a variant cell, Hitler, the Nazis multiplied throughout the German nation, bringing it to destruction. It took external forces to kill the Nazi cancer."

Knife & Radiation. "External forces" are the business of Sloan-Kettering Institute and all the other centers of cancer research, which are spending something like $50 million in the U.S. annually. At present the only known cure for cancer is destruction: the surgeon's knife or radiation (X rays and radium). Such methods work well with some forms of cancer. Skin cancer, for instance, can nearly always be removed so completely that it does not recur. Other accessible cancers can be dealt with too, and surgical methods are improving constantly. A recent advance saves many patients who have a vital artery that has been attacked. An "artery bank" supplied from such sources as amputation cases makes it possible for the surgeon to replace a cancerous artery almost as if he were a plumber replacing a rusted pipe.

Not long ago, Memorial's doctors noticed that cancer patients, often reacted well after a serious operation, but died a few days later for no apparent reason. Sloan-Kettering's research men went to work to find an explanation, found that in such cases the patients had died because of a deficiency of potassium in the blood. When potassium was added in new cases, the patients picked up quickly and survived the operation. Dr. Rhoads believes that such improved surgery and treatment, combined with sufficiently early diagnosis, may save from cancer one-third to one-half of the people who now die of it. That would mean saving the lives of 6,000,000 to 9,000,000 Americans now living who are destined, on the basis of present statistics, to die of cancer.

Differential Effect. Surgery cannot help the other 9,000,000. Many cancers involve vital organs that cannot be disturbed, or metastases which spread so quickly and widely throughout the body that the surgeon cannot find and remove them all. To deal with such cancers some agent is needed that has a strong "differential effect," i.e., that kills cancer cells without hurting normal tissue. A few such drugs are already known, but they are only a start, and not good enough.

The trouble is that cancer cells are very like normal cells. An agent that hurts one generally hurts the other. Still, the gangster cells have differences. The very fact that they grow rapidly in a chemical medium, the blood, in which normal cells grow slowly, is sufficient proof that they are different. To find and exploit the differences is the chief goal of Sloan-Kettering Institute. The problem is being attacked at all levels—from simple testing of promising drugs to long-range exploration of the internal workings of cells.

Every week dozens of new chemicals come to Sloan-Kettering from commercial laboratories, chemical houses, university scientists and medical men. Each is catalogued and given a number (to head off charges of favoritism). The more interesting ones, thought to have strong biological effects, are tried on experimental cancers planted in white mice.

Girls & Mice. This testing is a mass-production process which would be impossible on such a scale in a smaller laboratory. Girls in white uniforms sit at a table with cages of mice before them and bits of mouse cancer in glass trays.

Deftly a girl picks up a cancer fragment with a trocar (a tubular needle with a plunger inside). She grabs a faintly squeaking mouse, holds it by the scruff of its neck, efficiently jabs the trocar into the skin of its belly and up under a front leg. She plants the cancer by pushing it out with the plunger. Then she reaches for another mouse.-

When the cancer has had time to "take," the mouse is injected with a just-under-killing dose of the chemical to be tested. After a week or so, a girl kills the mouse by crushing its fragile skull. Then she slits open its belly skin and measures the cancer, which is usually by this time a grey-pink, rounded mass as big as a thumbnail. If the tumor has disappeared or has not grown as much as expected, the chemical is listed as promising enough for further testing.

Eggs & Tubes. Another type of testing is done on eggs. A girl technician examines a fertile egg under a strong light, finds the developing embryo, and cuts a square hole in the shell above it. She plants a bit of cancer on the embryo, and seals the hole with a glass window stuck on with wax. The egg is put in an incubator. As the embryo grows, the cancer grows too. The embryo's blood vessels turn aside to supply the cancer, which frequently grows until it is nearly as big as the chick. Drugs are tested by injecting them into the egg yolk, and noting through the window what they do to the cancer.

Another method is tissue culture. Bits of cancer tissue are stuck to the side of a test tube. A nutrient solution (made of such unlikely ingredients as extract of human placentas) is added. The tube is sealed and put on a vertical merry-go-round in an incubator. As the merry-go-round revolves slowly, the solution washes over the cancer tissue, which grows vigorously just as if it were in a living body. Drugs can be tested against it simply by adding them to the solution.

Sloan-Kettering now has 2,300 chemical agents on file, and has already tested some 1,500. Six of them proved to have a good "differential effect" against one or more types of mouse cancer. A couple of dozen had some lesser effect. According to Dr. C. Chester Stock, head of the Division of Experimental Chemotherapy, this record is by no means discouraging. As the records and experience accumulate, the scientists are learning how to predict whether a compound is worth testing. If a new one has a slight effect, one of its close relatives may prove better. And each slightly successful drug sets biochemists to figuring out why it worked at all.

Cell City. Long-range figuring-out is the duty of such men as Dr. George B. Brown, head of the Protein Chemistry Division. Dr. Brown and his assistants are studying the chemistry of both normal and cancer cells, looking for differences that they may exploit.

Cell chemistry is a maddeningly complicated study. It is known that cells contain certain chemicals, but they are not mixed together haphazardly like dissolved salts in a chemist's beaker. Each cell is like a great, complex metropolis. The individual citizens (atoms) are organized into intricate groups like the people of the city. Some groupings (e.g., the three-atom molecule of water) are as small and tight as families. Others are larger, like all the workers in one factory. The various groups interact constantly, their links forming and dissolving as the cell lives and grows. Certain single large molecules (analogous to the city government) are thought to affect all the cells.

To get the most rudimentary understanding of the workings of the living, changing cell is enormously difficult. It would be even harder without a new tool: nitrogen 15, a stable (nonradioactive) isotope of nitrogen. Chemically, nitrogen 15 is exactly like the common nitrogen 14. The cells cannot tell the difference. But since it is slightly heavier, nitrogen 15 can be measured accurately by a balky and expensive instrument called a mass spectrometer. If compounds containing nitrogen 15 instead of ordinary nitrogen are fed to cells, the scientists can tell with the mass spectrometer whether the cells have accepted them as food.

Such work is slow and expensive: nitrogen 15 costs $1,000 for a single study. But already Dr. Brown's group have had one outstanding, success in their study of a cell's reproductive system. They used an artificial compound called 2,6-diaminopu-rine, not yet isolated in nature, which they thought had a momentary existence inside the cell. The organic chemists synthesized some of this compound and turned it over to the chemotherapists. They thought that it might have the sought-for "differential effect" on lawless cancer cells.

Sure enough, "2,6" prolonged the life of leukemic mice by 60%. It destroyed or controlled rat tumors. It killed other tumors in test-tube cultures. On human patients, it acted as a palliative, but not a cure. It has secured "remissions," for instance, for a few leukemic children.

Promising Molds. Dr. Rhoads and his associates believe that no possibility, even faintly promising, should be neglected. One long shot is to look for something in the secretions of molds. One such secretion, penicillin, has a differential effect on bacteria: it kills bacteria but leaves human tissue unharmed. Molds might conceivably produce something with a differential effect on cancer cells.

In a cold, air-conditioned room in Sloan-Kettering, various molds (green or white mats) are growing in flasks. The program is still young, but already one mold has been found that secretes a substance with a slight differential effect on mouse tumors. Dr. Rhoads does not even want to talk about it yet. He has no "cancer penicillin."

Behind a door marked "No Visitors" (no one may enter who has not been properly immunized), works attractive [Dr. Alice E. Moore (born 1908)], a leading virus fancier. "I'm a virus girl," she says, "so I thought I'd try 'em." She tried influenza virus on cancerous mice. No effect. She tried the virus of herpes (inflammation of the skin and mucous membranes). No effect.

Then she turned to the deadly virus of Russian spring-and-summer encephalitis, injected it into the abdominal cavity of cancerous mice. In about two days the firm, round tumors turned into blobs of pus. All the cancer cells apparently died. But the virus then went on and attacked the nerves and brain. Four days later the mice, apparently cured of cancer, died of encephalitis. Nonetheless, the virus had shown a dramatic differential effect. It went first to the tumor and thrived there before attacking the brain.

Try the Viruses. There is a long list of things that Dr. Alice can do now to exploit her discovery—so many things that Dr. Rhoads is enlarging her dangerous laboratory. One is to try the encephalitis virus on monkeys. The laboratory strain has lived so long in mouse brains that it may have lost its ability to attack primates. If it proves harmless to monkeys, it probably will not hurt humans. The final step will be to try it on human cancer patients to see if it attacks their tumors.

Another thing that Dr. Alice hopes to do is to grow her virus for a long time in mouse tumors, transferring it from mouse to mouse as the tumors die. When grown on new food, viruses often change their ways. Dr. Alice hopes that the encephalitis virus might be taught to give up its taste for brain tissue while increasing its appetite for tumors.

If all these methods fail, there are plenty of other viruses to try against cancer. Some of them, comparatively harmless to normal human tissue, may attack tumors. If some such virus could be found or developed, it would be an ideal anti-cancer drug. Circulating through the body like a ferret through rat holes, it could hunt down every gangster cell.

Search the Soil. One of the most interesting programs at Sloan-Kettering is concerned not with the cancer cells, but the "soil" (as Dr. Rhoads calls it) in which they grow. Normal human cells often look startlingly like small, one-celled animals. But they are not free agents. Their growth is controlled and limited by the hormones in the blood. The most important hormones come from the gonads (testes and ovaries) and from the adrenals (small glands attached to the kidneys).

It has been known for a long time that the steroid hormones (socalled because they contain the "steroid" nucleus in common) are closely connected with cancer. The administration of sex hormones can both cause and prevent certain cancers in mice. Some cancer researchers hold to the theory that a complete understanding of the steroid hormones might tell why cancer occurs, how to cure it, perhaps even how to prevent it. The difficulty is that there are a great many steroid hormones. Their study requires such special methods and special apparatus that steroid work has become a recognized sub-subdivision of biochemistry. At Sloan-Kettering the experts in this mysterious field sit together at luncheon, speaking a special language.

Leading steroid man at Sloan-Kettering is short, round, German-born Dr. Konrad Dobriner. The raw material of his science is human urine, in which are found steroid "metabolites" (breakdown products from the hormones that the body has used and passed on). Dobriner's assistants collect urine for months or even years from the people they intend to study. They extract the steroids by a long series of tedious techniques, and identify them by their characteristic absorption of infrared light.

Glandular Orchestra. Dobriner has already achieved startling results. The urine of each person has a different steroid pattern, but in healthy, normal males & females there is a general similarity. In cancer patients, however, there is a striking difference. A new steroid, 11 hydroxy-etiocholanolone, almost always absent in healthy persons, shows up in about two out of three cancer patients.

A remarkable discovery came when a woman from whom Dobriner had been collecting urine for several years suddenly developed cancer of the breast. Dobriner found, on examining the stored extract from her urine, that she had been excreting the uncommon steroid for at least three years before her cancer developed. The tumor was removed surgically and the woman is now apparently in perfect health. But she still excretes the cancer-pointing steroid.

It looks to Dobriner as if the presence of the uncommon steroid may indicate not only cancer but sometimes an abnormal hormone situation that leads to development of cancer. "The endocrine system," he says, "consists of a number of glands that should be in harmony, like a symphony orchestra. We want to prove that in cancer the orchestra is haywire."

Dobriner points out that steroid identification is not a good test for early cancer. It is not sure; it takes too long, and it costs too much ($10,000 for a complete job). But he is cutting down the time and cost. As he collects more records, other startling facts are showing up. For instance, people with hypertension (high blood pressure) generally excrete a special steroid. No one knows why, but Dobriner hopes to find out. The mysterious steroids from the glandular orchestra are apparently concerned with all the changes in the body's cells. "If you want to know about cancer," says Dobriner, "you must also know about old age, hypertension and degeneration." Thus, cancer research may discover, as a sort of byproduct, what makes people grow old.

Human Laboratory. The most important of Sloan-Kettering's laboratories is the great hospital next door, including the Strang Prevention Clinic. Dr. Rulon W. Rawson, head of the Division of Clinical Investigation, explains that, after all, human patients are the best source of information about human cancer. Clinical investigation is a two-way street. Observation of patients, especially their reaction to treatment, gives clues for researchers to follow. When the laboratories develop some new method applicable to human beings, the hospital is the only conclusive place to try it out.

A good example of the interaction of research and clinical study is the work of Rawson's group and of Dr. L. D. Marinelli on the treatment of thyroid cancer with radioactive iodine. Since the thyroid gland eagerly absorbs iodine (which it uses to make a hormone), doctors have hoped that a cancerous thyroid would absorb radioactive iodine 131 in sufficient quantity to kill the unruly cells. Unfortunately, this effort was none too successful. The normal thyroid took up nearly all the iodine. The cancerous thyroid cells, particularly the metastases in distant parts of the body, took up so little that they were hardly damaged by the iodine's radioactivity.

Trained Metastases. Dr. Marinelli and his associates worked out a neat method of dealing with this difficulty. First they removed the patient's normal thyroid and with it the original cancer. This left the metastases which, they found, often consisted of cancer cells that retained faint remnants of the normal function of the thyroid. With the normal thyroid gone, the degenerate cells awoke and began to act like thyroids. Stimulated by the proper drugs, they began taking up iodine and making it into thyroid hormones. Then Dr. Marinelli gave radioactive iodine to the patient. The tumors, acting as pinchhitting thyroid glands, absorbed it readily, and were in some cases destroyed by the iodine's radiation.

Some types of thyroid cancer do not respond to this treatment. The cells cannot be trained to take up iodine and kill themselves. But many patients have been helped to some extent. In four of them the disease has been definitely checked, though not wiped out entirely.

More important, Dr. Rawson believes, is the proof this method gives that cancer cells are not "autonomous"; that in some cases, at least, they can be trained to resume some of the functions of the normal cells from which they are descended. If they can be trained, perhaps they can eventually be trained to destroy themselves.

Dread Decision. The patients in Memorial Hospital are never used as experimental animals. Neither are they denied any treatment, however new, that might possibly do them good. Virtually all patients beyond the help of surgery are willing to have new drugs and treatments tried on them.

In each individual case, the doctors have to make a grim decision. Should they prolong a life that is sure to be "unsatisfactory?" Should they, by prolonging life, place a crushing burden on the patient's family? Should they, in desperate cases when everything else has been tried, use a drug so dangerous that it may kill the patient immediately? Such questions have no single answer. The doctors decide each case separately, considering such matters as the painfulness of the treatment and the patient's chance for happiness during his possible remission.

Some cancer doctors admit that they have almost cracked up thinking about such things, and about their utter helplessness in hundreds of cases. Dr. Rhoads, too, has his moments of depression. He is sure that his method of concerted frontal attack, submerging niceties of scientific temperament, is correct. But he also knows that neither he nor his men nor anyone else in the world has yet found a cancer cure.

Perhaps ... Sloan-Kettering is certainly trying hard. From his office on the 13th floor, Dr. Rhoads can review the work of the world's most impressive array of cancer-fighting weapons: the eggs with their little glass windows, the tubes of cancer tissue on their merry-go-rounds, the rows of deft-fingered girls with the squeaking, doomed white mice, the dangerous viruses, the green and white molds, the thousands upon thousands of chemical agents, the scholarly chemists, physicists, biologists, clinicians all working in unison to defeat the common enemy: cancer.

Perhaps at that moment in Memorial Hospital, a life frayed with pain and dimmed with morphine is flickering down to the cold. Dr. Rhoads is no callous technician. His confident eyes grow sad when he hears of this everyday event. He looks out the window at the cluttered roofs of New York and at a great bridge roaring with traffic. "It needn't be," he says, "not always."

*Asked if she would be afraid of a mouse in her own home, one of the girls replied: "Oh yes. Those are fierce, wild mice."

*This colony of cancer cells, which grew from a single cell in 31 days, has begun to spill out of a tiny glass tube. The cells are magnified about 70 times.

1957 (Jan) - Testing reports (noted in a Tweet)

Link to Tweet : [HT00C2][GDrive] / Jason Sheltzer / @JSheltzer

A dark paper from the history of cancer research: HeLa and other malignant cells were injected into terminally-ill patients and healthy prisoners, “with the cooperation of their warden”. Study author Chester Southam was *later* elected president of @AACR.

See - https://sci-hub.se/10.1126/science.125.3239.158#

See: Dr. Alice E. Moore (born 1908) / Dr. Cornelius Packard "Dusty" Rhoads (born 1898) / Dr. Chester Milton Southam (born 1919)

1959 - Award from (written by) C.P. Rhoads (director, Memorial Sloan Kettering)

Worked with Rhoads - https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1806149/?page=1

1959-bull-ny-academy-medicine-pg-216-award-to-payton-rous-from-cprhoads-00349-0024.pdf

1959-bull-ny-academy-medicine-pg-216-award-to-payton-rous-from-cprhoads-00349-0024-pg-1 / 2

AS YEARS pass it becomes more frequently in order for the somewhat younger individual to speak publicly, in tribute to a somewvhat older one. To perform this function a pupil of the senior is usually selected, or at least one who has some direct scientific or other reason to be

indebted to the recipient of the honor. To discharge his duties properly, moreover, the payer of tribute is expected to bring forward some unique twist of phrase which will distinguish or make memorable his comment.

Until recently I have never had the honor of working with Peyton Rous, and I have no gift of words adequate to discharge properly my responsibility on this occasion. My contact with this man has been, however, of such a peculiar, and to me inspiring, nature as to lead me

to acquiesce with the suggestion that I refer to it publicly, in tribute to this notable recipient of the Academy Medal.

Since it is usual and useful to refer to biographical matters, I would remind you that Dr. Rous was graduated from Johns Hopkins University in 1900, and received his medical degree in 1905. He interned at the Hopkins Hospital in medicine, became interested in pathology and continued this interest at Michigan. He was called to the Rockefeller Institute in 1909 and has been there, and a leader there, since that time.

Recall, if you will, the role of Hopkins in the revolution in medical teaching and research under way then, the inspiration given to younger men by its very great faculty, and its unique point of view.

The problem of the control of cancer disease mounts steadily in importance. The major steps toward its solution have been made by a relatively small number of individuals. Among these Peyton Rous was, in 1911, one of the first. Our modern knowledge of the neoplastic process has been constructed to a large extent around his contributions.

His original demonstration of the cell-free transmission of fowl neoplasms was complete, and at the same time revolutionary. It remained a storm center of discussion among workers in cancer research for forty years. Its significance for an understanding of cancer has been fully appreciated only recently. This work remains a landmark not only in the field of its direct application, but also in virology as a whole.

But Peyton Rous saw beyond the circumscribed area of a single technique. When its possibilities were temporarily exhausted by the limited knowledge of the time, he turned, with similar skill, to other fields.

Modern hematology, replete with knowledge and procedures, gives little hint of how mysterious were the mechanisms of blood generation and destruction thirty years ago. Transfusion was a major surgical undertaking. The preservation of blood was inconceivable, its destruction little understood, and its production a mystery. "Anemia" was a diagnosis almost as useless as "fever" had been before our knowledge of the bacterial etiology of disease. Peyton Rous and his associates went far to illuminate these biological recesses.

Immunology was also the gainer by his work. New knowledge of the source of antibodies was made available. The discovery of hydrocarbon carcinogens and of a virus-induced cancer of the mammal by [Dr. Richard Edwin Shope (born 1901)] brought additional new tools to hand. The complementary actions of the carcinogens and tumor viruses became a major step forward in cancer research. It contributed much to our thinking on hidden or latent viruses that may spring into action under some apparently unrelated stimulus.

I have recounted, perhaps inadequately, some part of the formal record. May I now refer to a more personal and largely unrecorded aspect of his work. This was his contact with and influence on younger men.

As a young pathologist just entering the field of investigative medicine, I had early contact with Dr. Rous in his capacity as editor of the Journal of Experimental Medicine. I am afraid that I was a brash young man at the time, distinctly overestimating the importance of the manuscript I had submitted. In retrospect, this was not surprising since the work had no value whatever.

Dr. Rous, gravely and patiently, reviewed my efforts with me, demolished my conclusions, refuted my claims and made clear the proper use of my native tongue. He then rebuilt on the ruins such a clear picture of the problem, and the procedure required to solve it, that my conceit was converted almost imperceptibly to inspiration, my enthusiasm to resolution. As I left the generous, patient, and kindly man, I was no longer the same individual. I was, however, wholly convinced that if I worked very assiduously, with the greatest vigor, for a very long time, perhaps I could make a real contribution.

Nothing, please be assured, could have turned me then from a life in medical science.

And realize, if you will, that the world of medical research is now strongly influenced by many, many individuals, much more deserving than I, who chose that career because of Dr. Rous' unique capacity for making inspiration stick and become an irrevocable resolution.

May I then, express my deep feeling and that of many others by the following words in appreciation of Dr. Peyton Rous:

  • DETERMINATION WITHOUT DOGMATISM

  • CONSISTENCY WITH CONSIDERATION

  • WISDOM WITH GENEROSITY

  • A MOST BELOVED PHYSICIAN

  • TO WHOM SCIENCE OWES SO MUCH

  • TO WHOM THE CHARACTER OF SCIENTISTS OWES MORE

And may I then, Peyton, present to you the Medal of The New York Academy of Medicine, a small recognition of what you have meant to so many.

1959 (Aug 14) - NYTimes : Obituary for Dr. Rhoads