ANABASIS, VOLUME 4 - ABSTRACTS

Ryszard Kulesza

(Warsaw, Poland)

THE WOMEN OF SPARTA

Keywords: ancient Sparta, ancient women, classical Sparta, ancient family

Abstract

In the ancient sources, European tradition and modern-day research, the fabulous Sparta and the historical Sparta coexist, overlapping to the extent that they are often very difficult to tell apart. Spartan women are an important element of both. Scholarly analyses usually present a static image of Spartan women. Yet Sparta itself was changing, and the position, and the image, of its women was undergoing transformations with it. The gradual “mythologisation” of a Spartan woman finally led to her being presented as the epitome of Spartan ideals. The author of the article confronts the images of Spartan women provided by Aristotle, Xenophon and the tragedy and comedy writers with the current state of knowledge regarding the historical Spartan women of the 6^th /5^th and 4^th/3^rd centuries BC. This confrontation shows how the myth of the extraordinary Spartan woman was growing, to reach its ultimate variant in Plutarch, where it finally emerged as the previously unknown, famed image of the “Spartan mother”.

Eduard Rung (Kazan, Russia)

THE MISSION OF PHILISCUS TO GREECE IN 369/8 B.C.

Keywords: Greeks, Persians, diplomacy, Philiscus, Ariobarzanes

Abstract

The paper is devoted to the mission of Phyliscus to Greece. This mission belonged in the category of unofficial diplomatic enterprises that had been regular in Persian foreign policy since the period of the Greco-Persian Wars. The sources attest that Philiscus was the key agent in the Greco-Persian relations at least for decade (375–365 B.C.) and played a significant role in communications between the Great King of Persia, satrap Ariobarzanes, and the Greeks. The failure of Philiscus’ mission attests the decline of Persian influence on Greek affairs since it was the first unsuccessful Persian diplomatic enterprise for some last decades (at least since the Peace of Antalcidas). The reasons for this failure was that the political instability in the Persian Empire in that period resulted in the Great Satrapal revolt in 362/1 B.C. actually decreased the King’s capability to be involved actively in Greek affairs and the Greeks themselves realized this and did not consider the Persians as the “influenced force” in their interstate relations.

Waldemar Heckel (Calgary, Canada)

“THE SOUNDS OF SILENCE”: A NEW WIFE FOR KASSANDROS SON OF ANTIPATROS

Keywords: Adea, Kassandros, Argeads, Macedonia, Beroea

Abstract

Olga Palagia has recently published a new interpretation of the grave monument of a certain Adea, daughter of Kynnana and Kassandros. Not only has she presented art-historical arguments for the significance and dating of the artifact, but she has postulated a new bride for Kassandros son of Antipatros, the later king of the Macedonians. But the historical arguments militate against the identification of these individuals with members of the family of Philip II and Antipatros. It is more likely that the parents of the deceased girl were members of the Beroean elite and that the mother was in all probability Kynnana, the daughter of Epigenes. The family appears to have belonged to the first half of the third century BC.

Oleg L. Gabelko (Moscow, Russia)

TWO NEW CONJECTURES IN STRABO’S GEOGRAPHY AND CERTAIN HISTORICAL INFERENCES

Keywords: Strabo’s Geography, conjectures, Strabo’s forebears, Mithridates Eupator, Paphlagonia, Pontic kingdom, Prusias I, Prusa, Bithynian kingdom

Abstract

The article includes two studies involving emendations to the text of Strabo’s Geography. The first concerns the identification of the Strabo’s grandfather on his paternal side. Based on conjecture for a passage in Strabo XII. 33. 3 C 557, the author concludes that he may have borne the wide-spread Paphlagonian name Atotes. Such a supposition allows the identification of two historical individuals – Strabo’s relative Theophilos, son of Tibios (Strabo XII. 33. 3 C 558), and Theophilos the Paphlagonian, who was behind the extermination of Roman citizens in Tralleis in 88 BC (App. Mithr. 23; Dio Cass. XXX–XXXV. 101. 1). The second study is devoted to the passages on the foundation of Prusa-ad-Olympum in Strabo and Stephanos of Byzantium alluding to a ‘king Prusias’, who allegedly was waging war against Croisos (Strabo XII. 4. 3 C 564) or Cyrus (Steph. Byz. s.v. Προῦσα). The deletion is proposed of the inappropriate and anachronistic name of such a ruler and the substitution of the place-name Cius. This fits the historical context well; Prusias I of Bithynia both seized Cius, jointly with Philip V of Macedon, and founded Prusa-ad-Olympum.

Sabine Müller

(Innsbruck, Österreich/Kiel, Germany)

SULLAS GEGNER, DIANAS SCHÜTZLING: SERTORIUS’ SELBSTDARSTELLUNG UND NACHWIRKUNG

Keywords: Sertorius, Diana, Rome, Republic, public image

Abstract

According to Valerius Maximus, after Sertorius’ death, an imposter claimed to be his son trying to get access to his family. However, he was rejected by Sertorius’ widow. His appearance sheds an interesting light upon the way Sertorius was remembered by parts of Roman society. Instead of being considered as a traitor or loser as is often suggested, he seems to have been a positive political symbol for some Roman factions providing potential for being instrumentalized. This paper aims at analyzing Sertorius’ political self-fashioning during his War against the Sullanian Senate towards the Roman recipients on one side and the non-Roman recipients of his multicultural troops on the other side. It will argue that Sertorius’ public image did not counteract or violate the role-models for Roman commanders and politicians of his time. However, the propaganda of his opponents, including his murderer Perperna and his followers, seems to have shaped the negative tradition in the ancient sources that Sertorius particularly tried to amaze the Spanish „barbarians“ and in the end, turned into an un-Roman tyrant commander himself. The fact that Pompey and Metellus were granted a triumph for their victory in Spain although the campaign was in fact part of the civil war will have been a major factor: The conflict was depicted as an external war against non-Roman enemies.

Rachel Mairs

(Reading, United Kingdom)

THE RECEPTION OF T. S. BAYER’S HISTORIA REGNI GRAECORUM BACTRIANI (1738)

Keywords: T.S. Beyer, Historia Regni Graecorum Bactriani, Graeco-Bactria, Central Asia

Abstract

Theophilus (Gottlieb) Siegfried Bayer (1694-1738) is usually credited as the first person in modern times to address the history of the Greeks in Bactria in a serious way. Bayer’s Historia Regni Graecorum Bactriani, brings together numismatic and historical research. He describes two Graeco-Bactrian coins which he was able to examine first hand, and collects and comments upon the Classical historical sources on the Greek kingdoms of Bactria and India. It was published in St. Petersburg in 1738, where Bayer, a German, held an academic position. In this short article, I am interested in two questions surrounding the Historia Regni Graecorum Bactriani. First (and relatively briefly), how Bayer conducted his research without first hand access to source material and without himself travelling in Bactria – or indeed further east than St. Petersburg. Secondly, the way in which Bayer’s scholarship was received by some of his contemporaries and by later writers, outside the field of Bactrian studies.

Martin Schottky (Pretzfeld, Germany)

Vorarbeiten zu einer Königsliste Kaukasisch-Iberiens 2. Das Zeitalter Pharasmanes´ I. [Prolegomena to a King List of Caucasian Iberia 2. The Age of Pharasmanes I]

Keywords: Arsacids, Caucasian history, Georgia (Caucasus), Iberia (Caucasus), Pharnabazids

Abstract

In the time of Augustus an Iberian king whose name is unknown sent envoys to the first princeps seeking his friendship. He may have been the son and successor of Pharnabazus II (36 BC) and the father or grandfather of Mithradates I, who died in 35 AD. A quarrel between his sons Pharasmanes and Mithradates concerning his succession was settled by Tiberius, who made the younger Mithradates the client-king of Armenia. The long, nearly 40 years lasting Iberian rule of Pharasmanes I was determined by the struggle for the supremacy over Armenia between Romans and Parthians. In these decades perished not only Mithradates, but also Pharasmanes´ eldest son and heir Radamistus. At the end of his life the disappointed Pharasmanes opened the so-called „Caspian Gates“ (in this case: the pass of Derbend) to the savage Alans, who devastated Atropatene and Armenia. After his death shortly before 75, he was succeeded by his younger son Mithradates II, who is never mentioned in the literary sources. Only at the time of Traian´s Parthian war we hear again of the Iberian royalty: a king, of Iberia, one Mithradates III, paid hommage to the emperor. The king's younger brother Amazaspus intended to take part in the Parthian war but died soon.

Valerii P. Nikonorov

(St. Petersburg, Russia)

THE PARADE HATCHET-KLEVETS FROM OLD NISA (A CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE COMBAT HATCHETS AND THEIR CULT IN ANCIENT CENTRAL EURASIA)

Keywords: Parthia, Old Nisa, Treasure-house, picks-klevetses, combat hatchet worship, Central Eurasia, Sakas, Indo-Sakas, Yüeh-chih/Tochari, Kushans, Mithradates II of Parthia

Abstract

This article deals with a pick-klevets made of partially gilt silver, which was uncovered in 1950 in the so-called “Treasure-house” of the fortified Parthian royal residence known nowadays as Old Nisa (formerly Mithradatkirt) in Southern Turkmenistan. The author argues that this hatchet was brought there as a trophy after a victorious campaign waged by the Parthian king Mithradates II (ca. 123–88/7 BC) in the early period of his reign against invasive nomadic peoples from Central Asia, recorded in ancient written sources under the names of the Scythians/Sakas and Yüeh-chih/Tochari. Manufactured probably in the region of Bactria, this unique battle-size klevets was certainly intended for parade/ritual purposes, not for fighting, and must have belonged to a defeated Saka or Tocharian chieftain as his attribute of power. The tradition of such an attitude towards the combat hatchets among the Iranian and Tocharian peoples from the Early Iron Age through Early Medieval times is also traced in detail by the author.

Michał Marciak

(Rzeszów, Poland)

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF GORDYENE. PART 2: ORIENTAL SOURCES

Keywords: Gordyene, Corduena, Korduk‘, Cudi Dağɩ

Abstract

This paper discusses Oriental sources containing geographical and ethnographical information about Gordyene. This study makes the case (following great linguists such as F.C. Andreas, T. Nöldeke, V. Minorsky) that the forms Korčēk‘, Korčayk‘ andKordik‘ are not linguistically akin to the root Qardū. As a result, the Armenian sources with information about Korčēk‘ , Korčayk‘,Kordrik‘ rather mirror the expansion of the post-Cyrti or proto-Kurdish tribes than directly contribute to our knowledge about Gordyene (Kordruk‘). Furthermore, it is argued that the location of Noah’s Ark in the mountains of Qardū (modern Cudi Dağɩ) known to Jewish, Syriac and Islamic traditions can be used to interpret the data from Josephus’ Ant. 20.24, and consequently to precisely locate the first century CE expansion of Adiabene into Gordyene: it reached at least as far as Cizre.

Literary evidence obtained from Oriental sources supplements our knowledge on Gordyene’s culture – it included Iranian, Armenian, Semitic and Greek elements. What is more, in the light of Talmudic references, Gordyene again appears to have been a “proverbially wealthy” country.

Michał Marciak

(Rzeszów, Poland)

NATOUNISAROKERTA ON THE KAPROS. NEW NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FROM THE BRITISH MUSEUM

Keywords: Adiabene, Natounisarokerta, Hatra, Natounia.

Abstract

This paper examines local bronze coinage attributed to Adiabene (frequently and wrongly labeled as “Natounia coins”). It provides the first ever analysis of another previously unpublished item stored in the British Museum (including photographs). The paper rejects Milik’s identification of the ethnonym Natunia in coin legends, and instead suggests the following toponym:Natunisarokerta. The meaning of this toponym is to be understood in the light of the Hatra inscription no. 21: built (ker) by [in the sense: on behalf of the kingdom of] Adiabene (Adiabene = natunissar, “given by Ishtar”, being another Semitic name for Adiabene).