ABSTRACTS

Han Jianye (Beijing, China)

“The Painted Pottery Road” and Early Sino-Western Cultural Exchanges

Key words: Painted Pottery Road, Sino-Western Cultural Exchanges, North

Road, South Road

ABSTRACT

“The Painted Pottery Road” as a concept was first proposed by Li Ji（李济）in

1960 and was used to sum up Johan Gunnar Andersson’s theory that “the

Yangshao culture came from the West;” in other words, painted pottery is

essentially western in origin. The “Painted Pottery Road” signifies the

expansion and transmission of early Chinese culture, manifested in the form of

painted pottery, westward from Shaanxi and Gansu, as well as the eastward

movement of western culture. “The Painted Pottery Road” lasted from the

fourth to the first millennium BC, during which four periods - c. 3500, c. 3000, c.

2200, and c. 1300 BC - characterize the westward expansion of painted pottery.

Although numerous routes were used for its transmission, generally speaking

they are grouped around the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau as the North Road and

the South Road, respectively. “The Painted Pottery Road” was thus the primary

route of early Sino-Western cultural exchanges, serving as the precursor of “the

Silk Road,” which subsequently exerted a great deal of influence on the

formation and development of Chinese and Western civilization.

M.A. Dandamaev (Sankt-Petersburg, Russia)

Central Asian Soldiers in Achaemenid Babylonia

Key words: Chorasmians, Sakai, Arumāya, Achaemenid Babylonia.

ABSTRACT

This paper contains information on the military service of Central Asian

soldiers in Babylonia during 539-331 B.C., when this country was a satrapy of

the Achaemenid Persian empire. Among these soldiers were Chorasmians,

Sakai and warriors from Arumāja. These soldiers were settled mainly in the

region of Nippur allotting for their service parcels of land which were called

“fiefs of the bow” for which they had to perform military service.

Alexander A. Sinitsyn (Sankt Petersburg, Russia)

ΣKYΘIΣTI XEIPOMAKTPON: SOPHOCLES’ RECORD OF THE EXTRAVAGANT SCYTHIAN CUSTOM

Keywords: Hellenes, Scythians, perception of barbarians, Athenaeus, Sophocles, Herodotus, Greek myth, drama, nomadic neighbours, trophies,

kheiromaktron, scalping

ABSTRACT

The barbarian custom of beheading and scalping vanquished enemies

must have looked awesome to the civilized colonists in the North Black Sea

Region. Greek merchants and travellers brought horrible stories about steppe

nomads to poleis of Asia Minor and the Balkans to satiate the interest of their

countrymen in tales of foreign oddities. It was here that legends of savage and

unbridled barbarians were born; here the ‘xenomyth’ of the bloodthirsty

ferocity emerged. The Greeks related the scalping – removal of skin together

with hair from heads of slain enemies – to a particular ethnos, namely, the

Scythians. The extravagant ‘trophies’ taken by Scythian warriors were called

. In Athens in the 5th century BC, they were so well

aware of Scythians that the words of the - root became part of the Attic

language and permeated the poetry. The earliest literary record of the Scythian

custom of scalping slain enemies and turning the ripped off scalps into peculiar

‘hand-towels’ must be attributed not to the shocking story told by Herodotus

(4.64.2) but to a fragment from Sophocles’ tragedy Oenomaus, referred to by

Athenaeus (Soph. fr. 473 TGF, Radt = Athen. 9.410с) (see Sinitsyn 2008а): ‘the

Scythian way for a hand-towel shorn’. The reference in Oenomaus to

  proves that the playwright replaced

Oenomaus’ ‘trophies’, which hitherto were either sculls, or heads of slain rivals,

by outlandish and awesome ‘hand-towels’ – kheiromaktrons-scalps. Referring

to this barbarian phenomenon Sophocles wanted to arrest attention of his

audience. The Scythian eccentricity exhibited in Oenomaus emphasized the

ferocity of the main hero of the tragedy, who had gone to far in his

‘merrymaking’. By  Sophocles shows that Oenomaus’ conduct

was unworthy of Hellenes; the acts he performs testify to his “barbarity”, to his

being a true “Scythian”. In no way does Sophocles’ reference to the

extravagant Scythian custom look absurd and far-fetched.

Sabine Müller (Kiel, Germany)

Ptolemaios und die Erinnerung an Hephaistion

Keywords

Alexander the Great, Hephaestion, Ptolemy, Indian Campaign, Clitarchus

Abstract

Although Hephaestion launched a remarkable career under the reign of

Alexander, as a historical person, he is rather obscure. The evidence on him is

either biased or romanticized. Therefore, it is especially important to analyze his

portrait in the fragments of the History of Alexander written by his fellow

officer and presumable close friend Ptolemy. He treats Hephaestion in a

different way than his other fellow officers. While he tends to be silent about the

achievements of Antigonus, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, and does not treat

Perdiccas favourably he memorizes Hephaestion and his role in Alexander’s

empire trying to protect him against any reproaches. This paper examines

Ptolemy’s image of Hephaestion and its probable background.

Nicholas Victor Sekunda (Gdańsk, Poland)

The Ptolemaic Guard Cavalry Regiment

Keywords: Ptolemaic Egypt, Cavalry.

Abstract

The guard cavalry regiment of the Ptolemaic army, at least in its earlier

existence was composed of ethnic Macedonians. It is not known for sure what

the title of this regiment was. It might have been 'The Cavalry about the Court'

(οἱ περὶ τὴν ἄυλὴν ἱππεῖς), but this is uncertain. At the battle of Raphia in 217

BC the regiment numbered about 700 men. It was organized into squadrons

(ilai) of which the elite squadron was entitled 'the royal squadron' (ἥ βασιλικὴ

ἴλη). The regiment was formed of cleruchs. The soldiers of this regiment were

distinguished by their saffron-yellow cloaks with sea-purple borders, as were

their predecessors in the Companion cavalry regiment under Alexander. It was a

heavy cavalry regiment, wearing cuirasses and helmets, and, in its later stages

shields. At the end of the fourth century the helmets were of the Boeotian type,

but later on these at first replaced by a type of comb-crested close helmet.

Frank L. Holt (Houston, USA)

When Did the Greeks Abandon Aï Khanoum?

Keywords: Aï Khanoum, Bactria, Numismatics, Eucratides

Abstract

Over the past thirty years or so, most scholars have accepted the

numismatic and epigraphic evidence for dating the end of Greek rule at Aï

Khanoum during or immediately after the reign of Eucratides I (ca. 170-145

BCE). This consensus, however, is not absolute and it remains desirable that all

archaeological data be reassessed from time to time in the interests of scientific

progress. Thus, Awadh K. Narain has tentatively offered a dissenting view that

could possibly date the abandonment of Aï Khanoum as many as fourteen years

later (ca. 131 BCE). Recently, Jeffrey Lerner has argued for a more radical

chronological shift that would place the end of Greek control over Aï Khanoum

almost a century later (ca. 50 BCE). As I have noted elsewhere, Lerner’s theory

poses a fascinating challenge to the status quo and warrants a close testing of the

author’s thesis and methodology. The following analysis, which focuses on the

numismatic arguments presented by Lerner and to some extent by Narain as

well, is offered here as a tribute to our mutual friend Dr. Vadim M. Masson,

accomplished numismatist and distinguished Academician of the Russian

Academy of Sciences. Professor Masson always paid close attention to coin

finds and their chronological implications, so this paper contributes to one of his

key areas of interest. Whatever the merits of other kinds of evidence,

numismatic data sets the chronological limits for the Greek abandonment of Aï

Khanoum around the middle of the second century BC. Thus, the status quo ante

prevails: If Eucratides I was not the last Greek king to govern the city, one of his

near contemporaries surely was.

V. N. Pilipko (Moscow, Russia)

Remarks on the material culture of the Akhal area in the Hellenistic period

Keywords: Archaeology, Central Asia, Parthia, Turkmenistan, Hellenism,

ceramic complexes.

Abstract

This article deals with the archaeological sites of a central part of the

Kopetdag piedmont (in the medieval period this territory was called “province

of Nisa”, in the 19 th century – “Akhal”), presumably dated to the 3 rd century BC.

The author gives an explanation of a possible slight influence of Greek culture

on the material culture of this region.

Marek Jan Olbrycht (Rzeszów, Poland)

The Political-Military Strategy of Artabanos/Ardawān II in AD 34-37

Keywords: Artabanos/Ardawān, Parthia, Arsacids, Iran, strategy.

ABSTRACT

Artabanos (in Parthian Ardawān) II, king of Parthia, has had quite a

number of studies devoted to him, but in spite of this his achievements and

assessment still arouse controversy. Germanicus’ intervention in Armenia in AD

18 led to the conclusion of a compromise settlement between Rome and the

Parthians that secured over a decade of peace between the two empires. From his

accession the legitimacy of Artabanos II’s reign was challenged by the Phraatid

faction, which was supported by Rome. Artabanos did not manage to eradicate

all the deep divisions lacerating Parthia, but he did achieve a substantial degree

of success, eliminating the opposition of the powerful Sūrēn clan. The patent

improvement in Parthia’s relations with Rome during Caligula’s reign may have

to some extent been due to Artabanos’ respect for the new emperor, the son of

Germanicus.

Michał Marciak (Rzeszów, Poland)

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF GORDYENE

Keywords: Gordyene, Karduchoi, Gorduene, Corduena, Xenophon,

Strabo

Abstract

Ancient Gordyene originated as the country of the Karduchoi who lived in

the mountains north of modern Cizre and south of the Bohtan River. The origin

of the Karduchoi is not entirely certain: they were either remnants of Urartian

tribes or of Semitic origin. It is most likely due to the migration that after

Xenophon’s times (401 BCE) the Karduchoi expanded into the Upper Tigris

valley as marked by the Assyrian Khabur to the east. To the west, Gordyene

likely expanded beyond the Bohtan River into the territory later known as that of

Arzanene (before the time of the 3 rd Mithidatic War - 74 or 73-63 BCE).

Likewise, Gordyene expanded north of the Bohtan River - in the sources from

the late 3 rd and 4 th c. CE one can see traces of the political influence of Corduena

(and/or of the human migration of its people) over the Bohtan into Moxoena and

Rehimena. Gordyene was an urbanized and wealthy country throughout its

history due to natural resources such as naphtha, bitumen, amomum, wine and

corn. What is more, ancient Gordyene owed its political importance to its

strategic location on the course of the upper Tigris. Not surprisingly, the most

important cities in Gordyene were located on the Tigris, and apparently their

primary function was to guard important river crossings and access points to

mountain passes. From the 5 th c. CE onwards the record on Gordyene becomes

muddy due to the increasing number of references in Armenian sources to proto-

Kurdish tribes (not to be confused with the Gordyaeans) whose influence in the

Upper Tigris valley started to grow considerably. Literary evidence suggests that

the material culture of Gordyene included Iranian, Armenian, Semitic and Greek

elements.

Martin Schottky (Pretzfeld, Germany)

VORARBEITEN ZU EINER KÖNIGSLISTE KAUKASISCH-IBERIENS 1. ANFÄNGE DER PHARNABAZIDEN

Keywords: Arsacids, Caucasian history, Georgia (Caucasus), Iberia (Caucasus), Pharnabazids

Abstract

Prolegomena to a King List of Caucasian Iberia

1. Pharnabazid Beginnings

Medieval Georgian historiography connects the rise of an Iberian kingdom

with Alexander the Great. On the other hand, Iberian rulers are mentioned in

classical sources only since late-Hellenistic times. This is a strong argument for

the opinion of Meißner 2000, to date the emergence of Iberian kingship not

before the epoch of Mithradates VI of Pontus. The genesis was nevertheless not

due to Mithradates himself. It was his ally and son-in- law Tigranes II of

Armenia, who was able to subjugate the Iberians soon after his own accession

(95 BC). He installed a governor, who was (more or less tacitly) allowed to call

himself “king“, like other vassals of the king of kings Tigranes. This ruler was

perhaps called Pharnabazus, in Georgian Parnawas (transliterated also

P´arnawaz), what was the name of the legendary first Iberian king in the time

after Alexander. With the decline of Pontic-Armenian power, the first name of a

king appears in classical sources: 65 BC Pompey subdued Artoces. 36 BC we

hear of Pharnabazus (II), who was very probably Artoces´ son and a grandson of

his name-sake, the founder of the dynasty. So, at the turning point from

Hellenism to Empire, Pharnabazid rule was established in Iberia.

Natal’ia V. Polosmak (Novosibirsk, Russia)

EMBROIDERIES ON GARMENTS FROM KURGAN 20 OF THE NOIN-ULA BURIAL GROUND

Keywords: Mongolia, Xiongnu, Noin-Ula burial ground, 20th kurgan, clothing

fragments, embroideries, human depictions

Abstract

The twentieth kurgan burial that was excavated by the Russian-

Mongolian expedition in 2006 in the Xiongnu burial ground called Noin-Ula

(Mongolia) contained fragments of embroidered clothing. The present article

deals with miniature representations of warriors and fantastic creatures

embroidered in silk by Chinese craftswomen. They must have worked at the

shaniuy’s headquarters and have been acquainted with western embroideries

on wool which must have been well-known judging by the finds from other

kurgans in Noin-Ula.

Valentina Mordvintseva (Simferopol’, Ukraine)

THE DATING OF NOGAĪCHIK BARROW AND THE CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE ELITE BURIALS OF THE NORTH PONTIC REGION

Key words: cultural identity, ethnicity, elite graves, North Pontic region

Abstract

The dating of the Nogaīchik Barrow has for many years been the subject

of debates and discussion. Some scholars date it to the late 1st/early 2nd century

AD. However, the burial contained objects which are characteristic of the Late

Hellenistic period, mainly the 1st c. BC. The recently undertaken

dendrochronological analysis of a wooden stand from the burial and the 14 С

analysis of the bones of the dead also provide the same date.

To the same chronological period belong some other female ostentatious

burials from the Lower Volga, Lower Don and the Kuban. This group is not

homogeneous. There are features that unite them (a large amount of gold

jewellery, precious drinking vessels, mirrors) and on which they differ (form

and construction of the burial constructions; presence or absence of animal

bones in the grave, etc.). The local isolation of the Nogaīchik Barrow from any burial ground does

not allow it to be correlated reliably with any particular culture. At the same

time, some specific features of the burial rite (concentration of grave goods on

the right side along the body, hands put in bowls) and specific types of burial

goods (a ceramic jug, zoomorphic pendants, torque, brooch-pin, foot-rings)

indicate its proximity with the archaeological culture of the Kuban region of the

Hellenistic period. The appearance of particularly rich burials in the archaeological cultures

of the Lower Volga, the Lower