The contentiousness of laws surrounding abortion has been present since the nation's inception. The first statute to ban abortion was put in place in Connecticut in 1821. At the time, this was actually to the benefit of women's health, as modern medicine had yet to make abortion an easy and safe procedure. Moralistic religious figures began joining the arguments against abortion in the 1870s, and soon abortion as well as the circulation of pornography, contraceptives, and sex toys was denounced by the federal government (Fodeman).
The pro-chioce movement rose to promenance in the 1950's and 60's, quickly legalizing and normalizing oral contraceptives and promoting a lift on the abortion restrictions. The anti-abrotion movement formed as a response and both groups came to a head in the 1973 Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade. The court ruled that an abortion may occur anytime before a fetus is able to survive outside the womb, and may occur after a fetus is able to survive outside the womb only if the carrier's life or health is threatened. Anti-abortion violence began in the late 1970's as lobbyists failed to overturn Roe v. Wade (Fodeman).
The National Abortion Federation is an organization of professional abortion care providers that was founded the same year that the terrorist attacks began. The NAF reported that 149 cases of violence targeting care providers occured between 1977 and 1983. The rise in rates of violence was followed by a halt in the rise of abortions in the regions the violence took place in, but abortion numbers failed to actually decline. Abortions also began to rise in places away from where the attacks occured as people fled to safer areas to recieve care. Incidents of violence began to decline in the early 1990's and "Direct Action" prtest took center stage (Fodeman).
DA was a form of civil disobediance where protesters ignored laws and used picketing and barricades to harrass abortion. This showed a shift in attention away from actually changing laws towards preventing individual abortions. In 1994, congress passed the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, making it a federal crime to block access to reproductive care and effectively stopping the most sever forms of DA (Fodeman).
There was a second wave of anti-abortion violence after DA was restricted. While cases of property destruction and vandalism, as well as assult, rose past previous counts, more exteme means like bombing and murder occured less often than before. As of 2015, the number of abortions and the number of abortion care providers in teh US has been declining since the 1990's (Fodeman).
The different gendered experiences in relation to anti-abortion terrorism provide a more nuanced grasp of the issue. Gendered ideas and stereotypes about women are often used to further the agendas and reasoning of anti-abortion terrorists. Ideas about femininity ingrained within society reinforce the idea that women are supposed to be “nurturing” and have a motherly, emotional, role. This percieved role of the nurturing, traditional woman is often used to justify anti-abortion ideology (Davies). Women are inheriently supposed to be mothers, and any rejection of their 'biological duty' is thus a rejection of womanhood. This challenged the whole of the carefully balenced societal structure of gender, and people who are too reliant on this structure for their entire worldview can subsequently be pushed to violence.
Another notable gendered experience to talk about is that in groups like the Army of God, the vast majority of the spokesmembers are men (Altum). This example perfectly ecapsulates how the agency of women is often excluded and eroded by institutions seeking the reification of gendered hierarchies. Concepts of masculinity and femininity create a dynamic in society where not only do cisgender men feel as though they have a say in this issue, they believe they are the ultimate authority, despite not being personally impacted by it. Not only are the majority of the perpetrators of anti-abortion violence men, but the majority of targets are men as well. Most often, male abortion doctors and clinitions are targeted for assasinations--as opposed to nontargeted attacks, such as bombings and arson (Fodeman). This once again idicates that the societal structures in place have given men a higher amount of perceived importance than women. These extremist groups demonstrably believe that they as men are the ones who should be responsible for women’s bodies in how they target abortion providers for violence over the indivudauls receiving reproductive healthcare.
A full gender analyis also demands an appreciation of intersectionality, including the spectrum of experiences of different races, religions, and sexual and gender minorities. The Army of God’s website espoused a number of anti-Islam beliefs as of 2003, though those statements cannot be found now; while the organization refuted claims of racism, they put out a number of articles with recist headlines in the past (Altum). More sinisterly, their website currently uses inflamatory quotes to propose that abortion clinics are the ones who a racist, that one of their goals is to "exterminate the Negro population," (Army of God). This sentament is echoed even by modern-day, nonviolent anti-abortion protesters who lie in wait outside clinics to harrass patients and compare reproductive health to "black genocide" (Kershaw). These other beliefs make anti-abortion violence that much more prevalent for those with intersectional identities. This can be further seen in the example of Eric Rudolph, the Olympic bomber, who not only targeted abortion clinics, but also a lesbian bar.
Prevailing societal views of women and men’s perceived dominance over them perpetuates many issues, including this one. Push harder for a reevaluation of the meaning of masculinity and femininity and their connection or lacktheirof with different types of anatomy may help reduce male anti-abortion terrorists’ proclivity to speak for women.
The power dynamics among those involved with the debate over abortion legislation and morality provide a further lens through which to analyze these conversations.
The hierarchical structuring of society where men are granted power over women by default is a longstanding facet of many cultures, including the United States. Men as a group are, broadly speaking, physically stronger than women as a group. Men have long had access to economic opportunities that have only recently opened up to women, giving them more access to resources and thus a greater degree of freedom of movement and autonomy. Women have also only very recently been given any say in policymaking, meaning most laws, especially long-standing foundational ones, are built by and for men. Even modern laws are built upon the bones of this power structure, and the framing of the abortion debate often reflects that.
Access to reproductive healthcare has been shown to be one of the most important factors contributing to the elevation of women from restrictive and dependent positions in the home to more economically and educationally independent lives (Kamiya). This increase in independence leads to an increase of social power and a destabilization of hierarchy.
Many religions have things to say about abortion and gender hierarchies, but this report will focus on Christianity as the dominant ideology in the US. Most if not all domestic anti-abortion violence is performed by people who declare themselves to be subscribed to some form of Christian fundamentalism, and many profess allegiance to the organization called ‘Army of God’. ‘Army of God’ is a loose network of anti-abortion extremists who share information and resources on how to plan and commit acts of violence (Altum; Mason). These people truly believe they are doing good in the world and that they are fighting for their god. The use of Christian mythology as the driving force behind their violence serves to legitimize it in the eyes of even moderate anti-abortion Christians who agree with the perpetrators’ sentiment but would never commit such violence themsleves.
Most large religious institutions are deeply hierarchical in nature, and serve to reinforce the power dynamics of the society they form in (Goh). They are also reliant upon the maintenance of those hierarchies, as religion is centered around the codifying of tradition and a specific (often male-dominated) morality. Religions then often produce people who are also deeply invested in reinforcing those hierarchies in order to maintain themselves. These people then are incredibly sensitive to the threat reproductive care brings against their hierarchies, and may be driven to extremes to prevent the leveling of their hierarchies. While undoubtedly, many opponents towards abortion rights genuinely believe the idea that abortion is the needless killing of babies, that doesn’t negate the realities of these broader structures.
3 Points of Advice for Policy Makers
Anti-abortion violence was not taken seriously until individuals associated with Army of God began committing anthrax scares after 9/11. They sent letters filled with powdery substances, claiming to be full of anthrax, though no anthrax was ever discovered. There had previously been other anthrax threats to clinics before 9/11 that were largely ignored. Bomber Eric Rudolph was not apprehended as a terrorist who had targeted healthcare workers and queer individuals, but was arrested for suspected burglery wihtout the officer realizing whohe was. Officers in the past showed biased prreferance for anti-abortion protesters over pro-choice protesters, and today often take the side of clinic protesters over clinic volunteer workers (Mason 2004).
Law enforcement reform would lead to better arrest rates of these domstic terrorists and more serious charges. There is a clear divide between how potential terrorists who are forieghn and/or nonwhite are treated and convicted domestic terrorists who are white. Both the media and the justice system are relunctant to admit that these pepole can be considered terrorists, and often they are much more sympathetically portrayed and sentenced. A former FBI director outright stated that “Bombing an abortion clinic is not terrorism,” (Mason 2004) thus elevating the violence above the same tactics that are considered ‘underhanded’ when used by different people for different purposes.
Reformers should focus on banning training and tactics that teach racial profiling and increasing the standardization and oversight within law enforcement agencies. There ought to be minimum sentencing requirements for people convicted of acts of terrosrism, and a more standard definition of what constitutes terrorism that is based in the tactics employed, not the ideology motivating the attacks. General police reform is, obviously, needed all over the country and law enforcement’s treatment of terrorist actors along racial lines reflects that.
There should be more measures taken to ensure the protection of potential victims. A website active in the 90s called the Nuremberg Files functioned to doxx clinic workers for the purpose of letting extremists know who to target. The anti-abortion“No Place to Hide” campaign in 1995 released personal information on targeted individual doctors in California as what was essentially a “hit list.” (Rodriguez 1996)The extremeists were able to openly cooperate for the purpose of targeted violence and fear while only the individual who carried out the violence was impeded by law.
Agencies ought to focus on gathering more data on the effects newer privacy laws (especially those criminalizing stalking behavior and public releases of information) have had on anti-abortion terrorism. All states as well as the federal government have anti-stalking and harassment laws, but the specific definitions of what legally constitutes stalking and harrassment vary from state to state (Catalano 2012). Data on the specifics of these laws and instances of anti abotrion violence in different states could indicate whether or not there is correlation between more strict stalking/harrassment laws and fewer instances of anti abortion violence.
Intervention with potential attackers before they become radicalized to the point of violence should be considered as another deterrent. The US’s president at the time of the spike in attacks, George Bush Jr, publicly “redefined abortion [itself] as terrorism,” (Mason 2004) thus–perhaps unintentianally but still undeniably–legitamizing the violence taking place against reproductive health clinics as a nessesary component of the “War on Terror.” The narrative surrounding anti-abortion focuses on apocalyptic imagery and the idea of a spreading “metaphysical evil” that is enveloping humanity to bring about the end of days. (Mason 2004) The most radical and deeply entrenched beliefs about the subject are being spread through extremely emotionally charged messaging deisgned to cultivate fear, disgust, and outrage.
It’s not effective for advocates for abortion access to nick-pick at all the small cracks in the extreme anti-abortion arguments; objecting the use of the word ‘baby’ when ‘fetus’ is more accurate will not move somone who believes that abortion clinics are akin to nazi death camps because they have an emotional attachment to their beliefs; they don’t care if the thing in the picture they saw is called a ‘fetus’ or a ‘baby,’ either way their broader belief is still intact. Instead, advocates need to challenge the narrative pushed by anti-abortion extremists whollistically, explain how the propaganda that originally formed those beliefs distorts reality. Reframing the arguments for reproductive care away from the apocolypic narrative is just as important as reframing the narrative away from women acting against fetuses and towards the state acating against women when it comes to deradicalizing abortion opponents away from violence.
The skeleton of the hate group's website can be found here.
WARNING: the pages contain images of dead and mutilated infants.
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Kershaw, Rachel. (2019, May 7). I Helped Patients Get Through Abortion Clinic Parking Lots. What I Saw Was Horrifying. Talk Poverty. https://talkpoverty.org/2019/05/07/helped-patients-get-abortion-clinic-parking-lots-saw-horrifying/ Accessed 17 Apr. 2022.
Mason, Carol. “Who's Afraid of Virginia Dare? Confronting Anti-Abortion Terrorism After 9/11.” Journal of Constitutional Law, vol. 6, no. 4, 2004, pp. 796-816, https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/jcl/vol6/iss4/7. Accessed 28 Feb. 2022.
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