Juli Cantillo, Maddie Feely, Emma Kate Golden, Eliza Imhoff, Shelby Rabin
Warning: Content on this page may be disturbing to some as it includes discussion of gender & sexual based violence.
The modern Tigray conflict, which began on November 4, 2020, is largely centered on ethnic tensions between Tigrayans and other regional ethnic groups in Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Ethiopian government is allied with the neighboring country of Eritrea and together they are at war with the northern region of Tigray and its regional government, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
In 2018, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed replaced a former coalition of ethnic groups with a new one, angering the TPLF (Council on Foreign Relations). The TPLF saw this as an attempt by Ahmed to consolidate power at the expense of Tigray which resulted in the escalation of these tensions into an armed conflict when the TPLF sieged an Ethiopian military base.
Tigray has suffered brutal violence at the hands of the Ethiopian government and its allies over the course of this conflict. Countless human rights violations have been committed in the region including but not limited to “killings & extra-judicial executions, torture, sexual & gender-based violence, violations against refugees, forced displacement and hate speech” (UN Human Rights 2021). The women are especially vulnerable to acts of sexual violence which leave many displaced, impoverished, or dead. The international community understands the conflict in Tigray to be a worsening humanitarian crisis and calls for justice. Recently, the Ethiopian government and its forces have blocked international aid from reaching Tigrayans, exasperating issues of food insecurity, lack of medical care, etc. (BBC).
To learn more about the response of the international community check out the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security's "The Crisis in Tigray: Women & Girls Under Violent Assault."
This map provides geographical context for the conflict in Tigray, displaying how the Tigray region is located in Northern Ethiopia and borders Eritrea.
If you're looking for a more in depth explanation of Ethiopia's history and how that has influenced the Tigray conflict check out this supplemental video, "Ethiopia Tigray Conflict & Famine Explained: Eritrea, Abiy Ahmed, War Crimes & Latest News" (2021).
Ethiopia is the first key actor in the Tigray Conflict. Ethiopia is under the leadership of the current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Ahmed came into power in 2018 and restructured the governing coalitions of Ethiopia, seeking to address the imbalances and abuses of power that were benefitting the TPLF: "Top TPLF officials were sacked from key security posts, generals were arrested on graft charges, and changes were introduced to counter the Tigrayan dominance of the armed forces. Political prisoners were freed from secret prisons, exiled dissidents were welcomed home, cumbersome state enterprises were privatised, and restrictions on the media were eased" (Burke 2020). Ahmed's vision of peace and equality between Ethiopia and its neighbor Eritrea won him the 2019 Nobel peace prize. Flash forward to the present day Tigray conflict and his armies and allies are responsible for countless human rights violations and extreme violence in this region.
The TPLF did not respond well to Ahmed's initiatives as prime minister and the redistribution of power within the governing coalitions. In November 2020, the TPLF sieged an Ethiopian military base in 2020, setting off the official Tigray conflict. Ahmed's goal with his current military offensive is to eliminate the TPLF as a political force (Burke 2020).
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed
Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)
The TPLF is a guerilla army that was banded in the 1970s and remained the dominant party in the Ethiopian government coalition until Abiy Ahmed redistributed power in 2018. The TPLF's governance was authoritarian in nature and repressive. Jailing political opponents, restricting the media and rigging elections were common practices of the organization (Behind the News). They have been at conflict with surrounding ethnic groups throughout history. For more information on the rise of the TPLF check out this Guardian article by Jason Burke "Rise and fall of Ethiopia’s TPLF – from rebels to rulers and back."
Eritrea's involvement in the Tigray conflict is as support to the Ethiopian forces. The TPLF has been a longstanding enemy of this Eritrea. Eritrea's involvement in the 2020 Tigray conflict was a strategic opportunity for Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki to regain power in the region and settle old scores. His reasons for joining the conflict via support to Ethiopia were to:
End Eritrea's history of international isolation
Reassert his influence in Ethiopia's internal affairs
and seek revenge on the TPLF for their crimes in the 1998 Ethiopian-Eritrean war (Reid 2022)
Photo credit: UNICEF Ethiopia/2021/ Nahom Tesfaye
Women and girls are disproportionately affected by the Tigray conflict when it comes to being the victims of gender-based sexual violence (GBSV) as well as suffering food insecurity and lack of healthcare services, etc.
One significant consequence of the violence and conflict in this region is the disruption of healthcare services. Due to a lack of both physical and manpower resources, women and girls no longer have access to necessary sexual and reproductive services. According to the United Nations Population Fund, the "availability of maternal health care, including emergency obstetric care to address life-threatening pregnancy complications, has been critically compromised. And comprehensive services including psychosocial support for survivors of gender-based violence have eroded" (UNFPA). The Ethiopian government held siege over Tigray, effectively preventing victims of rape from receiving health care and exacerbating food shortages. On March 24, 2022, a “humanitarian truce” was called, however, there were no clear humanitarian efforts made to facilitate the provision of humanitarian assistance to Tigray. Many women have contracted sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV. The demand for abortions and emergency contraceptives has risen and the demand is met with silence. Many sexual violence cases are not recorded anywhere. Health care workers say that officials are reluctant to register this violence out of fear that the military could target them for documenting the crime. Patients may fear seeing their attackers in the hospitals themselves and can be reluctant to go. If they decide to get help, the patients often remain anonymous. People in Tigray are also too afraid to help rape victims. One doctor reported that some soldiers shot people who tried to help women escape rape. As a result, even if someone hears a woman scream for help, they no longer help in fear of being killed. Many of the testimonies from women and girls in the region explain that they were captured and raped multiple times by multiple men over a long period of time. In addition, girls face the interruption of their education and extreme psychological damage. These testimonies are not isolated incidents, but the overwhelming truth for many women and girls in this region.
Photo credit: REUTERS/ 2020/ Tiksa Negeri
An important aspect to consider within this conflict is men who are being forced to commit rape. When rape is used against men and boys, it is intended to de-masculinize and belittle the cultural protectors and providers of the community. This is true whether they themselves are being raped, or if they are forced to commit sexual violence. At times, the men were not forced to commit rape but forced to watch as soldiers beat and raped wives, daughters, granddaughters, and friends. Often times news outlets focus only on the sexual violence experienced by women. The media excludes the men who are being forced to commit rape by superiors and those who experience sexual violence themselves. It is imperative to examine the gendered experience of violence in the context of all groups of people. On another note, men and boys, like women and girls, are being overwhelmed by food insecurity. Many men have lost their money or things of value as it was stolen on their way to safety. Some men are targeted by soldiers and killed in front of their wives and children. As was mentioned for girls, boys face a lack of education as schools in Tigray are closed. Many boys engage in begging and stealing in order to cope with hunger and lack of necessities. Men's role in creating income has greatly decreased and men are left to migrate for work. This leads to a change in the structure of households, with more female-headed households than before.
The Tigray Conflict is not only seeing an increase in sexual violence by military and rebel groups but during the conflict, some of the most common perpetrators of sexual violence are intimate partners. This kind of sexual violence in conflict goes largely untalked about and receives much less attention. Intimate partner violence is the most common form of sexual violence experienced by women globally, in both conflict and non-conflict settings. However, it increases exponentially during the conflict. While this conflict sees higher numbers of sexual assault cases from the military, it also exacerbates the existing structural issues within the Tigray community.
For more information about the role of rape in the Tigray Conflict and its impact on women, men and children consider watching this recent news report UN: Disturbing rise in rape in Ethiopia’s conflict-hit Tigray region | World News | WION News (Warning: disturbing, sensitive content)
We want to further investigate the cultural context that the Tigrayan conflict is inextricably linked to. There are several cultural context points and traditional practices outlined in “The Prevalence of Gender-based Violence and Harmful Traditional Practices against Women in the Tigray Region, Ethiopia" that provides insight into the power dynamics that impact the Tigrayan conflict.
In the study, Gebre et al. studied the results of a series of surveys on community values, and practices that provide a cultural landscape for the conflict. Early marriage, marital rape, and exclusion of women from community politics are all norms in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian survey of women across regions reported that 48.7% of the respondents married below the age of 18 and 17.5% of respondents married below the age of 15. Fifty-nine point five percent of married respondents did not choose their partner on their own as dowry is the predominant courtship system across Ethiopia. The dowry system is "regarded as the finest way of ensuring the married woman's well-being" (61). The dowry system has problematic implications as it operates on the notion that women are a burden to the husband that must he be compensated for and it belittles women by treating them like property that is to be handled in a financial interaction. Gebre found 29 traditional practices that are harmful to women in the Tigray specifically. Apart from early marriage, wife inheritance, marriage by abduction, exclusion from politics, exclusion from job markets, prohibition of nutritious foods, exclusion of unmarried women, and genital mutilation are significant issues women and young girls face. The most community supported practices are opposing women from choosing their own partner (71% supported in Tigray) and exclusion from community/politics (77% supported in Tigray). Practices like these rob women and young girls of their agency and independence, and act as barriers to gender mainstreaming in their local institutions.
It’s important to note that Ethiopia has a Gender Inequality Index value of .5, ranking 121st out of 160 countries in 2017 (Gebre). In the home, men control the wealth and decision-making. Outside of the home, women face isolation and a lack of resources. Intimate partner violence is common in Ethiopia with husbands being the most likely prepetrator of gender based violence. The most common form of intimate partner violence is verbal abuse. The second most likely perpetrator of gender based violence are armed officials (policemen, guards, soldiers). With the increase of violence and presense of armed officials in the Tigrayan region, violence in the home and outside of the home has increased. Gebre reports that almost 20% of the threats against women using a weapon in the Tigrayan region are prepretrated by armed individuals in the community. This creates an environment in which women and young girls cannot escape violence as it takes place in their home and outside of it.
Additionally, there are cultural norms and values that directly and indirectly perpetuate sexual shame onto Tigrayan women. The primary example of this are the high rates of genital mutilation. Genital mutlilation is valued in the community because it is believed to increase a girl's marriage opportunities, "to make her decent"(69), and to preserve her virginity. Genital multilation perpetuates sexual shame onto women because it equates a woman's worth with her purity, not her character.
These insights and others provide context on why women and girls are suffering in this conflict.
The lack of basic necessities, like healthcare, food, and water, within the Tigray region exacerbates the growing problem of sexual violence within the area. The involved governments must end their siege and allow increased levels of humanitarian aid. Specific needs include: improved access to safe sanitation, sexual and reproductive health services, and nutritional food. Some organizations have suggested creating kits with some of these supplies. For example, one of these is called a Dignity kit. It includes sanitary napkins, soap, toothpaste and brush, underwear, detergent powder, a flashlight, and a comb.
Gebre reports that women are looking to the government and NGOs for insurance for their rights. It is the government's responsibility to raise awareness of gender equality and stop gender-based violence (especially during peacetime) to occur. The high rates of genital mutilation (94% - 100% in some areas of Ethiopia (Gebre 69) demonstrate how the government and NGOs are not currently doing enough for gender equality in Ethiopia.
Due to the nature of gender based violence frequently manifesting in rape and other forms of sexual violence, unwanted pregnancies and STIs such as HIV/AIDS may be seen as long term effects of the Tigrayan conflict. In addition, due to a lack of health infrastructure, we may see an increase overtime in these STIs, and other diseases. This is due to a lack of vaccine availability in regions where healthcare facilities have been deliberately looted, vandalized, or destroyed, and an increase in the number of unvaccinated children due to unwanted pregnancies. This again illustrates a need for resources, aid, and access medical facilities in the areas affected by the conflict.
Links to recent media to learn more about the most current updates in the Tigray conflict
“The Crisis in Tigray: Women & Girls under Violent Assault.” GIWPS, August 6, 2021. https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-crisis-in-tigray-women-girls-under-violent-assault/.