Group Six: Loti Amechi, Aleah Dempsey, Renee Jones, Regina Rubalcava, and Cristina Velaz
In 2000, the United States passed Plan Colombia which sought to issue Colombia over ten billion dollars in foreign aid over a fifteen-year time period in an effort to end the war on drugs (Beitel and Rosen, 2017). The majority of this aid went towards helping the military and police to enhance security and end the conflict between the state forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This aid also intended to reduce drug production as part of the United States counter narcotics policy and counterinsurgency policy (Hylton, 2010). A portion of the aid also aimed to bring stability to Colombia by prioritizing further development, human rights, and democratization efforts. Ultimately, the only benefits Colombia acquired from this assistance were how its economy improved and there was institutional reform (Ramirez Montanez, 2017).
For the most part, conditions worsened under Plan Colombia as the human rights violations continued, coca production continued to increase (despite having smaller plots), and domestic violence became a serious issue (Ramirez Montanez, 2017). Women were impacted by the enforcement of Plan Colombia since they were victims of sexual and domestic violence at higher rates (Jolin, 2016). Many women were also negatively impacted by the coca eradication because they did not have enough security where they lived and had fewer economic opportunities. Therefore, they were in a situation where there was no choice other than to rely on coca to have economic security (Ungerman and Brohy, 2011). Ultimately, the violence ended with a peace agreement in 2016 with the FARC, but drug production remains to be an issue (Beitel and Rosen, 2017).
What are the different experiences of men, women,
boys, girls, and sexual and gender minorities? How does intersectionality play into these experiences?
Colombia is a country with rich history and great economic diversity. There are mixtures of European, African, Native American, and Spanish heritages within the indigenous peoples. The cultural dynamics have a direct impact on the roles of individuals and families in the communal dynamic. With regards to Plan Colombia, all communities and intersections of individuals were impacted by the violence (Katrina 2002). From the scope of Colombia’s culture and looking at the perspective of Plan Colombia, it is very important to put into consideration the different experiences that would exist between men, women, young children, and sexual and gender minorities within Colombia.
Like many other Latin American countries rooted in heritage, Colombia has a unique traditional dynamic. In light of a time of increased violence (like the violence that ensued during Plan Colombia), “men continue to be the principal actors of war” (Meertens and Stoller 133). Colombian men have to take on the role of protector in times of increased violence and conflict. That means playing an active role as soldiers or armed militia. It is important to note that Colombia has made great efforts to implement policies that allow for increased gender equality. When analyzing the roles of men in the household structure, men are viewed as the primary income earners. They are expected to possess certain authoritarian attitudes as fathers (Giunta, Tirado, Márquez, 2011). It is not uncommon for Colombian men to feel shameful if their wife earns more money than them (Cultural Atlas). Under Colombian cultural standards, “men are expected to be masculine, self-reliant and dominant” (Cultural Atlas). The term for these collective ideal qualities is ‘machismo’. This expectation directly dictates the role they are expected to take on when violence/war breaks out.
Women play a huge role in protecting the community and its identity. The ideal image and role of women in Colombia has deep roots in Roman Catholicism (Cultural Atlas). In the family structure, women are viewed widely as the caretakers. They play a monumental role in the community as they are seen as those who preserve the identity of the indigenous communities. They are “important producers and reproducers of family life” and play an integral role in “transmitting cultural values” (Katrina 2002). Looking within the framework of conflict (particularly in light of the violence that transpired during Plan Colombia), the responsibilities put on women perpetuate how they are treated in times of conflict. In times of armed conflict, rather than becoming actors, they become “specific military objects,” (Meertens and Stoller, 2001) especially for the enemy. Unfortunately, women are subject to torture, rape, and other forms of brutality as it is a tactic used by the enemy as it plays a “symbolic role in ‘destroying the seed’ of the hated enemy” (Meertens and Stoller 133). Women happen to be the specific targets during times of violence and war because of the dynamic that already exists on the communal level. It gets recycled in times of conflict but in the wrong way. That is to say, because women are considered the protectors of the cultural identity, killing them off or harming them, or desecrating their worth, symbiotically tarnishes the “identity and honor of the enemy community” (Meertens and Stoller 133).
Children also have distinct expectations and experiences with the Colombian culture. Colombian children are seen as those who need guidance. However, there is a lot invested in them as they are the future. Alongside women, children are considered the most vulnerable group in the community. In the nuclear setting, a child’s role is to learn from the parents and develop while being instilled with the important values in the community. In times of increased violence, these roles and expectations shift. In times of conflict, that is when we see a chasm between the experience of boys and girls particularly. There is a drastic, unfortunate shift. In conflict, particularly with what ensued during Plan Colombia and the dynamic that is created with the cartel structure, we see displace young boys taking on the role of errand boys and frontline combatant soldiers (Charles 2021). As young as 12, young boys are utilizing weapons to carry out the motives of their leaders. It is not the same for young girls. Rape and other forms of conflict-related sexual violence are carried out against young girls as a means to destabilize the community (WL Report Colombia 2004). Children are the most prized and valued group in the Colombian communities. Once they are harmed in any way, the enemy has leverage.
The intersections and responsibilities that exist within the nuclear environment of Colombian communities manifest in a different light in times of conflict. The experiences of the different groups change drastically in times of conflict. The roles men, women and children play are re-ordered to fit the current dynamic (i.e. wartime vs. peacetime).
Regarding power structures, the cartels in the 80s and 90s in Colombia were run mainly by the two largest cartels, the Cali cartel, and the Medellin cartel. Pablo Escobar was the head of the Medellin cartel that mainly sent its supply up Central America to the United States and eventually to Miami. The Medellin cartel came after the Cali cartel and sent its supplies up Central America to its distributors in New York City. Both cartels were similar in that there were a small group of men at the top in charge of all the major decisions and money. Then the power trickled down to the drug pins in charge of certain regions and then the local men in charge of the local part to sell and pass along the drugs. Women were rarely involved in these upper groups of drug lords. The cartels were mainly made of men, and they usually met in brothels to discuss their business (Yagoiub, 2014).
Sometimes women were at these meetings but were viewed in a very sexualized way and because there were working at the brothels, rarely ever involved directly in the organization. On the production side, the cocaine would be harvested from the cocoa plants and then grounded up to become cocaine. This work was mainly done in rural parts of Colombia where there was little police presence. These farms were run by local families and farmers. The people the worked on the lower part of these ladders received little pay and the women are often taken advantage of in these circumstances. During coca cultivation, women experience high levels of discrimination including when seeking access to their own land rights, sexual assault, and the danger of violence when seeking outside economic opportunities (Ungerman and Brohy, 2011).
Part of Plan Colombia was sending airplanes over the coca farm friends to use the herbicide glyphosate in an attempt to stop the cocaine production at its source. Instead of going from a top-down strategy to decrease the amount of cocaine production and distribution, the US government decided on a bottom-up strategy. However, they did not solely spray the crops, they sprayed nearly everything in sight, including pastures with living livestock on them. The impact this had on the women of Putumayo was profound. Maria Fernanda, a victim of the tragedy described the event and stated that a woman even gave birth to a baby with deformities because of the glyphosate. To mend this, the Colombian government introduced a peace agreement that lacked detail in supporting the participation of women. It also dismissed their concerns and more importantly, their needs. As a result, by the year 2017, after collective substitution agreements between the government and the Colombian people, only 26% of signatures were women (Ungerman and Brohy, 2011). Their lack of representation has left a lasting impact on their health and safety. The Plan Colombia ended up negatively affecting the lower-class people working for the cartels and not the actual cartel bosses themselves, which in turn did nothing to decrease the movement of cocaine.
US workers stopping the transport of thousands of pounds of cocaine.
A photo of Pablo Escobar, head of the Medellin cartel.
A farmer working on his farm to produce cocaine.
Protesters in Colombia rallying against Plan Colombia.
Plan Colombia was formulated by American policymakers and involved limited engagement with the Colombian government. As a consequence, the policy was very ineffective and harmful to the Colombian population to its deadly enforcement and disruptive long-term effects. One takeaway point for policymakers to consider would be that when external actors do not actively engage with the Colombian government, populations, and environments, they fail to fully comprehend the competing interests and needs of Colombia and other nations. A lack of open communication and collaboration ultimately wastes money, time, and resources. A second point that policymakers should take away from Plan Colombia was that it was disorganized and not based on valuable scientific research. At the time of its creation and implementation by American policymakers, it had been proven that the most effective way to reduce illegal drug consumption was to reduce demand by providing treatment and rehabilitation, and also by raising awareness of the dangers of illegal drug consumption. Plan Colombia was unsuccessful in reducing the consumption of coca because it targeted supply rather than demand. This ineffective strategy demonstrates the absolute need for reliable and scientific data that will help policymakers make effective and beneficial policies and programs. A third takeaway point for policymakers to consider is that the limited resources and economic opportunities that Plan Colombia presented to cultivators of coca were not enough to survive for many families. In Plan Colombia, the majority of its budget was dedicated to the investment in military technology and combatants. However, in order to limit the agricultural production of coca, economic programs need to have enough funding for people to not face resource insecurity. A policy suggestion to address gender dynamics would be to implement reformed and new systems of accountability and justice in Colombia for victims of gender-based violence or gender-based discrimination. In addition, there needs to be adequate health care provided to victims of gender-based violence as assaults may lead to forced impregnation, injuries, long-term health complications, and death. A large reason why there is a stark difference in the gender dynamics between individuals that identify as male and female is that there is a culture of machismo. Machismo refers to male hyper-displays of power and aggression, which results in hyper-sexualization, suppression, and inequality of women. Appropriate responses require that unbiased and adequate research be conducted into the intersectional factors that have major influences in Colombia such as economic resources, political views, race, gender, and age in order to actively collaborate with international policymakers to develop a much more effective policy to reduce the drug trade on a global scale.
Where are Some Additional Resources?
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