Who is Watching the Watcher?

 Artificial Intelligence, Online Proctoring, and the Question of Academic Integrity

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Introduction

The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on education were profound and widespread. The pandemic represented a global health crisis that resulted in a global educational crisis. Examination of the large-scale pivot to online learning has revealed how this shift was built on common sense ideas that were both technological and ideological. Boys (2022) argues that exploring these shifts “offers a valuable mechanism for investigating everyday common sense about what teaching and learning involves, who does it, what competencies are required and how these are evidenced in learning environments” (p. 14). One such shift involved the use of artificial intelligence (AI) technology in the form of proctoring software. In what follows, I will outline how and why the shift to online proctoring (OP) took place, discuss the responses to this from educators and students, and examine some of the logics that supported this shift. I will conclude with a critical analysis of online proctoring software. 


Causes and Catalysts

Due to concerns about the rapid spread of the COVID-19 virus, “higher education institutions worldwide have moved their teaching online, as face-to-face teaching was banned” (Lee & Fanguy, 2022, p. 477).  One of the pedagogical concerns that accompanied this move online was how to effectively engage with assessment.  Formative and summative assessment, according to Meccawy, Meccawy, and Alsobhi (2021) is an integral part of leaning. Formative evaluation can drive, motivate, and enable learning to take place through the provision of feedback, while summative assessment can be used to measure student achievement (p. 3). Formal written examinations are a common type of summative assessment. Prior to the pandemic, many exams were closely supervised in the classroom, with strict protocols in place to discourage cheating. With the shift to online learning, avoiding cheating and academic dishonesty was a primary concern (p. 4).  While many educators were familiar with online platforms for formative evaluation, according to a study by Meccawy, Meccawy, and Alsobhi (2021), the “overwhelming majority (77.4%) had never used it for summative assessment” (p. 16-17). A common solution that was adopted was the use of online proctoring.

Online proctoring software “contains AI and machine learning components that analyze exam recordings to identify suspicious examinee behaviors or suspicious items in their immediate environment” (Coghlan, S., Miller, T. & Paterson, 2021, p. 1583). Students are required to have video cameras on, verify their identity, and show a 360-degree view of their surroundings.  In some instances, the camera feed is monitored by an instructor, and in others it is monitored by AI equipped software. The software identifies what it deems to be suspicious behaviour, (a student leaving the room, looking down or speaking aloud) and flags these instances.  Some AI programs can also detect cellphones or other devices that are present.  The instructor is notified of any flags and can review the recordings to inform their decision about whether the actions observed constitutes cheating. The recording can be used as evidence if the cheating is reported.  While concerns have been raised about the ethics of such surveillance practices, Lee and Fanguy (2022) explain that “in the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, universities have not had better alternatives than using online proctoring products” (p. 478). Thus, many educators used systems such as Respondus, Monitor, or ProctorU to facilitate their exams.

According to Flaherty (2020), one Educause poll, indicated that “54 percent of institutions were using online or remote proctoring services, while another 23 percent were considering or planning to use them”.  Further, Flaherty explains that “twenty-six percent of institutions said they were using products that didn’t meet their accessibility standards.” Although OP software “first emerged in 2008” (Coghlan, Miller and Paterson, 2021), the growth of OP during the pandemic was unprecedented. Kharbat and Daabes (2021) outline how one “online proctoring company switched from having 100 customers per year to having 120 customers per day (p. 6590).  Although the growth of OP was widespread, the response was not monolithic nor entirely positive.


Responses

While there are not a lot of academic articles looking at student perceptions of online proctoring, a study done by Kharbat and Daabes (2021) examined their perceptions and found that while the students they studied felt well-prepared technologically, they “raised several concerns about their experience with the e-proctoring tool. Environmental and psychological factors were particularly serious concerns for students” (p. 6601). Additionally, students also expressed concerns around privacy (p. 6601). The views of educators were quite diverse.  Despite the large-scale adoption of online proctoring, according to Flaherty (2020), one poll of more than 1,000 respondents stated that 81 percent of faculty reported that they would not use an online proctoring program. Some highlighted concerns about increased student anxiety, while others voiced pedagogical concerns around whether online exams “really demonstrate student learning” (Flaherty 2020). Critiques also included that it was “unethical to impose online proctoring on students midway through a semester, during a crisis, if they hadn’t agreed to it at the beginning of the course (Flaherty 2020).  Despite some resistance to online proctoring, some now expect that OP technology will become the “new normal” in higher education around the world (Selwyn et al., 2021). It is imperative, therefore, that we examine some of the institutional and ideological logics that underpin such a shift.


Institutional and Ideological Logics

The implementation of OP is part of what Adedoyin and Soykan (2020) have called the ‘crisis-response migration’ to online learning.  They argued that despite the “undeniable fact … that online education has regularly been viewed from the perspective of good-to-have alternative but not a serious-mission model to guarantee steadiness of instructional activities” (p. 3), the global health crisis and the closure of schools made the shift to online unavoidable.  Further, lack of warning meant that there was an “absence of proper planning, design and development of online instructional programs due to the pandemic” (p. 8). Manokore and Kuntz (2020) concur, stating that “emergency virtual remote teaching should not be confused or conflated with traditional online learning” (p. 2).  Instead of having time to pre-plan, “Learning institutions, educators, and students were figuring things out in real time while also dealing with the stressors associated with a pandemic and waves of lockdown measures” (p. 2).  It is within this context that many decisions about what technologies to employ took place. 

Educational Ethics

In their comparison of emergency remote learning (ERL) and online learning, Manokore and Kuntz (2020) argue that in terms of delivery, ERL attempted to “mimic or replicate collaborative (classroom) teaching and learning” (p. 3). Therefore, to understand the shift to online proctoring, it is important to understand some of the educational values and paradigms that informed in-person learning.  Lee and Fanguy (2022), argue that “how universities managed and engaged with online educational provisions during the COVID-19 pandemic has effectively demonstrated the dominant educational paradigm controlling and regulating institutional practice before the pandemic” (p. 482).  Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson (2021) further argue that the values of “academic integrity, liberty, and trust – also have relevance to educational practice and educational philosophy” (1587). This is evidenced by Kharbat and Daabes (2021) who describe how the Ministry of Education (of the United Arab Emirates) decreed that “appropriate remote assessment tools should be put in place to preserve academic integrity and maintain educational standards” (p. 6591). Online proctoring tools were part of the arsenal adopted to maintain this integrity. 

Academic integrity involves “commitment from students, faculty, and staff to demonstrate honest, moral behavior in their academic lives” (International Center for Academic Integrity, 2021, as cited in Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson, 2021). Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson (2021) argue that although “educational institutions are partly motivated by reputational concerns, most nonetheless regard academic integrity as a vital intrinsic value” (p. 1588).  They identify four ethical reasons or rationales for the need for academic integrity.  

     First, Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson (2021), argue that the “value and viability of courses and universities depend on their academic integrity and educational rigor” (p. 1590). Thus, the proctoring of exams is necessary to maintain the reputation of the institution.  Second, cheating is seen as unfair to honest students. This ties into neoliberalism which Lee and Fanguy (2022) argue has an “exclusive emphasis on individuals’ accountability.”  Due to this emphasis, “the complex notion of educational ‘fairness’ became an individual student’s moral responsibility” (p. 484).  Exam proctoring, therefore, was understood to protect honest students from losing out to those who cheat. Cheating undermines another assumption of education, that it is built on a meritocratic system.  

According to Autin, Batruch, and Butera (2015), educational institutions have two main functions, education and selection (p. 2).  In addition to teaching skills and knowledge, education is part of a selection process that ranks and orders students according to their merit.  “The function of selection relies on a meritocratic ideal, whereby individuals are guided toward the position that corresponds to their dispositions” (p. 4). Normative assessment, of which exams are a part, serves the purpose of reducing “performance to a single indicator that is easily interpretable, which facilitates ranking and social comparison” (p. 3).  Thus, assessment is seen to serve the objective function of ranking that is necessary for meritocracy.  Cheating, thus, is seen to undermine meritocracy.

Morality forms the basis for the third and fourth rationales of academic integrity.  The third rationale is that “knowledge that others are cheating can create for honest students an invidious moral choice between self-interest (e.g., where class rankings matter) and personal integrity” (Coghlan, Miller & Paterson, 2021, p. 1590). Therefore, discouraging, and policing cheating is necessary to remove the temptation for ‘honest’ students.  This is related to the last rationale, that universities “bind themselves to providing students with (in some sense) a moral education alongside an intellectual education” (Coghlan, Miller & Paterson, 2021, p.1590).  The focus on academic integrity, therefore, means that “the failure to invigilate where necessary to prevent cheating above a certain level can, amongst other things, convey the impression that academic honesty is unimportant, thereby negatively affecting the institutional culture” (1590).  Further, as a study by Dendir and Maxwell (2020) suggests, students in online courses “tend to view proctoring as a sign that university considers cheating a serious issue, and this signal may cause students to alter their test-taking behaviours” (as cited in Lee and Fanguy, 2022, p. 478). It is within this context of the need to preserve academic integrity that OP technologies were considered and adopted. 

Liberty and trust are also cornerstones of educational philosophy, according to Coghlan, Miller and Paterson (2021).  Despite that OP technologies were widely adopted during the pandemic, some students “and university staff evidently feel that OP platforms could damage a university’s visible commitment to liberty and to earning trust” (1599).  Given that liberty and trust are concerned with “potential wider effects on freedoms, use of digital technologies, and society’s trust in AI, universities, etc.” (p. 1589), debates about its use have resulted from this adoption. While the use of OP is, at least in part, about the distrust of students, the adoption of OP required trust when it came to AI.  To understand this trust, it is important to understand the principles that inform AI ethics. 

The Ethics of Artificial Intelligence

In addition to the educational principles of academic freedom, liberty, and trust, Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson (2021) identified “fairness, non-maleficence, transparency, privacy, accountability, and respect for autonomy” (p. 1586) as principles that inform AI ethics.  It is to these principles that I will now turn, as beliefs about, and trust in AI technology, also contributed to the adoption of OP technologies. 

The idea that AI is free from bias, and is therefore fair, was promoted by companies such as Proctorio.  They argued that AI could “mitigate human bias and error … and surpass the human ability to accurately detect cheating” (as cited in Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson, 2021, p. 1586).  Thus, online proctoring was framed as not only a great alternative to human proctoring, but also, superior to human proctoring in terms of bias and efficiency.  Alternatives such as monitoring exams through Zoom were seen as less rigorous, as having an instructor monitor all students at once, especially in large classes, would have decreased the chances of catching cheaters.  Additionally, online proctoring was seen as fairer to students who, due to the pandemic, could not travel to exams or who were at greater health risks due to COVID-19.

Coghlan, Miller and Paterson (2021) define non-maleficence as the “effective and safe application of the technology which does not cause harm to the subject” (p. 1589).  Online proctoring was sometimes rationalized as being no different than being watched by an instructor in face-to-face exams. Morrison and Heilweil (2020) explain that advocates of “online proctoring say it’s simply recreating remotely what exam-takers would experience in person”. Additionally, they quote one instructor who minimized privacy concerns by saying that although some of her students weren’t happy about using the software, “she doesn’t think it’s worse than some of the data-collecting tools her students voluntarily use, like mobile phones and smart devices.” The idea that our data is always already being collected became a precedent for the data-mining of AI in online proctoring.  

The principle of transparency is also relevant here. According to Coghlan, Miller, and Paterson (2021), transparency refers “to the degree to which the determinations or predictions of AI systems are revealed to relevant parties in ways that those parties prefer and can understand (p. 1588).  The idea that educators and students can be made to understand how AI works in online proctoring is vital for those choosing to use the software.  However, transparency tends to be focused on what the software does, rather than how it does it.  Being transparent meant providing students with an overview of testing expectations, what behaviours would cause them to be flagged and the consequences of being flagged.  An important, and sometimes overlooked component of transparency is privacy.

According to Patael, Shamir, Soffer, Livne,  Fogel-Grinvald, and  Kishon-Rabin (2022), “Among the major challenges of remote proctoring are ensuring student identity, guaranteeing the integrity of the examinations, safeguarding students' privacy, managing students' anxiety” (p. 2). Although privacy issues were concerning for some students, a point I return to later, for faculty, “trust in the privacy of these eLearning systems was found to be the most decisive factor when considering the adoption of e-proctoring technology” (Kharbat & Daabes, 2020, p. 6592).  That some online proctoring software was built into the LMS systems that faculty were already using made that trust much easier. Any expected loss of privacy was rationalized as an acceptable limitation to student autonomy.

According to Coghlan, Miller and Paterson (2021), respect for autonomy “represents a broad commitment to allowing each individual to determine their own personal values and make their own choices, within the general framework of acceptable conduct determined by the society in which they live” (p.1588).  Given that educational culture is based on a commitment to academic integrity, acceptable conduct (non-cheating) was the framework that determined the limits of student autonomy.  Since allowing students to take an exam unsupervised could potentially violate this value, limiting student choices around whether or not be recorded was not seen as a serious violation of the ethic of autonomy.

Despite that it limited students’ autonomy, online proctoring was seen to hold students accountable for maintaining academic integrity.  Online proctoring software, as argued earlier, was seen as the best and most accurate way to ensure student accountability.  Lee and Fanguy (2021) found that student motives for cheating included incentive, opportunity, and rationalization (p. 478). While incentive and rationalization for cheating was the same in face-to-face and online exams, the opportunity for cheating in an online exam was viewed as increased “since many dishonest behaviours and actions may be harder for a proctor to detect within a teleconferencing environment” (p. 479). Further, accountability was not only about catching cheaters, but also about teaching students to police their own behaviours.  Online proctoring as a form of surveillance was understood to be more effective than face-to-face proctoring, as in addition to students being aware that they were being watched in the moment, they also were aware that their behaviours were recorded for review and to be used as evidence against those who were flagged.  Although Lee and Fanguy (2021) found in their study that surveillance in online proctoring was “fully justified and even welcomed by both parties involved in online exams” (p. 485), online proctoring has not been without its critics.

Critiques

In an article entitled “Online exam monitoring can invade privacy and erode trust at universities”, Stewart (2020) takes both pedagogical and ethical issue with online exams, asking the question: “Is memorization really a valid educational reason for risking privacy, well-being, and tight university budgets in a world where students will spend most of their lives with Google in their pockets?” As this question implies, Stewart (2020) believes that the types of exams that proctoring supports are about memorization.  They argue that in a world where information is readily and easily accessible, alternative approaches to assessment should focus on how students “synthesize, apply, and interpret information.”  In addition to pedagogical concerns, some of the most contested ethical issues are based on fairness, non-maleficence, transparency, and privacy. 

While online proctoring was viewed by many as being fairer to students, in reality, the already existing inequalities were widened due to the pivot to online learning.  Both economic inequalities and inequalities of social capital were at play here.  “As students have unequal access to technology, study space at home, and family support, achieving educational fairness has a much broader context than individual behaviours during online exams” (Lee and Fanguuy, 2021, p. 486). For example, the lack of access to technology or to the high-bandwidth that was necessary to run the software unfairly disadvantaged some students. The fairness of proctoring software has also been called into question because of AI’s algorithmic biases. In a study conducted at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), researchers found that facial analysis programs “demonstrate both skin-type and gender biases” (Hardesty, 2018).  This is because although “a major U.S. technology company claimed an accuracy rate of more than 97 percent for face-recognition system they’d designed … the data set used to assess its performance was more than 77 percent male and more than 83 percent white” (Hardesty, 2018).  Stewart (2020 agrees, stating that “Some platforms use discriminatory facial recognition technologies that work poorly with darker skin, forcing students to sit for exams with bright lights shining in their faces in order to be recognized by AI.” The effects of these inequalities belie AI’s ethic of non-maleficence.

Online proctoring has been critiqued as being harmful because in the “all-seeing eye of the remote proctor, all students become potential cheaters” (Stewart, 2020).   Algorithms are based on expectations that not all students can meet.  For instance, tools “that use eye tracking can flag students who fail to keep their eyes on the webcam or screen, even if the reason is autism or disability rather than cheating (Stewart, 2020).  Stewart goes on to discuss how these programs have the potential to out trans students and increase anxiety for students at what is already an extremely stressful time.  The consequences for violating (or being perceived to violate) academic integrity requirements can be severe depending on the institution. This is precisely why it is imperative that students be given the information they need to provide informed consent. 

Without knowing what the software they are using is looking for (transparency) or how it obtains this data, students cannot give informed consent.  Yet, for many students, submitting to these programs is mandatory, and there are no alternatives.   As Coghlan, Miller and Paterson (2021) contend, to “reduce the risks of unfairness and emotional harm, OP companies and universities should be transparent about how the technology works, how it will be used in particular circumstances, and how it will impact on students, including those with disabilities” (p 1594). This transparency includes providing students with information about what data is stored, where it is stored and who has access to it.  

Privacy is one of the most contentious issues around using OP software.  “OP technologies collect several kinds of data, including the capturing and storage of information from devices, the gathering of biometric and other ID details and the audio and video recordings of students and their environments” (Coghlan, Miller, & Paterson, 2021, p. 1594). In a study by Kharbat and Daabes (2020), 89.6% of the students they surveyed (n=95) reported privacy as being their main concern when it comes to online proctoring technology.  Similarly, in their study, Patael, Shamir, Soffer, Livne, Fogel-Grinvald, and Kishon-Rabin (2022) found that from “the students' perspective, conceivably there is a difference between being observed in a neutral university facility or in one's own dwelling, exposing their living conditions to a complete stranger, that is, the proctor” (p. 3).  This aligns with Coghlan, Miller and Paterson’s (2021) discussion of the important distinction between public surveillance and private surveillance (p. 1594).  Although private surveillance was a concern of many students, in academic literature, much of the debate has revolved around data privacy.  

Patael, Shamir, Soffer, Livne,  Fogel-Grinvald, and  Kishon-Rabin (2022) found that students were concerned about the fact that “the recording and storage of the examination on the servers—which does not exist in the f2f examination scheme—makes the private footage potentially accessible by unauthorized parties (p. 3).  Stewart (2020) calls the handing over of both data and control to “corporate third parties” a “breach of the duty of care that universities owe students, and an abdication of higher education’s societal role to create opportunity, not harm.”  While they agree that we already routinely consent to data collection in many of our online interactions and transactions, they pose the following question: “If universities demand students ignore data privacy concerns just to take tests, then which societal institutions will teach us to value the new commodity that is our data?”

Final Thoughts

During the pandemic, emergency measures were necessary.  While many faculty felt that OP was their only viable choice if they were to preserve academic integrity, as we move forward, it is imperative that we take the time to consider the consequences of adopting this software.  We have to consider whether the technologies we use, including online proctoring, meet the ethical considerations of “fairness, non-maleficence, transparency, privacy, accountability, and respect for autonomy” (Coghlan, Miller and Paterson, 2021, p. 1586)We also need to think seriously about what our roles as educators are when it comes to academic integrity.  As Stewart (2020) contends, “Academic integrity matters.  But integrity works both ways.” Exposing our students to ineffective forms of assessment and to the potential harm of these new technologies calls into question whether we are maintaining that integrity.


References

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Hardesty, L. (2018, February 11). Study finds gender and skin-type bias in commercial artificial-intelligence systems. In MIT News. https://news.mit.edu/2018/study-finds-gender-skin-type-bias-artificial-intelligence-systems-0212

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Meccawy, Z., Meccawy, M. & Alsobhi, A. Assessment in ‘survival mode’: student and faculty perceptions of online assessment practices in HE during Covid-19 pandemic. Int J Educ Integr 17, 16 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40979-021-00083-9

Morrison, S., and Heilweil, R. (2020, December 18).  How teachers are sacrificying student privacy to stop cheating.  In Vox. https://www.vox.com/recode/22175021/school-cheating-student-privacy-remote-learning

Patael, S.,  Shamir, J.,  Soffer, T.,  Livne, E.,  Fogel-Grinvald, H., &  Kishon-Rabin, L. (2022).  Remote proctoring: Lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic effect on the large scale on-line assessment at Tel Aviv University. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning,  1– 20. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcal.12746

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