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In my classes, this term (which must be distinguished from Neo-Fascism in that proto-fascism is a precursor for Neo-Fascism) refers to a juridically determined political system in which a dominating group enjoys many freedoms and privileges associated with democratic societies, but against the backdrop of a dominated group subjected to many burdens and disabilities characteristic of a fascist political system. That is, it is a system based on a virulent fusion of authoritarian right-wing populism, racism (or ethnicism), patriarchy, and regimented capitalism. The demarcation between the dominated and the dominant usually resting on race or ethnicity or class. Since this term is used in my classes with reference to apartheid-era South Africa (as well as the U.S. South of the Jim Crow era), a word or two about that. Because, on one hand, the South African state possessed almost all the features of a fascist state—especially when viewed from the perspective of the historical experiences of blacks—and yet, on the other hand, because there was democracy and respect for the rule of law (to a significant extent) enjoyed by the Euro-South African minority, the designation of the apartheid state as a proto-fascist state is appropriate. Given the total dependence of the Euro-South African capitalists on black labor meant that a “Final Solution” in the Nazi style (in respect of the Jews) to the “black problem” (i.e., genocide) could not be on the agenda. At the same time, considering that increasingly, by the late 1980s, almost all urban black youths were by definition “political activists,” the fascist Chilean solution (adopted by the military thugs in Augusto Pinochet's Chile following the U.S.-inspired and supported military coup in 1973)—of simply slaughtering the political activists in their thousands—was also not possible without provoking widespread international condemnation and retaliatory action.[1] Under these circumstances, the political strategy that was called for in organizing opposition to this proto-fascist state was one that judiciously combined the use of both nonviolent resistant strategies and violent (guerrilla warfare) strategies.[2] This is the strategy that the ANC for example came to adopt and with eventual success: beginning with the 1990 de Klerk “WOW” ("writing-on-the-wall") speech and the subsequent freeing of Nelson Mandela on February 11, 1990, South Africa would begin groping its way toward a nonracist democratic order.
In my classes, this term (which must be distinguished from Neo-Fascism in that proto-fascism is a precursor for Neo-Fascism) refers to a juridically determined political system in which a dominating group enjoys many freedoms and privileges associated with democratic societies, but against the backdrop of a dominated group subjected to many burdens and disabilities characteristic of a fascist political system. That is, it is a system based on a virulent fusion of authoritarian right-wing populism, racism (or ethnicism), patriarchy, and regimented capitalism. The demarcation between the dominated and the dominant usually resting on race or ethnicity or class. Since this term is used in my classes with reference to apartheid-era South Africa (as well as the U.S. South of the Jim Crow era), a word or two about that. Because, on one hand, the South African state possessed almost all the features of a fascist state—especially when viewed from the perspective of the historical experiences of blacks—and yet, on the other hand, because there was democracy and respect for the rule of law (to a significant extent) enjoyed by the Euro-South African minority, the designation of the apartheid state as a proto-fascist state is appropriate. Given the total dependence of the Euro-South African capitalists on black labor meant that a “Final Solution” in the Nazi style (in respect of the Jews) to the “black problem” (i.e., genocide) could not be on the agenda. At the same time, considering that increasingly, by the late 1980s, almost all urban black youths were by definition “political activists,” the fascist Chilean solution (adopted by the military thugs in Augusto Pinochet's Chile following the U.S.-inspired and supported military coup in 1973)—of simply slaughtering the political activists in their thousands—was also not possible without provoking widespread international condemnation and retaliatory action.[1] Under these circumstances, the political strategy that was called for in organizing opposition to this proto-fascist state was one that judiciously combined the use of both nonviolent resistant strategies and violent (guerrilla warfare) strategies.[2] This is the strategy that the ANC for example came to adopt and with eventual success: beginning with the 1990 de Klerk “WOW” ("writing-on-the-wall") speech and the subsequent freeing of Nelson Mandela on February 11, 1990, South Africa would begin groping its way toward a nonracist democratic order.
[1]. The motion picture, Missing provides a hint of what a “Chilean” fascist solution looks like from the perspective of the victims.
[1]. The motion picture, Missing provides a hint of what a “Chilean” fascist solution looks like from the perspective of the victims.
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