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Populism (specifically right-wing populism) refers to, essentially, an anti-democratic style of politics that is prevalent today in a number of countries across the world. In conceptual terms, populism is characterized by these basic elements:
Populism (specifically right-wing populism) refers to, essentially, an anti-democratic style of politics that is prevalent today in a number of countries across the world. In conceptual terms, populism is characterized by these basic elements:
1) Populism, heuristically, is an interdisciplinary concept that is quite at home in such diverse disciplines as cultural studies, economics, philosophy, political science, psychology, public health, and sociology.
1) Populism, heuristically, is an interdisciplinary concept that is quite at home in such diverse disciplines as cultural studies, economics, philosophy, political science, psychology, public health, and sociology.
2) By itself, the concept does not reveal its ideological location on the left-right political spectrum. Populism is not always about right-wing extremism; it can also take the form of left-wing political extremism. However, as indicated above, it is right wing populism that is on the ascendancy today, to varying degrees, across the world.
2) By itself, the concept does not reveal its ideological location on the left-right political spectrum. Populism is not always about right-wing extremism; it can also take the form of left-wing political extremism. However, as indicated above, it is right wing populism that is on the ascendancy today, to varying degrees, across the world.
3) Populism is less an ideology (in the sense of capitalism, fascism, scientism, imperialism, democracy, pluralism, neoliberalism, etc.), and as noted, more a particular style of politics. That is, it is generally bereft of fully articulated specificities one associates with ideologies (to be understood here in a non-Marxian neutral sense of a programmatic belief system, which may or may not be cogent), such as a coherently articulated set of ideas with an internal logic, a clear guide to a course of action, a historically-grounded theory of power relations, and a home base in a particular social group.
3) Populism is less an ideology (in the sense of capitalism, fascism, scientism, imperialism, democracy, pluralism, neoliberalism, etc.), and as noted, more a particular style of politics. That is, it is generally bereft of fully articulated specificities one associates with ideologies (to be understood here in a non-Marxian neutral sense of a programmatic belief system, which may or may not be cogent), such as a coherently articulated set of ideas with an internal logic, a clear guide to a course of action, a historically-grounded theory of power relations, and a home base in a particular social group.
4) Populism is a generalized response to grievances (which may or may not be legitimate) among sections of the masses that are of long duration and usually associated with some degree of despair and hopelessness;
4) Populism is a generalized response to grievances (which may or may not be legitimate) among sections of the masses that are of long duration and usually associated with some degree of despair and hopelessness;
5) Where populism rears its ugly head, its damage to society is long-lasting if not permanent because vanquishing populism will require taking up some of the agenda and tactics of the populists, in order to outvote them at the polls.
5) Where populism rears its ugly head, its damage to society is long-lasting if not permanent because vanquishing populism will require taking up some of the agenda and tactics of the populists, in order to outvote them at the polls.
6) Populism, as fundamentally a style of politics that to some degree is cyclical. Over a period of time, the weight of its contradictions builds up to the point sufficient to render it politically unviable, until a new set of contradictions emerge to give it new life.
6) Populism, as fundamentally a style of politics that to some degree is cyclical. Over a period of time, the weight of its contradictions builds up to the point sufficient to render it politically unviable, until a new set of contradictions emerge to give it new life.
7) The spread of populism within nations as well as between nations has today been fueled greatly by both corporate media and the algorithms of social media. Here, even the supposedly “liberal” corporate media has been seduced into serving as a mouthpiece for populist demagogs, this is not because they support populism but because demagogy makes good copy, which then translates into money in the bank. This is a case of, essentially, digging one’s grave while in pursuit of profits (because populists, once in power, will attempt to marginalize, muzzle, or even shut them down).
7) The spread of populism within nations as well as between nations has today been fueled greatly by both corporate media and the algorithms of social media. Here, even the supposedly “liberal” corporate media has been seduced into serving as a mouthpiece for populist demagogs, this is not because they support populism but because demagogy makes good copy, which then translates into money in the bank. This is a case of, essentially, digging one’s grave while in pursuit of profits (because populists, once in power, will attempt to marginalize, muzzle, or even shut them down).
8) In terms of electoral politics in capitalist democracies, right-wing populism represents the politics of opportunism where it exploits the political failures of established parties (e.g., taking their support base for granted; their assumption that the masses always respond to their best self-interest; paying insufficient attention to new forms of mass media; the apparent inability to craft their messages by means of pithy slogans; and so on).
8) In terms of electoral politics in capitalist democracies, right-wing populism represents the politics of opportunism where it exploits the political failures of established parties (e.g., taking their support base for granted; their assumption that the masses always respond to their best self-interest; paying insufficient attention to new forms of mass media; the apparent inability to craft their messages by means of pithy slogans; and so on).
9) Populism, despite the assumption of an anti-elitist grassroots organized mass movement underlying the nomenclature, is rarely bereft of the hidden hand of capital aiding and abetting it, but for its own ideological ends, of course (neoliberalism, at this point in time).
9) Populism, despite the assumption of an anti-elitist grassroots organized mass movement underlying the nomenclature, is rarely bereft of the hidden hand of capital aiding and abetting it, but for its own ideological ends, of course (neoliberalism, at this point in time).
10) While economics is often the principal driver of support for populism, social cultural factors also appear to be equally strong or even stronger in explaining support for populism. However, such an analysis makes sense only if one does not dig deeper, because both are interconnected. To put it differently, you do not eat culture on an empty stomach (meaning factors of symbolism are, in the final analysis, a reflection of realism factors).
10) While economics is often the principal driver of support for populism, social cultural factors also appear to be equally strong or even stronger in explaining support for populism. However, such an analysis makes sense only if one does not dig deeper, because both are interconnected. To put it differently, you do not eat culture on an empty stomach (meaning factors of symbolism are, in the final analysis, a reflection of realism factors).
11) Where a populist politician has ascended to power by succeeding at the polls, he has done so with at least some support of the center right/right established party. In other words, not all conservatives view right-wing populists as a threat to their basic political economic agenda; hence, given the choice they will support a populist over their traditional center left/left foe every time.
11) Where a populist politician has ascended to power by succeeding at the polls, he has done so with at least some support of the center right/right established party. In other words, not all conservatives view right-wing populists as a threat to their basic political economic agenda; hence, given the choice they will support a populist over their traditional center left/left foe every time.
12) In terms of the political manifestations of populism, there will be some variations across different countries given their diverse historical trajectories. However, it is also true that most (but not all) of the central features of populism remains universal among them, which include:
12) In terms of the political manifestations of populism, there will be some variations across different countries given their diverse historical trajectories. However, it is also true that most (but not all) of the central features of populism remains universal among them, which include:
(b) a convoluted form of anti-elitism where, in terms of electoral politics, there is a frighteningly profound inability by rank and file populists to distinguish between those political leaders who represent their objective interests (material interests) versus those who represent their subjective interests (socio-cultural or “symbolic” interests);
(b) a convoluted form of anti-elitism where, in terms of electoral politics, there is a frighteningly profound inability by rank and file populists to distinguish between those political leaders who represent their objective interests (material interests) versus those who represent their subjective interests (socio-cultural or “symbolic” interests);
(c) concerted assaults on the procedural dimension of democracy;
(c) concerted assaults on the procedural dimension of democracy;
(d) in terms of governmental policies, opposition to meeting the demands of substantive democracy (meaning, in practice, socially responsible capitalism);
(d) in terms of governmental policies, opposition to meeting the demands of substantive democracy (meaning, in practice, socially responsible capitalism);
(e) support for populism is also a function of social structural variables, such as gender, and education (so, for instance, compared to men, women are less likely to vote for populist parties, even if they may share the same political beliefs with men; or, support for populism is generally inversely proportional to level of education, meaning the higher the level of education of an individual the lower the level of support for populism, and vice versa);
(e) support for populism is also a function of social structural variables, such as gender, and education (so, for instance, compared to men, women are less likely to vote for populist parties, even if they may share the same political beliefs with men; or, support for populism is generally inversely proportional to level of education, meaning the higher the level of education of an individual the lower the level of support for populism, and vice versa);
(f) a preference for a “strongman” dictatorial approach to matters of law and order against the background of deliberate and systematic erosion of the rule of law;
(f) a preference for a “strongman” dictatorial approach to matters of law and order against the background of deliberate and systematic erosion of the rule of law;
(g) a disdain for pluralistic inclusivity (especially from the perspectives of gender, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation);
(g) a disdain for pluralistic inclusivity (especially from the perspectives of gender, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation);
(h) a penchant for outright lies, half-truths, and extreme exaggerations, against the backdrop of vilification, intimidation, physical assaults, and at times even murder of journalists; and
(h) a penchant for outright lies, half-truths, and extreme exaggerations, against the backdrop of vilification, intimidation, physical assaults, and at times even murder of journalists; and
(i) the political scapegoating of the vulnerable and the powerless (which inevitably is accompanied by a rise in violent hate crimes against them).
(i) the political scapegoating of the vulnerable and the powerless (which inevitably is accompanied by a rise in violent hate crimes against them).
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