INSERTs

The Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English (1999) identifies inserts as a word class consisting of items which either stand alone or are only loosely integrated with the clause. They are normally found in speech, often at the start of an utterance, and play an important role in the organisation of discourse. They include interjections/exclamations (wow!), greetings/farewell (hi), discourse markers (like), attention getters (hey), response forms (yes/no) and vocatives (Dad!). Most inserts are widely used across all varieties of English (as in the examples above). But some members of the class are distinctive to NEE.

A. interjections/exclamations

[i:]

According to the OED, ee [i:] - which it categorises as English regional (northern) - is chiefly used in speech or recorded speech 'to express a range of emotions or responses, both positive (pleasure, eagerness, surprise, etc.) and negative (doubt, consternation, dismay, etc.), as indicated contextually or by intonation.' It is a widely heard interjection in NEE, occurring with various degrees of vowel lengthening. This is captured orthographically in RTG.

(1) Ee I was creased the other day watching Come Dine With Me Couples (2015)

(2) Eee man, it’s ten o’clock and not a bairn’s been weshed (2019)

(3) Eeee, you’re good at this (2016)

(4) Eeeee well fuck me (2019)

(5) Eeeeee!! I never knew that! (2015)

(6) Eeeeeee a was there tonight hinny pet (2019)

Heslop defines ‘EE!’ as ‘an expression of delight or wonderment’ (1892: 263), though in current NEE speech its pragmatic range is much wider than that (meaning can vary according to pitch, intonation, volume, and so on). Heslop includes it (spelled <eee>) in an extraordinary list of items under the heading of EXCLAMATIONS (268-270). Most of these are no longer to be heard (e.g. ‘smash me hoggers!’; ‘boodyankers!’; ‘od’s fish!’) but some are still current, including how! (considered below in the section on greetings and attention getters) and hadaway.

Hadaway

First recorded by Brockett in 1825, hadaway, which is derived from hold + away (OED), is described by Heslop as ‘equivalent to begone’, or as an ‘exhortation of encouragement, equal to “go on,” “hold on”’ (1893: 352). Both meanings are preserved in RTG, though the first predominates, particularly in figurative use to convey disapproval of a belief or opinion.

(7) Hadaway man she’s lush! (2014)

(8) Hadaway and shite man (2019)

(9) Hadaway and bollocks man (2011)

(10) “Areet pet, hadaway in inside. You want a cuppa tea leek?” (2014)

Howay/haway

Related to hadaway is howay/haway, which combines how + way (OED). Heslop claims ‘howay is equivalent to come’ (1893: 352), though more accurately it should be seen as having a similar pragmatic effect to the exhortation come on!, which is how it is mainly used in RTG. Example 11 is one of the most characteristic chants to be heard at Sunderland AFC games, while 'Howay the Lads' is similarly popular amongst fans of Newcastle United FC. The variation in spelling reflects a widespread perceptual association of howay with Newcastle and haway with Sunderland (see Pearce 2012).

(11) Haway the Lads (2018)

(12) Haway then predictions for tomorrow? (2020)

(13) Haway Ross sort it out (2019)

(14) Haway man, get a grip (2020)

(15) Howay man is this you? (2020)

As well as <howay/haway>, other orthographic variants include <ho'way> and <ha'way>, with the latter used in the spelling out of the phrase using white seats against a background of red seats at the Stadium of Light.

The sociolinguist Julia Snell has a fascinating article which explores how howay is deployed strategically in the discourse of children on Teesside to construct a particular kind of working-class identity (Snell 2017).

B. greetings AND attention getters

How

Heslop records ‘how!’ as a greeting, ‘used alone, or in the very common salutation “How there, marra?” or “How there, lads?” (1893: 389). The respellings in the following RTG examples indicate either an [u:] vowel or a diphthong, perhaps in the region of [əu].

(1) Hoo Birch Lad! (2012)

(2) hoo there bally lad, still mad? (2012)

(3) Hew Ravers and Electro music heeds (2020)

(4) hew lad, whats that owa there in tha field? (2013)

(5) Hew marra you better watch your tone and language (2019)

The monophthong preserves the vowel found in OE .

All right

This greeting/response form is widespread in colloquial British English, but in NEE it usually takes the form areet or alreet. The spelling <-ee-> represents the survival of a pronunciation from an earlier period. The modern <gh> indicates that in words such as right, night and light there was once an /h/ phoneme, realised as [ç]. During the Middle Ages, the /h/ was lost, and the preceding vowel was lengthened in compensation. This means that spellings such as <reet> and <neet> reflect a pronunciation – [iː] – that was once general in English but which is now only preserved in certain dialects of Scotland and northern England, including NEE.

(6) Areet marra (2015)

(7) Alreet mate. Where ya been? (2018)

(See also vocatives below.)

C. response forms

'Yes'

The most distinctive positive response form to a yes-no question in NEE is aye. In SED, informants were asked ‘If I asked you: Have you met that man, you could say …’ (Orton and Halliday 1963: 965-966). For all locations in Du and Nb, aye was recorded (sometimes in the phrase ‘why aye’). The form remains in widespread use (particularly in northern England and Scotland), and is common in RTG.

(1) Aye that was class (2015)

(2) Aye I would, why wouldn’t you? (2015)

(3) Aye, I think it’s open at the minute (2019)

The phrase ‘why aye’ can be used as a forceful positive response, with a similar pragmatic force to ‘of course!’.

(4) last few places I’ve left I’ve asked if they’d have me back, feels canny good when they say why aye (2020)

Why aye has become a stereotype of NEE, with strong perceptual links to Newcastle, even though as a marker of assent used to 'lubricate the flow of discourse' (Wales 2010: 76) it is heard across the region.

Aye is first attested in English in the sixteenth century. Its origins are uncertain, though the fact that it is first spelled <I> suggests that it could derive from the pronoun I used as an expression of assent in response to a question. OED offers three further possibilities: a borrowing from Frisian ay/ajj (colloquial 'yes') in the context of trade or seafaring; a combination of the interjection ah plus yea; a semantic development of ay meaning ‘ever’. However, there is no incontrovertible evidence to support any of these theories. Brockett (1825: 63-64) describes it as ‘perhaps more characteristic of a Northern dialect than any other word that could be named, as it is nearly universal and uniform’.

'No'

As far as negative response forms are concerned, NEE generally coincides with SE no. But sometimes forms in -a, variously spelled <na, nah, nar, etc.> appear on RTG, reflecting pronunciations such as [na ~ na:], which are attested in the SED for Du and Nb (Orton and Halliday 1963: 966). This is an older, northern form (no emerged in Middle English as a result of the rounding of Old English long ā in southern and midland dialects, while northern dialects preserved the OE form na).

(5) I’ll be honest i nearly said ‘na, forget that’ (2012)

(6) Nah, never heard any Mackem say that like (2019)

(7) Am garna mak em an offer ee cannit say nar tee like (2017)

Northumberland Words (Heslop 1893: 491) attests to the presence of this form.

NA, no (negative adverb). The a very short, as in cat, pat, hat, etc. "Are ye gan win us?" "Na."

The syntax of negation (including contractions) is dealt with here.

D. discourse markers

Discourse markers are short words or phrases which perform functions related mainly to structuring and organizing spoken language and are only loosely attached to the clause. Many are common across most varieties of English, while some have a regional distribution (in terms of use, if not in terms of form).


Like

One of the most extensively studied discourse markers in contemporary English is like. These examples from RTG show it being used in ways which have been attested in many Anglophone contexts.

(1) If you go to the Corn Dolly there's like a back lane opposite (2017)

(2) You have to like read the threads though (2019)

(3) I was like "nah ya alreet mate" and headed towards my car (2018)

(4) I was like how did he even get them in there (2020)

In (1) and (2) like is a 'focuser', pointing out important information in the ongoing discourse. In (3) and (4) BE + like introduces quoted speech and thought.

A somewhat more regionally marked usage is clause-final like. For example, it seems that in (5) and (6) like is being used to add emphasis. Beal refers to this as the most 'traditional function' of clause-final like in NEE, pointing out that it can be used in interrogatives, 'where it often conveys a sense of interest or surprise' (2004: 136), as in examples (7) and (8).

(5) Suppose there's a bit of music snobbery going on like (2020)

(6) Gorillas are class like (2018)

(7) Are people not proud to wear the red n white stripes to the match like? (2014)

(8) Have we figured out if Wee Phillie is a bit of a hypocrite yet like? (2018)

Terminal like is also used in NEE (as it is in Sc.) to counter 'potential inferences, objections or doubts'. Miller and Weinert, in their study of Scottish student dialogues (1995) gloss this function as 'clearing up misunderstanding' (389). In RTG we see evidence of this.

(9) Probert is still a twat, like (2011)

(10) I'm not gay like think my boyfriend may be though (2020)

Like as a discourse marker has a longer history than many people imagine (for a comprehensive account covering 800 years see D'Arcy 2017). EDD provides examples which seem strikingly modern. These are recorded for Yorkshire:

He would not go like through that.

They are like against one another, as it is.

It was there, like.

Geet

While like is a widespread feature of colloquial English, the discourse marker geet is limited to NEE. Its additional role as an intensifier, together with an account of its history and development can be found here. The remarks below focus on geet as a discourse marker.

This pair of RTG examples (11a and 11b) show that in some respects, geet performs a similar function to like (the spelling <git> reflects a pronunciation with a shorter vowel to be found in the south of the region). However, it should be stressed that in RTG, like as a discourse marker is far more common than geet (and, indeed, geet as an intensifier is far more common than geet as a discourse marker).

(11a) I'm sure when you get these transplants you are meant to leave the head untouched for git ages (2011)

(11b) My Nan wouldn't speak to me for like weeks after (2014)

Like like, geet can also be used as a quotative, though I could find no examples in RTG. The following examples are from Pearce 2011.

i was geet eeeeeh

i was git AHH

stacey was git 'wheres me burger then'

Tha knas

In RTG the discourse marker ‘thou knows’ (variously rendered orthographically to capture pronunciations such as [ða na:z] and [ði: na:z]) is broadly synonymous with the much more common 'you know', though is more stylistically marked (see pronouns).

(12) Gorra degree tha knas (2020)

(13) ah's not daft tha knas (2015)

(14) He's a toon fan tha nars (2016)

(15) Aye it's weird tha knars (2020)

E. Vocatives

Noun phrases used by a speaker or writer to refer directly to the person addressed are known as vocatives. They are often proper nouns (example 1 below), but can also be noun phrases (examples 2-8). In the organisation of discourse they can be used as attention getters or to single out the addressee; they are also used to establish or maintain social relationships (Leech 2014: 172). Of particular importance in the context of the RTG community are those vocatives which help to build solidarity and camaraderie between participants (Leech calls these 'familiarizers'); in addition, some vocatives are 'endearments', positing a relationship of regard and affection between the addresser and the addressee. Some of the familiarizers and endearments which occur in RTG have a circumscribed geographical distribution, with historical roots in the region (e.g. marrow/marra, hinny, bonny lad). Others are found widely across different varieties of English (e.g. mate, guys, folks, man, son, kid, love, darling, pet, hun), though it should be pointed out that some of them (man, son(ner), kid(der) and pet) are used in NEE in ways which contrast with their use in other varieties. For example, in NEE man can be used to express annoyance and impatience, especially when it occurs at the end of a clause (example 4).

(1) You're gonna be in football paradise soon marra (2020)

(2) You are more than welcome hinny (2019)

(3) Careful bonny lad (2019)

(4) What a bellend man (2019)

(5) Chin up sonner (2011)

(6) Watch and learn kidda, watch and learn (2016)

(7) Just hang on in there pet (2020)

The historical pedigree of some of these items is reflected in the fact that early nineteenth-century dialect lexicographers recorded them in their dictionaries. For example, Brockett (1825) has entries for marrow, hinny and pet (133, 96, 162). And while Heslop has no separate entry for vocative man, it occurs in many of the quotations he uses to illustrate other aspects of NEE usage, as in this example from a local song entitled 'The High Level Bridge' (1893: 743).

But man, when the Garth aw espied,

Aw was nowther to had or to bin, man;

For translators and tailors aw cried,

But the devel a yane aw could find, man.

According to Heslop, 'translator' is a term for a cobbler working in the Castle Garth, Newcastle.

References

Beal, Joan. 2004. English Dialects in the North of England: Morphology and Syntax. In A Handbook of Varieties of English Volume 2, edited by Edgar Schneider, Kate Burridge, Bernd Kortmann, Rajend Mesthrie and Clive Upton, 114-141. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Biber, Douglas, Stig Johansson, Geoffrey Leech, Susan Conrad, Edward Finegan. 1999. The Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Longman: Harlow.

Brockett, John Trotter. 1825. A Glossary of North Country Words, in Use. Newcastle upon Tyne: T. and J. Hodgson.

D'Arcy, Alexandra. 2017. Discourse-Pragmatic Variation in Context: Eight hundred years of LIKE. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

"ee, int." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/66038554. Accessed 24 June 2020.

"hadaway, int." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/72007670. Accessed 24 June 2020.

Heslop, Richard. 1892-1893. Northumberland Words. London: English Dialect Society.

Leech, Geoffrey. 2014. The Pragmatics of Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Miller, Jim and Regina Weinert. 1995. The Function of LIKE in Dialogue. Journal of Pragmatics 23: 365-393.

Orton, Harold and Wilfrid Halliday. 1962-1963. Survey of English Dialects (B) the Basic Material. Vol. 1, The Six Northern Counties and the Isle of Man Parts I-III. Leeds: E. J. Arnold and Son.

Pearce, Michael. 2011. “It isn’t geet good, like, but it’s canny”: A New(ish) Dialect Feature in North East England. English Today 27 (3): 1-7.

Pearce, Michael. 2012. Folk Accounts of Dialect Differences in Tyne and Wear. Dialectologica et Geolinguistica 20: 5–25.

Snell, Julia. 2017. Enregisterment, Indexicality and the Social Meaning of ‘Howay’: Dialect and Identity in North-east England. In Language and a Sense of Place, edited by Emma Moore and Chris Montgomery, 301-324. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Wales, Katie. 2010. Northern English in Writing. In Varieties of English in Writing, edited by Raymond Hickey, 61-80. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.