Adverbs

In many varieties of English, adverbs have the same form as the adjective. There is evidence for this feature in RTG.

(1) I think she hurt him bad like (2018)

In addition, some adverbs have different forms from those found in SE, or do not occur in SE at all. The main adverb types of interest here are members of the categories of degree adverbs (more, canny, geet), stance adverbs (maybes, probablies) and additive adverbs (and all).

More

More as a degree adverb (like more as a quantifier) has forms in -a-, -e- and -ai-.

(2) is that a train line? fuck, mair scary than the big dipper (2011)

(3) I promise not to have mer than 2 more (2019)

Historically, these forms have northern associations (mair is a well-known Sc. feature). The ‘northern’ Göttingen MS of Cursor Mundi certainly favours mare over more, as demonstrated in these paired examples:

Canny

A comprehensive account of the status of canny as a cultural key word in North East England, together with its history and contemporary use can be found here.

In this section I focus on canny as an adverb of degree. While canny as an adjective probably originated in the sixteenth century, lexicographical evidence for adverbial canny suggests that this is a late eighteenth-century innovation. Jamieson mentions it in passing in the 1808 edition of his Scottish etymological dictionary ('"To gang canny" ... to move slowly'). However, in the 1887 supplement (published some fifty years after Jamieson’s death) Donaldson notes that 'the adverbial use of this word is very common in the West of Scotland, and its applications are exceedingly varied' (67). Wright identifies adverbial uses of canny in the EDD. His earliest citation is from 1786 and comes from a poem by Robert Burns: 'Speak her fair, / An’ straik her cannie wi’ the hair.’

The most interesting twentieth-century development is the expansion of the function of canny to become a degree adverb. According to Biber et al., degree adverbs – which can be amplifiers or downtoners – describe 'the extent to which a characteristic holds.' Amplifiers increase the intensity of the gradable adjective they precede, indicating degrees on a scale. Conversely, downtoners 'scale down the effect of the modified item' (1999: 554-555). The earliest evidence I have found for canny as a degree adverb is in the EDD, which gives this (undated) instance from Westmoreland (now part of Cumbria): 'We are canny near home'. The meaning here is glossed as 'fairly, tolerably', which suggests that it has been interpreted as a downtoner (home is fairly near). However, this example illustrates the problems associated with the interpretation of canny as a degree adverb, since the speaker could be indicating extreme closeness to home (they might be 'very' near home), which would make canny an amplifier in this case.

There are hundreds of instances of canny as a degree adverb in RTG, though it is not always possible to tell how canny should be interpreted. What a speaker intends and a hearer/reader infers is dependent on contextual factors. For example, the surrounding co-text might indicate whether the quality of the adjective is being reinforced or attenuated in some way; also, speaker intonation might be important. Do we gloss canny in (4) as 'very' or 'quite', for example? Perhaps in (5) and (6) canny is more obviously an amplifier (emphatic clause-final like might point us towards this interpretation), though we cannot be certain, especially in the absence of the prosodic cues we would have in speech.

(4) Had it from Aldi before and it was canny nice (2016)

(5) The churches in Peterlee are canny good like (2019)

(6) Think it's canny smart me like (2018)

In many instances where canny is functioning as an amplifier, the quality which is intensified generally has a positive semantic value (e.g. 'nice', 'good', 'smart'). Given the positive aura which surrounds canny as an adjective in NEE, this is perhaps to be expected. However, canny as a degree adverb seems to be undergoing a further development, as shown in these RTG examples.

(7) I live in the metropolis of Crook, yeah it's canny shite (2020)

(8) they do look canny awful like! (2011)

(9) Felt canny stupid about that one like (2011)

The fact that in contemporary North East English something (or someone) can be 'canny shite', as well as 'canny nice' suggests that the word is undergoing a process of delexicalization: over time its lexical content has been reduced 'so that it comes to fulfil a particular grammatical function ... but has little or no independent meaning' (Morley and Partington 2009: 155). In other words, in some cases canny is simply performing the functions of intensification or emphasis when it precedes an adjective. Of course, this process is common throughout the history of English. When used as amplifiers, downtoners and emphasizers, words such as bloody, fucking, pretty, fairly, and terribly bear little, if any, trace of their full semantic value. The introduction of canny into the system of degree adverbs in North East English reflects how innovative speakers tend to be in this area of language.

Geet

In this section I describe the role of geet as a degree adverb in contemporary NEE. Its additional role as a discourse marker/quotative is outlined here, while an account of the form's history and development can be found here.

Geet is typically used to amplify/intensify the meaning of the following adjectival head. In these RTG examples, geet performs an analogous function to items such as 'really', 'very', 'completely' and so on. (The different spellings of the form are explained here.)

(10) Julio's my favourite because hes geet canny (2019)

(11) Bairn woke me up at 5.45 geet happy and hyper and was running around shouting (2012)

(12) Everyone joined in and I felt geet good and that (2014)

(13) I'm not geet tall either, I was standing on a barrier! (2015)

(14) Jack Ross is git mint and we will win the champions league (2019)

(15) most people are git canny (2020)

(16) Wickham, he won't score and as a result will be git shit again according to PF (2014)

(17) Some of the mindless stuff some of the scratters get up to just makes me git angry then git sad (2018).

(18) I remember they served lager in them git heavy dimpled glasses with the handle on them (2012)

Often, the adjectival heads occurring with geet convey general evaluation; many - but not all - of these are positive (e.g. canny, mint). In addition, human cognitive states are often modified by geet (e.g. happy, angry, sad). We also see geet occurring with adjectives from other semantic domains (e.g. tall, heavy).

As with more widespread degree adverbs such as 'very' and 'really', geet can also be used to modify other adverbs.

(19) women commentators could work git well (2019)

(20) Heard a lad (git loudly) telling his pals about him and his lass (2018)

Geet also occurs with verbs capable of showing degrees of activity or intensity (though occurrences are rare in RTG).

(21) I'd git kiss her like (2016)

(22) This lad kicked me in the fanny once and it git knacked for ages (2012)

We also find a few instances of geet functioning as an adjective intensifier.

(23) My fatha with his git mutton chops was mistaken for Jimmy Monty (2011)

Other attested intensifiers in NEE

As well as geet and canny, there are several other vernacular intensifiers to be found in NEE, reflecting the 'fevered invention' (Bolinger 1972) associated with this aspect of language use, a creativity 'driven by speakers’ desires to be original, demonstrate verbal skills and to capture attention' (Tagliamonte 2012: 334). Tagliamonte goes on to suggest that 'intensifiers by their very nature cannot have staying power since their impact is only as good as their novelty. Overuse, diffused use, and long-time use will lead to a diminishment in the intensifier’s ability to boost and intensify.' However, it is worth noting that some of the most characteristically 'North East' intensifiers do display considerable staying power. This can be seen in the cases of dead, proper and pure.

Dead as an adverb is attested in EDD: 'Very, exceedingly, completely. In gen. colloq. use.' It is recorded as having wide geographical distribution across Britain, as it does today. The earliest unambiguous OED citation is from 1857, in the work of an American author.

Adverbial proper is also attested in EDD: 'Thoroughly, completely; exceedingly, very; freq. used before an adj. as an intensitive.' It is also recorded in the SED, but in both sources no particular link with NEE is noted. The earliest unambiguous OED citation is from an 1838 work by a Nova Scotian.

Pure is recorded as an adverb in EDD and SED. The examples provided by EDD are from across England, but it is not attested for Scotland, which is perhaps surprising, given the strong evidence for pure as an intensifier there (the earliest DSL citation is 1979, which seems oddly late). The earliest unambiguous OED citation is from an English novel published in 1810.

In RTG these intensifiers are common. Like geet, they can be used to amplify/intensify the meaning of the following adjectival head.

(24) i'm dead healthy (2012)

(25) It is proper shite but I'll probably watch it again (2020)

(26) Honeyman being captain on a game like today was pure embarrassing (2019)

They can also modify other adverbs, and verbs showing degrees of activity or intensity.

(27) a bloke went dead fast and got a spotty top for doing well in the mountains (2018)

(28) Watching him now for Betis he's playing proper high up the pitch (2015)

(29) Aye, he's proper disappointed me tonight like.

(30) she's pure running her hands through cowell's hair (2013)

Proper and pure can also function as adjective intensifiers.

(31) Tbf his mrs was a proper slag (2020)

(32) Canelo is a pure beast mind (2019)

As with canny as an intensifier, dead, proper and pure have undergone semantic leeching, so that dead can be used to convey neutral and positive meanings (as in 24 and 27) while proper and pure can be used in neutral and negative contexts (as in 25, 26 and 31).

We might also note the use of over where SE typically has too (for a discussion of the form ower, see prepositions).

(33) McGeadies the same but it's ower late for him to change (2019)

(34) Not ower keen on snakes and lizards either (2019)

This usage is recorded in SED for the northern counties, and is noted by Heslop (1893: 517) who gives these examples.

He hes far ower much ti say for hissel.

Them shoes is far ower little for us.

Ower clivvor.

Ower sharp.

Ower big.

Ower wise.

Maybes, probablies

Another distinctive adverb is maybes as a marker of stance (often spelled <mebees> or <mebbies> in RTG).

(35) Mebees it doesn’t like you anymore! (2015)

(36) I’m ganna put some of his tunes together soon and mebees Youtube them (2012)

EDD also records for Nb and Du this form, though the earliest lexicological reference is in Brockett (1825). It is also found in Scotland.

Perhaps related to maybes by analogy is probablies (also spelled <problies>, <problees> and <prollies> in RTG to reflect pronunciation more closely).

(37) You’ll probablies only have a few days to yasel (2012)

(38) Problees end up at QPR like (2012)

(39) prollies end up scrapping and sparking each other out there mate (2019)

This seems to be a recent innovation and is not recorded in nineteenth-century sources or SED.

Interestingly, maybes and probablies contain what Roger Lass rather poetically calls 'the ghosts of old morphology' (1997: 307). In PDE there are a number of adverbs such as nowadays, unawares, once, whence, always, besides, perhaps, whereabouts which incorporate an adverbial -s morpheme which is no longer productive. According to the OED, this 'ghost' -s is historically the neuter and masculine genitive singular added by analogy to feminine nouns to denote adverbial function (Brinton 2012: 153).

And all

In colloquial English, the additive adverb 'and all' sometimes occurs clause-finally to perform functions for which SE typically uses too, as well, also. In the written representation of some varieties of English it is often rendered elliptically or as a single word (the OED lists an a, an aw, anaw, an all, anall, enal, etc.). The favoured non-standard spelling in RTG is <anarl>.

(40) Best Long Island Ice Tea I've had in a long time. The mojitos are to die for anarl (2019)

(41) There's a book anarl, but it's basically the script of the podcast (2018)

The OED describes 'and all' as 'colloquial and regional (chiefly Scottish)'. In Scots orthography, the <ll> is often left out to reflect pronunciation, as in this example from the EDD: 'Woo'd and married an' a''. In NEE, the spelling <anarl> probably reflects a pronunciation along the lines of [ə'na:l]. It seems that a process of grammaticalization is under way.

The EDD's entry on AND ALL, adv. suggests that as well as having an additive function (as in 40 and 41) it functions as a stance adverb, conveying various kinds of emphasis. This is also the case in contemporary NEE. For example, in (42) the poster is exasperated after hearing that the local swimming pool has been shut due to the Covid-19 pandemic, and in (43) anarl is used to acknowledge that while some might take issue with the culinary value of home-made kebab meat, it is indeed (perhaps surprisingly) tasty.

(42) Just bought a snorkel anarl (2020)

(43) I make me own kebab meat, lush it is anarl (2016)

References

"all, adj., pron., and n., adv., and conj." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/5151. Accessed 1 July 2020.

Biber, Douglas, Stig Johansson, Geoffrey Leech, Susan Conrad and Edward Finegan. 1999. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. London: Longman.

Brinton, Laurel. 2012. 'The Ghosts of Old Morphology': Lexicalization or (De)grammaticalization. In Grammaticalization and Language Change edited by Kristin Davidse, Tine Breban, Lieselotte Brems, and Tanja Mortelmans, 135-166. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Brockett, John. 1825. A Glossary of North Country Words in Use. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: T. and J. Hodgson.

"dead, adj., n., and adv." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/47615. Accessed 24 June 2020.

Donaldson, David. 1887. Supplement to Jamieson’s Scottish Dictionary. Paisley and London: Alexander Gardner.

Heslop, Richard Oliver. 1892/93. Northumberland Words: A Glossary of Words Used in the County of Northumberland and on the Tyneside, Vols I and II. London: English Dialect Society.

Lass, Roger. 1997. Historical Linguistics and Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Morley, John and Alan Partington. 2009. A Few Frequently Asked Questions about Semantic – or Evaluative – Prosody. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 14 (2): 139-58.

Pearce, Michael. 2011. “It isn’t geet good, like, but it’s canny”: A New(ish) Dialect Feature in North East England. English Today 27 (3): 1-7.

Pearce, Michael. 2013. "That word so fraught with meaning": The History, Cultural Significance and Current Use of Canny in North East England. English Studies 94 (5): 562-581.

"proper, adj., n., and adv." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/152660. Accessed 24 June 2020.

"pure, adj., adv., and n." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/154843. Accessed 24 June 2020.

"Pure adj.". Dictionary of the Scots Language. 2004. Scottish Language Dictionaries Ltd. Accessed 24 Jun 2020 <https://www.dsl.ac.uk/entry/snd/sndns3004>

"-s, suffix1." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2020, www.oed.com/view/Entry/169281. Accessed 24 June 2020.

Tagliamonte, Sali A. 2013. Variationist Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.