COVID-19 and its implications on food insecurity

Ardene Robinson Vollman

Post date: Nov 27, 2020

There have been recent reports that in the US one in four households in some states are food insecure because of the pandemic (https://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-in-america). It is heart-rending to listen to mothers with tears in their eyes telling reporters that their children are hungry. The pictures of long line-ups at food banks are distressing.

In Chapter 21 of Canadian Community as Partner, Sophie Dupéré and her colleagues presented a case story about working with the Limoilu community in Quebec City to combat food insecurity. In their chapter, they define and discuss the issue from a Canadian perspective. But what has happened in Canada in the months since the onset of the pandemic?

Catherine Mah and her colleagues (2020) analyzed causal stories in Canadian political discussions over two decades about how politicians characterize food insecurity in Canada. They identified four main groups (archetypes) within this political talk: hungry children, struggling mothers, deserving seniors, and hard-working citizens that merit policy intervention. There was also an archetype that represented stories about a set of people who make “hard choice” behaviours - impossible trade-offs – that were viewed as shameful. In this context victims were blamed for the choices they made.

Sejla Rizvic (2020) cites a study from Statistics Canada that reported almost one in seven Canadians reported some degree of food insecurity at home, an increase from one in eight in 2018. Racialized groups and low-income households are among the hardest hit, including Black, First Nations, and immigrant/refugee households. Job loss, business closures, and layoffs have caused higher rates of unemployment and consequent food insecurity, and the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB), EI benefits, and food banks are but temporary solutions to a longer term problem. Tarasuk and McIntyre (2020) offer some advice – address the root causes of food insecurity and hunger by providing financial support directly to Canadians.

Kevin Fitzpatrick and his colleagues (2020) discuss the US context, and Cheryl Witt and Frances Hardin-Fanning (2020) found in their study in Appalachia that stigma and cultural expectations were important themes in assessing childhood food insecurity. They call for the development of a culturally appropriate tool to increase the precision of childhood food security assessment. Both articles have some resonance for our Canadian context, particularly the call for culturally appropriate measurements that address Indigenous, racialized, and immigrant/refugee populations.

The COVID-19 pandemic is not over. When the dust settles, what will be the enduring impact on Canadians - not only for food insecurity and employment but also on other social determinants of health? What populations will be most impacted, and how will policy interventions address the consequences of the pandemic? These and other questions must be at the forefront of our minds as public/population health promotion professionals.