Issue #5 - Tuesday, May 12th, 2026
The convention is only 25 days away and we have some important deadlines approaching (see below). We wanted to especially highlight that nominations will open on Sunday, May 17th for Chapter Officer elections. Read more about each Chapter Officer position here.
Note: the chapter’s Local Democracy Commission (LDC) will be submitting an omnibus of bylaw reforms for the Convention that will include changes to the structure of the Executive Committee, including the addition of At-Large seats elected as part of Officer Elections. While these changes are subject to approval by the membership at Convention, the Officer Elections nomination form will note potential new positions that could be up for election, as well as clarity on how existing roles may change if the LDC reforms are adopted. Look out for the release of the LDC reform package in next week’s Convention Bulletin.
Important Deadlines to Remember:
Saturday, May 16th: Bylaw amendments due
Sunday, May 17th: Officer nominations open
Friday, May 22nd: Resolutions due
Saturday, May 23rd: Draft agenda released
Sunday May 24th: Officer nominations close
Tuesday, May 26th: Officer candidates announced
Friday, May 29th: Resolution amendments due
Saturday, May 30th: Revised agenda released
Key Links:
Last week’s discussion prompt: How should DSA nationally and our chapter locally orient towards a potential AOC presidential campaign or that of another socialist? And how can we prepare now to make the most effective intervention in the 2028 Democratic primary regardless of who the candidates are?
As shown by Sanders campaigns present the best opportunity for the left to popularize our ideas and platform. AOC is one of the three most recognized socialists in America (including Sanders and Mamdani). If she runs, we should give our full backing and carry out a broad mobilization to win primary voters and popularize our ideas. If AOC doesn't run, but Fein or Nelson does we should give full support to these militant working class candidates, even though they are not declared socialist. If none of these folks run we should seek out the next most progressive candidate, which may be Ro Kana. Working as a left force in an anti-fascist electoral front should be our strategy. The stronger our chosen candidate does the more influence the left will have. Standing on the sidelines is a formula for defeat. We can prepare by strengthening our electoral work for Byron and other 2026 candidates, working to create coalitions, and building the multi-racial working class membership of DSA.
In The Odyssey, Odysseus is backed into a corner by the Cyclops. He escapes this corner not through brute force, but through claiming to be named “nobody.” The Cyclops can not rally his brothers to fight “Nobody,” even as “Nobody” blinds him with a spear.
There is no doubt that DSA is backed into a 2028-shaped corner. Regardless of factional disagreements with AOC, the political moment that allowed a single individual to catalyze the growth of DSA is long gone. The “Zohran Bump” has already plateaued, and notably, was only deeply felt where doors were knocked for him—in New York City. Any candidate that DSA runs in 2028 will need a strategy to win. This strategy to win runs through a tiny handful of states. And we can not build an independent party by growing a few chapters in Iowa, South Carolina, and New Hampshire.
So what should DSA do? Well, we should run nobody. This is not to say we should do nothing: the 2028 elections are an important arena of struggle, and complete inaction from DSA would be a serious misstep. We should simply run Nobody—the same way Odysseus did. In 2024, the uncommitted movement sent ~30 delegates to the DNC, demanding a free Palestine. This is a strategy replicable at scale. Imagine DSA members knocking doors, talking to voters about socialism, and telling them to vote—but vote uncommitted. Imagine the coalition we could build. With this strategy, we would not run against any candidate. We would run for socialism, and force such candidates to meet us on our own terms. Through this strategy, we can empower local organizers running down-ballot. We can build an independent 50-State movement for our socialist future. We can empower the left-labor coalition. And we can win in the long term.
I have a number of concerns regarding an AOC Presidential campaign, the main one being that she might actually win the Democratic primary then the general election. I worry that such an outcome would put DSA nationally in an extremely delicate position where the commander-in-chief of the US military, which is the single greatest force for western imperialism and pollution on the planet, will be a DSA member. Will AOC by being commander-in-chief suddenly change the nature of the US empire? Or, as I think more likely, will she be forced to make compromises by such a position that runs counter to the principles of organized socialists? Along this line she would come into office without a socialist majority in either house of Congress so would likely be isolated if she wished to pursue any of our legislative priorities. In my opinion a socialist occupying the office of President does not in any way transform the nature or relationship of the office. While there may be a socialist as president it would hardly be a Socialist government.
If I think that an AOC presidency could jeopardize the socialist project what then do I suggest we do in 2028? My inclination would be for us to find a candidate who is in alignment with our program yet is not a member, such as with the Bernie campaigns, so that we can critique when they err and cheer when they succeed. However, it seems likely that the AOC will run in such a case we may be drawn to supporting her. In that eventuality I would urge a line of critical engagement to boost the profile and brand of DSA while working to ensure we are not subsumed into a broader progressive trend nor leader following organization and retain our membership democracy.
As this settler colonial empire declines, we are faced with an unavoidable contradiction. How does a socialist run as an executive of a settler colonial empire? I think it would be a grave mistake to endorse a presidential candidate with an intention to inherit the settler empire with a leader that has a “nicer” rhetoric, rather than agitating and educating the masses of all the contradictions of this empire. Some already have AOC in mind as their preferred candidate for endorsement, because of the subjective analysis that she has the “best chance of winning”. While she is a popular politician, I don’t think this is enough evidence to prove that she can win, and has a greater chance of making DSA weaker by unnecessarily spending resources on a Presidential campaign.
I think DSA’s orientation towards the presidential election should be for endorsing a candidate that doesn’t win just for the sake of winning, but a candidate that exposes the empire as a fascist state that is antagonistic towards all workers. A socialist chief executive that doesn’t challenge the repressive apparatus of the state is bound to be co-opted by liberal institutions and the movement along with it. We are already seeing this contradiction play out in New York City, their elected socialist executive has attempted to placate his political opponents and an antagonistic NYPD with compromises and niceties. Which has been returned with increased repression of Palestinians and protestors, along with a wrench thrown in the agenda of the mayor to tax the rich. DSA should fall on the right side of this contradiction by endorsing a candidate that agitates and educates the masses on the failures of this settler colonial state or the org will become complicit in the same workers we wish to organize.
I think AOC as a candidate would struggle to bear the politics of, and engage with, our party democracy. Considering R07 Principles for Party Building passed at NatCon 2025, I’m skeptical that she is oriented to a project that we, the socialist working class, have begun to define for ourselves more clearly. I think the potential danger is that AOC becomes the protagonist of the campaign, over and above the working class, and we as DSA will be burdened with the conflict between two different ways of engaging politics: mass socialist politics from below running up against reformism from above. With the office of the president, there is a real danger of capitulation and obfuscation of the undemocratic political system due to pressures any candidate will face. A majority has to be fought for across society before socialists can assume this office, and campaigning is part of the road to a majority. However, prematurely taking office without a clear majority would compromise our ability to actually cohere an alternative, not to mention prevent our ability to implement our program without majority support of the masses.
Engaging in a presidential campaign follows from the generalized need for engaging the working class with open socialist politics during a period of heightened attention. The most important orientation we can take as DSA to prepare for an effective intervention is the protagonizing of working people distinctly through field work, recruitment to the campaign/party, and the distribution of fundamental political knowledge and skills to all strata of working people who have been effectively excluded from the political process. This is the road towards a socialist majority, and furnishing the American working class as a political class. DSA’s task should be to make this systematic across all chapters regardless of the candidate we decide upon.
At the last GCM, the chapter passed a 2027 election plan resolution that included the aim of making the election a “Which Side Are You On?” moment. Under the plan, we will focus field operations on our endorsed alder candidates but also work to unite left-wing and progressive forces beyond DSA around a pro-worker agenda. That doesn’t mean we won’t disagree with those other forces, but our chapter will be stronger if our class enemies are defeated, not only in the races where we’ve endorsed but where pro-labor, progressive candidates win. Imo, that includes Brandon Johnson, despite our criticisms.
I will have an even easier time supporting AOC on this basis if she runs for president. She identifies as a democratic socialist, if not exclusively as a DSA member. All of us could come up with a long list of reasons to criticize AOC (the 2024 DNC made my skin crawl). But I don’t think we should lose sight of what she represents beyond our active members: a charismatic voice offering an alternative to the Democratic leadership and the political status quo.
When Bernie ran in 2020, CDSA didn’t submerge itself in the national campaign structure. We organized a CDSA for Sanders campaign that canvassed for Bernie but also prioritized the political messages important to our chapter. We can do the same for AOC.
If AOC doesn’t run for president, then I don’t see much reason to focus on the presidential election. No other DSA elected will get attention beyond our membership. Shaun Fain? If he did run, we could work on that campaign, but it would be a propaganda effort — a candidate who would use a marginal but mostly ignored platform to raise important issues. Not nothing, but that’s different from Sanders 2016 and 2020.
The prospect of supporting AOC or another democratic socialist presidential candidate in 2028 makes even clearer the importance of electoral work as a means to grow our organization and turn it into an engine that relentlessly fights for the working class.
DSA after 2016 is in many ways defined by Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns, AOC’s successful run for congress, and Zohran’s breakthrough mayoral victory. Democratic Socialist candidates like these bring our ideology to the forefront and have permanently raised the expectations of the national Democratic electorate. Each successive campaign has brought DSA closer to being a household name and becoming an organization capable of reshaping American politics.
This history shows us the potential and necessity of positioning our chapter to vigorously support a socialist candidate in the 2028 Democratic presidential primary, AOC or otherwise. The work of preparing for this campaign, simply put, is what benefits our chapter generally.
Strengthening our public presence and communications and connecting with our neighbors *now* will allow us to successfully persuade Chicagoans come 2028 primary season. Building up our electoral operation well beyond what we’ve constructed for the Byron campaign, in addition to being what it will take to defend our incumbent alders and expand our influence in city hall, will also mean thousands more people voting for a democratic socialist candidate and engaging with DSA’s politics for the first time in both 2027 and 2028.
Finally, I believe it’s important for us to run one or more candidates for state house or state senate alongside our socialist presidential contender. Contesting for state power will not be effective if we only continue to do so on the city or county level. A serious socialist organization must be capable of putting forward ideas of what democratic socialist governance looks like from city hall to the presidency.
I remember back in 2017 navigating the DSA website to figure out how to start a chapter back home in Peoria. My friends and I doing this all had one thing in common. We had been organizing in Peoria for Bernie Sanders the year before.
Talk to many members of the chapter, you’ll find they came to DSA from his two campaigns, and many newer members came in from Zohran’s campaign. Whatever we think about electoralism, nothing has proven to energize our chapter or our organization better than engaging in mass politics.
The 2028 Presidential primary is going to be wide open and with a Democratic establishment that is less trusted with its base than ever. If AOC runs, it presents us with as unique an opportunity as we have had since 2020. AOC is not my ideal choice of a candidate. Neither was Bernie if I am being honest, especially as I have refined my politics.
AOC has sometimes been controversial in this organization, there’s no question. But in recent months, she has shown that she can be moved by pressure from us. We can wait for the risen ghost of Debs to take bodily form as the world catches fire around us or we can spread out into the country talking about the class struggle in support of the only probable candidate that is even close to our politics and values.
If this doesn’t happen, if we are stuck with Pritzkers and Newsomes all around, then we should do what we DID NOT do in 2024. We should engage with working class people around the idea that whether it’s Rubio, Vance, or Tucker, the Republican nominee is an enemy of our class. That they will continue the Fascistic repression, war mongering, and pro billionaire policies of this administration.
2024 was one of the most challenging years of the left I have experienced organizing. Every left organization was losing elections, money, members, and laying off staff. DSA was no exception to this, with 2024 spurring a budget crisis at the national level, which led to intense factionalism. Much of this was spurred by DSA/left not having a presidential candidate to rally around, and DSA having no orientation towards the presidential election.
If AOC should run, National DSA should endorse her. If National declines, Chicago DSA should endorse her. Although AOC has taken some bad positions in the past, she has shown a willingness to respond to the needs of the base. Outside of her missteps, she still remains one of the most left politicians in congress, and is an important local ally to NYC DSA.
2028 however, is bigger than AOC as an individual. Locally, her run gives us the opportunity to tie a state house and congressional slate, to a national platform, anchored by a socialist at the top of the ticket, easily connecting the workers' struggle to a national movement. Federally. It also marks the opportunity for our party to build infrastructure and organize on a scale that is out of reach for us today. Think of a DSA that is 500,000 - 1 million members. One that is contesting several governor, senate, and congressional races simultaneously. One that has the expertise to staff any office in the country. One that can serve as a leader in the electoral and labor spheres, and a party that can shut down major cities by calling mass protests in the thousands. To be a mass party means the ability to affect American political life at that scale, and achieving that scale starts with running AOC in 2028.
Imagine it’s 2029. Either a Centrist Democrat like Gavin Newsom will occupy the White House or JD Vance will. The former would be disastrous, the latter catastrophic. A Newsom Administration would be fundamentally incapable of overcoming our many present crises. See: Keir Starmer’s Labor government in the UK. If the second Trump administration has made the first seem relatively moderate in comparison, just wait for the GOP administration that would follow a Newsom one. Likewise, If Vance is elected in 2028, it would be a dangerous mandate to continue and advance further Trump’s right-wing agenda and the erosion of our country‘s already hollow democratic institutions.
Another 2029 scenario, in which a democratic socialist enters the White House, seems much less likely. Yet a democratic socialist is now mayor of NYC. Like Mamdani, any socialist POTUS would face enormous and maybe insurmountable structural barriers trying to govern from the Left. Yet compared to the alternative paths, I think it’s clearly the best case scenario.
Is DSA, the left, progressive forces, and the working class generally organized enough to win both a primary and a general election? Probably not, at least right now. But strength is built through struggle, and even if we fail to win we will have structure tested our organization, our program, and working class consciousness.
2028 is an opportunity to grow the socialist movement, to foster working class self-activity, and to raise our position. DSA needs to find a way to reject the dead-end of abstentionism, which would leave us isolated and resigned to powerlessness in an election that will be at the center of US politics, while at the same time rejecting mere tailism that would rob of us of our political independence and draw our focus away from our most pressing task: class formation.
I didn't plan to submit for this week's discussion prompt, since my answer to the AOC question basically amounts to ¯\_(ツ)_/¯. But I think there's something to be said about what it means for our organization to consider a presidential campaign around a figure who many members feel ambivalent about.
I won't get into the weeds on the external political dynamics, which I'm sure others will address in their responses; I'm thinking more right now about the internal implications. In an ideal world, a cadre candidate's campaign brings the organization together toward a common goal and drives significant member mobilization and development. We've seen this in our own chapter with Byron's campaign. And it's telling that Byron's endorsement vote passed with roughly 95% of the vote—the energy in the room at the December GCM was electric. Were Byron not someone we almost all feel very enthusiastic about, and were the vote a contentious barely-made-it situation rather than a decisive mandate, I'm not sure we could have translated his endorsement into the member mobilization vehicle that we've seen in the past few months.
That said...I believe that if AOC or another socialist candidate receives national endorsement, it's in our best long-term interest to go all-in on that campaign, even if there's some ambivalence internally. At the big New York election night party back in November, I spoke to multiple NYC-DSA members who told me they hadn't initially supported the decision to endorse Zohran, but they'd gotten on board with the mandate and were absolutely thrilled to be proven wrong. I can't say I don't feel nervous about the possibility of an AOC run, but if we vote to endorse her, or someone else I'll be hitting the pavement for that person. ¯\_(ツ)_/¯!
The first questions that come to mind on the issue of attempting to win the Presidency while having only a small contingent in Congress are: Would a socialist President have bombed 150 school girls in Iran? Would she have kidnapped our comrade Nicolas Maduro? Would she continue to strangle the people of Cuba? Would she facilitate arms sales to Israel? I think the answer to all of these questions is “no”. A socialist president could provide immediate relief to tens of millions of people facing the most brutal forms of American imperialism. For that reason alone, DSA should take the question of offering at least critical support seriously.
If AOC decides to run, her opposition in DSA is going to be fighting uphill to oppose her candidacy. Despite controversy over her voting record on Gaza, she recently won 86% of the vote for re-endorsement in NYCDSA after committing to oppose arms sales, including funds for the Iron Dome. In a race that includes AOC, DSA will likely find it borderline impossible to motivate a Rashida Tlaib or Sarah Nelson to try to outflank her to the left.
Despite my skepticism of AOC’s commitment to a socialist transformation of our society, I think sitting out the race would be a costly mistake. She is extremely popular, widely associated with Democratic Socialism and DSA, and beloved by wide swaths of our membership. Her potential campaign would put millions of working class people into motion and would present us with a huge opportunity to recruit and organize nationally. By sitting out, we would invite thousands of our members to organize outside our Party. By weighing in, even in critical support, we offer them and tens of thousands more people a space to organize for a socialist future and integrate themselves into the party.
Have thoughts on one of this week’s Member Submissions?
Submit a reply using the form here.
For next week’s bulletin, we are reopening submissions for all previous prompts for anyone who was not able to submit a response for a prior bulletin, and we also encourage members to submit replies to submissions by other members in previously published Bulletins as well as this week’s.
All previous discussion prompts:
With the victory of Zohran Mamdani and DSA recently achieving 100,000 members nationwide, how can our chapter build on the current momentum behind democratic socialism over the next year? What opportunities and potential threats lay ahead?
What should our chapter celebrate from this past year? What are you most proud to have worked on as a member? And where and how has that work been able to bring in new members and develop members as organizers and leaders?
How would you like to see the chapter develop our newer members? In what ways can we empower newer members to feel confident in taking on bigger roles, and how can we work to increase delegation and communication throughout all levels of membership and engagement?
How should DSA nationally and our chapter locally orient towards a potential AOC presidential campaign or that of another socialist? And how can we prepare now to make the most effective intervention in the 2028 Democratic primary regardless of who the candidates are?
Submit a response using the Bulletin Submission Form linked here. Member Responses for this Prompt will be published in next week’s Convention Bulletin. Please try to submit responses no later than Sunday evening every week.
Responding to all submissions from issue #4
Hello!
I loved all the ideas / suggestions fellow members had regarding developing and empowering newer members. As I was reading through the responses, I couldn’t help but think, how does New York DSA or LA DSA do this? What is their strategy around this? I understand we won’t be able to replicate everything they do for example, their public trans is very different from ours, which makes it easier for NY members to meet face-to-face. However, maybe there are some elements from them we can implement? Full disclosure I am a newer member so if we’ve already done all of this then please disregard.
Tysm!
Responding to Sean Duffy’s submission from issue #4
I really want to second the value of delegating. With the example Sean gave with Northside Blue Line Book Club, their delegating and training of members eventually created a rotating cohort that continues to run the NSBL Book Club. What could have ended up being a major time commitment for a single member has instead become a vibrant way to bring new members into co-owning a program, whether that be drafting questions or sending confirmation texts or just voting on the next book.
Responding to Violet J’s submission from issue #4
I agree with my comrade Violet that we are missing critical infrastructure for leadership development. I disagree with her two-prong proposed solution.
Continuing the DSA 101 and 102 (DSA 103+?) encounters a major obstacle which I was made aware of by comrade Keefer when I proposed teaching a public speaking class. Organizing fundamentals trainings are bad at attracting people. Talk to most veteran organizers and they’ll tell you they took those kind of trainings as part of a campaign or job rather than as standalone. So instead of DSA 103+, we need well-structured campaigns that can train up our members (and comrade Soren make a strong argument for Amazon being that campaign!).
Delegation is almost there but not quite right. I think many leaders would claim that they “try” to delegate but are unable to find someone and so do it themselves. Our leaders need to first and foremost say no. Say no to holding multiple leadership roles. Say no to always being the person who facilitates, speaks, etc. Not because you have or don’t have capacity, but because you taking that role or task deprives another member of the opportunity to do it. Tell the membership you will not be doing it and one of them needs to because we all own this work, not just our most seasoned leaders and active members. That “no” forces the question whereas delegation always hinges on willing participation. You only need your own willpower to say no, whereas delegation requires a volunteer. Trust the members to step up when you say no. And if they don’t? Then that project doesn’t have the support to function.
Responding to Violet J and Jamie W in Bulletin #4
I appreciated the strong response to the last prompt on developing members and leaders of CDSA. I wanted to take the opportunity to comment on one theme that several people focused on, particularly Violet J and Jamie W: the need to plan concretely for members to develop further after 101s and 102s.
I very much agree that this is critical for the chapter and that the Political Education Committee, where I am active, needs to focus on a plan for 201/301 education. I want to point out ways that PEP is trying to meet this need, with some definite successes: 1) A committee working team has developed trainings on a range of subjects, including leadership development. 2) The special projects working team has organized new forums for discussion (for ex: coffee chats) that bring comrades together in a less formal setting to discuss topics that go beyond the socialist basics. 3) The recent semesters of Socialist Night School have been the most successful ever in bringing out members, around topics that are very much planned to engage people on topics that take them beyond 101 and 102.
I appreciate comrades thinking through what the chapter can do better in developing members, but I think we should also recognize when something we’re doing works. I also want to say that Political Education events aren’t just for new members or people at that 201/301 stage. They’re for EVERYone in the chapter, including experienced comrades. I’m not denigrating the need for one-on-one contact in developing members, but in my experience, we learn the most in a collective setting, where we can teach each other, no matter how long we’ve been a member. The Political Education events are a place to bridge siloes in the chapter and become stronger socialists together.
“Mass Movement Electoralism” by Mac MacDevitt, Jerry Harris, and Jose Requena.
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